In the Lhotsam (Southern Bhutanese) community, baby shower is an event observed on the eleventh day after the birth of a baby, which is generally understood as the naming of the new born baby. In fact, the act of performing “Nauran” relates to Hindu Holy Scriptures and it is done as a cultural and religious mandate. It is performed by all casts like the Rai, Gurung, Ghalley, Chhetri or Brahmins in Hindu religion following the same process on the eleventh day which is regarded auspicious.

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Agriculture is the practice of cultivating plants and livestock and over centuries, rise in agricultural has contributed in the growth civilization. Early people have developed and improved varieties of plants and till date the practice is considered to be the important aspect of Bhutanese livelihood. It is one of the sources of income as over69% of the population here, directly depends on it for their livelihood (MoAF, 2011). In 2011, agriculture sector accounted for about 17.7% of the total GDP of the country (RNR Statistics, 2012) Asham (Maize) plays a critical role in the entire life of given economy and is a pre-dominant cereal crop for the eastern part of the Bhutan for many years contributing to more than half of total maize production in the country. Asham cultivation was one of the main cereal as well as cash crops that supported and supports lively hood for major households in the part of the country. To these days, the practice and culture of maize cultivation is one of the main live hood and sources of income. Most communities in the eastern part of the country depend on cultivation of Asham to produce following products: • Kharang- grits, grind maize used as staple food • Asham me-gogni- roasted corn • Asham bokpi- corn flour • Tengma- roasted and pounded maize • Asham mu-nang- a local term for popcorn • Zhu- brewed alcohol Apart from above products, asham is also used as cereals for bartering during the olden days to exchange with wooden and bamboo products produced from other parts of the Dzongkhags. Moreover people also used to exchange with rice, chili, meat and dairy products within or outside the community. People used to offer asham, kharang and bokpi to monks and gomchen(great meditation masters) as they visit begging for cash and kind. Asham and its product were also used during the religious rituals at households. Crafting of Torma (Sacrificial ritual cakes) and Sur (Smoke offering) during the rituals were done by using corn flour. There has been lots of transformation in the culture, practice and process in cultivation maize in the region due to introduction of hybrid seeds, improve in tools and technologies used compared to old and traditional ways of cultivation.

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Enchoro or Enchorom is a native festival of a Kalizingkha village under Tseza Gewog (block) in Dagana with unique lyrics and melodies. It is performed by the people of Kalizingkha particularly by the children (both boys and girls) aged below 12 on the 30th day of the 11th Bhutanese month every year. Even today, the festival is still vibrant and popular in the community without any major transformations. There are minor transformations in terms of the path followed by children from the starting point until the village temple (traditionally from school campus but now from the way which leads to Gophu Gonpa (monastery) from Dzong (Fortress) and the meals served during the three days celebration. However, owing to the current pandemic and the government policies, the community could not celebrate this festival for the past two years but the locals are now very much hopeful that everything will become normal again with the government's new normal policies. The origin of this festival remains unknown. The locals believed in performing this festival mainly to drive away the evil forces, diseases and misfortunes from their household and their community and to wish for a successful and prosperous year and good luck for the people living in the locality.

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Chali kha is a language spoken only by Chali Gewog (block) people and few older citizen of Tsakaling gewog under Mongar Dzongkhag (district). It is believed to be originated from sino-tibetan language as per the research published in Dzongkha grammar book on language. Gewog Mangmi (Community Representative) coined that till date Chali language haven’t transformed or influenced by other languages. They still speak in the same tone which was there during their grandparents time just new words were borrowed for new things and equipment’s which were not in their language. As per the recollecting of Memey (Grandpa) Tenzin Norbu who is 81 years of age, Chalipa (People of Chali) language hasn’t change in its tune and meaning of words till date. Chalipa language is a widely spoken language among the community for any type of functions, gathering or to communicate amongst themselves. Chali kha got the name from a place chali and the people from the Chali gewog are known as Chalipas. Though language is spoken only by 2,385 people in the world its status is still good and has preserved all the values in it.

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Jato is a grinding stone made from hard stones mined from the river valleys. Not all stones can be used in making the element. There are two types of grinding stones. The best quality granite is called Kuring (black hard stone). The grinding stone for maize is usually big and rough and grinding stone for millet is smooth. The grinding stone for millet can be any hard big in size stones. Grinding stone for maize is obtained from the cliff of the river valley. It is a thick circular flat stone where the lower part of the element is usually bigger than the upper part. The inside surface is rough to grind maize while the Jato for grinding millet has smooth surface inside and the shapes are similar yet the size is usually smaller than the grinding stone for maize. The use of Jato dates back to time immemorial. People in the villages used the element in grinding maize and millet. It was also used for bartering essentials items when economic status was so limited. They made the element depending on the order of the customers then and now it has declined due to the emergence of electronic machines/varying gadgets.

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Wood turned utensils and dishes were present in Bhutan since ancient times. Communities from different parts of Bhutan have a similar type of craft as cups and plates are necessary for all household meals. However, the labour-intensive wood turned lacquer wares from Yangtse earned a considerable reputation in the kingdom. About a century-old traditional woodturning art (Shag-zo) in Yangtse is still a vibrant and popular means of family business and occupation. The present young artisans in Yangtse who are in their 20s and early 30s are the fifth-generation descendants of Lobazang from Kham in Tibet. Like other crafts of Bhutan, Shagzo demands a long process. The extracted wood knots and burls have to be dried; soaked in water; roughly shaped (first turned); roughly turned bowls are boiled; dried again; final turned bowls are smoothened with sandpapers and dried leaves of Trema politoria (locally known as Sog sogpa-shing). After colouring them yellow or red, it becomes ready for the next step – lacquering. Lacquering is another time-consuming process. Traditionally, lacquerers mostly use an urushiol-based lacquer common in East Asia derived primarily from toxic wax trees known as Sey Shing in Yangtse. These wooden bowls are an integral part of both the Bhutanese and Tibetan lifestyles and this explains the high demand for these products in Tibet. In the medieval period, people from Yangtse and Bumdeling traded wooden plates (not Dhapas) and bowls (cups) to Assam (India) and Go-phors (wooden bowl with lid), Lha-phor (bowl with lid used by monks), Dra-phor (bigger than other Phobs originally used by Tibetan Drapas), and Bay-phor (used by Tibetans, and has a deeper interior than Bhutanese hobs) to people of Tibet. Other than products historically exported to Assam and Tibet, Shagzopas make varieties of wood-turned products.

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The art of traditional paper making in Bhutan stems from an age-old handicraft tradition whose history can be traced back to the eight century during the reign of Gyelpo Khikhar Rhathor in Bumthang?, used by monasteries for woodblock and manuscript and also for writing prayer books, says Mr. Gonpola , the only Desho paper manufacturer in Bumdeling, Tashiyangtse. It is said that Mr. Tsheten Dorji from Yangtse, Who was Dzongsungpa (Care taker) then, was trained at Bumthang. It is he who actually brought the idea of making Deysho paper to Tashiyangtse. Mr. Tsheten Dorji had trained Mr. Gonpola and a few other friends at Rigsum Gonpa in and around 1971. Daphne bholua is a deciduous and evergreen shrubs in the family Thymelaeaceae, native to Asia, Europe and North Africa. It grows at an altitude of 1700-3500m in the Himalayas and neighboring mountain ranges. It is found in pastures and grassy glades and reaches a height of about 2.5m, however some specimens reach 4m. Daphne bholua has leathery leaves and pink- white flowers with strong fragrance. In Bhutan it is used for making hand-made paper ‘deysho’. Another species of Daphne ‘Edgeworthia gardneri’ (Deykhar) is also used for making desho paper in some part of Bhutan. It is found commonly in southern part of the country. However in Bumdeling, Daphne bholua ‘Deynag’ is widely used for making Deysho paper. Daphne ‘Deynag’ can be abundantly found in places like Tarphel, Cheng, Longkhar, Sanyne, Ngalingmang, Phanteng.

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Bhutan, embodied with rich and unique culture heritage has largely remained intact for centuries because of its unique way of preserving its culture and tradition over the generation and of course being isolated from the rest of the world. Rukubji, a geopolitically located snake head village under Sephu Gewog (block) in the premises of Wangduephodrang Dzongkhag (district) celebrates Lochu. Lochu is the native sacred festival were offering for the wellbeing of locality led by Phajo (local shaman) with 25 Pazab (soldiers or guard) particularly performed. Lochu is said to be sacred performance initiated in around mid of 10th and 11th century after Zhabdrung Tshenden Dhelwa subdued the demonic forces and made into local deity (Phola) of the place. The villagers do a grand offering to the local deity to bring peace and happiness. In the past a sheep is slaughtered and made offering to the local deity. In recent times, the bonisim culture was being stopped and alternative offerings like forelegs/hindleg and ……. of a cow are done to appease the protector. Zhabdrung Tsenden Dhelwa was born in Tibet. It was around in mid of 10th and 11th century where Zhabdrung Tsenden Dhelwa visited the place. The place was not blessed by any other Lamas and it is said that first lama to visit in the region was Zhabdrung Tsenden Dhelwa where he subdued many demons and sanctified the place. Lochu was conducted consecutively every 3 years. It is believed that, failing to perform the offerings would bring bad luck, natural calamities such as flood (happened some 7-8 years ago) and the harvest of any crop (potato being the main cash crop of the locality) would be befallen. It is also believed to be said that the local deity, in order to bless the community with peace and happiness, an old man is always assigned to offer prayers to local deity (Phola) to bring peace and prosperity in the community. It so happened that one day the old man knew that due to his old age, worried that he wouldn’t be able to render his service in offering to Phola thereafter. Legends are being past that the local deity appeared before him and enlightened him with wisdoms. The old man, upon this wisdom advised his communities to conduct the Lochu on 5th or 6th day of every twelfth lunar month of the third year. Thereon, the festival is being celebrated in winters of every third year. Far and near community witnesses this festival and the locality celebrates grandeur day with feast and ceremony. It is said that in the olden days lochu is annually conducted on the 5th or 6th day of the twelfth lunar month. However, as time passes the communities could not conducted annually and made to conduct in every 3 years. Alternatively, if the locality couldn’t celebrate this occasion, the community comes together annually and recites Kangyuar (translated words of buddha) to bring good luck in community. As the time passes by, the community face problems like, finding Phajo (Shaman) since it is said that the way of offering is different. A man from every household was mandatory in the past for Pazab. As the time passes, 25 Pazab are required for the day which are mostly performed voluntarily. The community fears that the next celebration wouldn’t happen as there is no Phajo for the day. The previous one is unable to perform due to his illness.

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Overlooking a small perennial spring amidst a wooded hill is the seat of the Sapta Devi, “replica of seven goddesses” under a big rock beside a tree on the slope of the hill. In Lhotsamkha (Southern Bhutanese language), they are regarded as the Sapta Devi – “Seven goddesses” the protecting deity of the village. As per the present elderly village folks, one of the main stone replicas was dug out and was originated at same place, which is regarded as main deity was dug out by the local shaman “Paus”. A few meters below there is a pond of the deity. In the past, people used to collect water from the pond for domestic use. The origin of the identification of the sacred site dates back to the first settlement in 1940sas no villagers exactly know the date when they knew about the deity. According to the folks, herders and people collecting water from the pond used to see images of little girl vanishing into the bushes usually in the morning and evening. Even some people fell ill after they saw the image of the spirit. Upon consulting the shaman, they said that they were possessed by the deity residing above the spring. So, a group of shamans performed rites in the month of May in 1966, and identified the exact location and dug out the stone’s replica of the deity. People say that the stone replica was unearthed by the shamans after they knew about the location. The shamans also fixed a day for the ceremony to be performed during new moon in the month of May every year. The community thereafter started celebrating the day annually and performed the rites on the new moon day in May. Although the people observe the day annually, people visit the seat of the local deity whenever the village is in grip of pandemic or natural calamities. They make offerings of local products, incense and new pieces of different colored clothes. The past practice of killing animals as offering is no more in practice. Instead, Brahmins (one of the Hindhu casts) recite Holy Scriptures to please the goddess. The rice mixed with butter is offered in the sacrificial fire. All the people in the village take part in the ceremony to pray and ward off any disaster or natural calamities in the village.

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Lhaboen is performed in the villages of Taktse and Eusa, Drakten gewog under Trongsa. In Dzongkhag (National language) ‘Lha’ stands for deity or god and ‘boen’ for “Bon”. During Lhaboen the people perform rituals to summon their local deities Yueltsen Dorji Draktsen, Menmo Trashi Wangzom and Lhachen Wodhey Gungyel to their village inside the Lhachim (Temporary house prepared for the deities). The people express the words of gratitude for constantly guiding them and protecting them from all the ill effects of disasters and calamities. The important event is carried out every year where all the people congregate to pray for the wellbeing of its people, animals and crops. The main performer is the phajo accompanied by the elderly people of the village. The women dances, children and other villagers enjoys the day. The 3-day Lhaboen festival is performed annually. The main purpose of the festival is to bring peace, harmony, foster good fortune, and fulfil the desired wishes of the people in the community. In the past people used to please their dieties by offering fresh meat from the slaughtered cows or ox which is now replaced by the meat available in the meat shop. The community stopped slaughtering of animals long time back.

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Sing-si is a type of oil/ghee produced manually. It is purely made with locally available materials and doesn’t mix any imported ingredients unlike the oil which are available in the market today. The main ingredient used is the Se-lung- a black small oily seed. Its scientific name is Parasassafras Confertiflora. The Se-lung tree is either wild or domesticated. Usually, in bygone days, it is believed that almost many villages had a trend of processing Sing-si, however, the trend wasn’t famous unlike Thongsa village under Chongshing Gewog (block) in Pemagatshel. According to grandma Nimdaza who is seventy-four years old, processing of Sing-si was part and parcel of their lives and members from every household were engaged in performing chores of Singsi production. Further she says that the labor contribution was also done depending upon the number of members present in the household. More than one worker was engaged from the household which had more family members. The materials needed were –Tsir (a small bamboo basket), Mar-kang (wooden block), plank, stones, Neetong-ma (pestle), frying pan, Luu (pounding stone). The Sing-si was used mainly for offering butter lamps. Other secondary uses were for human and animal consumption. Humans consumed it as there weren't imported oils available those days in the shops.

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A story has it that Neypo (A Local Deity) was originated from Tshokar and Tshonag at Singye Dzong. In olden days khando Machig Labdon stole a son (Sasung) from Tibet and brought to Bhutan to make him the guardian deity of Bhutan. When they reached Tshonag at Singye Dzong, Khando told his son not to open his eyes but the son was eager to know why his mother did not allow him to open his eyes; hiding he opened his eyes and he saw a huge Snake (neypo) in front of him and he got shocked and died on the spot. Khando really got angry and she chased the Neypo from Tshonag; Neypo fled toward south and he reached at a place called Tsango, there he told villagers, “I will look after your wellbeing, if you offer me one people in a year. Villagers did not agree and they said “we will give one sheep every year instead of people; Neypo thought it won’t be sufficient to fill his stomach, so he disagreed and he fled towards south and reached Khoma, and the same thing he told to people of Khoma but there people offered one ox in a year, still then he was not satisfied, he ran down and reached Thingling where Neypo said “I will look after your village wellbeing, what will you give me in return?’’ People replied, we will give a hen every year; Neypo compared three offerings of the people and the best offering was made by Khoma people, so he agreed to settle in Khoma. This is how Neypo Invocation ritual came into existence.

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Jhakri or Dhami is a local name for the person who does the traditional ritual to cure the patient. During ancient times, in the absence of medical science, people used to treat the patient through traditional therapy by performing a ritual known as Chhimta, Jhakri. The history of becoming a Jhakri is related to the story of Lord Shiva and his wife Parvati. Goddess Sati took birth on earth as the daughter of King Himavat and Queen Mena. Narad Muni, (a storyteller who carries news and enlightening wisdom) came to look at the baby and declared she is destined to marry Shiva. While growing up, she would lose herself thinking about Lord Shiva. So when Parvati was of marriageable age, she went to the Himalayas to perform penance and appease Lord Shiva and marry him. Lord Shiva was impressed by her devotion and knew about her desire, and he married her. After living together for years, one day Lord Shiva was seriously ill and couldn't be cured for so long. Gradually Lord Shiva came to know that the main cause was because of Parvati. She is believed to be witchcraft (Sondray in Dzongkha and Bogshi in Lhotshamkha). Then Lord Shiva shared with his in-law. His in-law conveyed the idea that her soul/mind will become cleansed if the witchcraft gets out of her soul. The situation was unfathomable to solve, in the course of time Lord Shiva and his in-law tried with an idea to cease the witchcraft of Parvati. One day Parvati was stirring over something out of her attention. Suddenly, his in-law shouted in front of her and said PHAAT!!! Perceptibly, she was horrified by sound and her witchcraft dissipated. So it is said that the evolution of Jhakri started from that moment. So this story was shared by most of the interviewees. Moreover, it has another continuous story to be shared as per Mr. Singh Bir Pradhan, a senior citizen of Dzomling chiwog. Once there came a person called Jangali (another name for Jhakri) to meet Lord Shiva who was seriously ill for so long. So Jangali sat to the right of Lord Shiva and Parvati to the left. Jangali came with the Tiger grass (Botanical name: Thysanolaena latifolia) to treat Shiva by using the leaves. The treatment was akin to showing the magic. Jangali swallowed that leaf in his mouth and showed it from his bottom. Then Parvati was asked to swallow the tiger grass leaf. As she swallowed the leaf, it stuck halfway down her throat, and was finding it difficult to swallow completely. Then the Jangali asked her to cough out the leaf with full force. When Parvati coughed out with full force the leaf came out and along with it witched. As a result, the leaf left a mark on Parvati’s teeth. So this is a story regarding the evolution of Jhakri. To become a Jhakri is not the core profession of a person who can endure or learn it. Rather it's the prophecy given by Lord Shiva who has the virtue to treat people whenever they are sick. When a person who is destined to be a Jhakri, is born with the wisdom of Jhakri, he usually suffers from various illnesses at a young age. The symptoms include frequent stomach ache, headache, dizziness, back pain, and shivering body which cannot be controlled. In a few cases, the person destined to be a Jhakri even has hallucinations. They will not know the causes yet the illness continues for three to four years. According to Mr. Manbir Khadal, 65-year-old Jhakri said that if a person is destined to be a Jhakri, he behaves very strangely even when in the mother’s womb. He also added that Manbir’s mother had experienced extensive fetal movement and unusual shivering from the premature baby. The divination of a Jhakri will be only born to the person who stays clean, mentally pure, and physically healthy. It sometimes can be related to a person reincarnated as a great lama or Truelku in Buddhism since Jhakri will also be able to predict the past life of a person. Mr. Manbir Khadal also says that with time Jhakri is rarely born. “The current Jhakris’ are all born before 1990. Some of them already immigrated to other countries after the 1990s problem in southern Bhutan”. Locals shared the importance of having Dhami in their locality because if the patient is sick for a long duration, they get other ways of treating when hospital medicine does not cure them. So, the practice of the Jhakri ritual is still believed and endured by the people across the country as per Deo Maya, the wife of Dhami Manbir Khadal. She says that if a person is suffering from dizziness, and back pain when they are grieved by the local deities/divinity, and if the illness is caused by the evil spirits, they instantly come to visit her husband to do the ritual. Mr. Manbir Khadal had been living in his current village, that is lower Dzomling, for his entire life and his parents too. After he was recognized as a Jhakri, he treated countless patients from different parts of our country. From this we can conclude that the people balance their beliefs in both medical science and spiritual therapy. He said, “A few weeks ago, a quadriplegia (paralyzed from the waist down) girl with her family came to do the Jhakri ritual at my house. When she was coming down towards my house, her guardian was carrying her on his back. After doing the Jhakri ritual, she was alright and able to walk without support.” which means we can say that people still believe in the traditional healing therapy practice in this modern world.

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Ap (Sr. citizen) Thukten from Eusa is well-known (locally) for fixing the broken legs and dislocated joints in the village. He has been practicing for more than 40 years. Bhutanese people in the past have to travel as far as Tibet to learn, and get trained on healing of joint disorder. Nevertheless, few people in the community still possess the skills of healing, and one of them was the father of Ap Thukten from whom he inherited the knowledge on healing. He was a self-taught man who observed, and learnt the skills when his father was healing the joint disorders of the people in the community. Currently, he treats 10-15 people annually, and his services are always appreciated. He happily renders the service for free, as a form of kindness, where he heartily contributes to the benefit of the people. The healer said that it is easier to treat younger people than the older ones. It takes less time for the children to recover from the treatment, unlike the adults who takes more time (even a year) for the severe injury. Whenever patients visit him, he used to find the possibility of the treatment by studying their age, nerves and identify the severity of the problems.

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Asanee is a wool mat made from sheep wool in its natural colour. The wool is either black or white in colour. The name has come into existence from the honorific term of Lhotshampa (Southern Bhutanese) dialect Asaan, Garaan, Garnus which means please sit down. Therefore, Asaan is a respectful term for sit and nee is a mat for sitting and Asanee is a sitting mat. The patterns are made depending on the availability of the colour of the wool. The most common pattern of the element is white background with black checks and at times the white background is bigger than the black checks. It is determined by the demand of the customers and the availability of the wool. It is rectangular in shape and used as cushion covers for diwan and sofas as well as sitting mat. The origin of the element has begun in the community of sheep bearers. The wool mat saw its existence when the economy of the community was at its minimal where they wove various products from wool for the exchange of clothes and other basic necessities of life. The community bartered the wool mat and wool blanket called Raree for basic needs like kitchen stuff and clothing. However, all the sheep rearing community did not weave the element and also they did not have the right to own and weave by certain community. The weaving of wool mat spread to those women who were interested to learn to supplement the economic status of the family. According to informant (Dil Maya Gurung), the culture of weaving Asanee had come from parts of Sikkim, However, not very sure to state the origin clearly. Knowledge of weaving Asanee has deteriorated due to the change in the life style of people as it messes up the room due to the split of the wool being carried out every corner of the house in the process of brushing, combing and spinning the wool. And the women of the day do not take interest in weaving due to long hectic yarning process. While working, the wool gets tangled with the clothes which makes untidy. More so, with the rapid economic development and changed in life styles under the dynamic leadership of our great monarchs, the sheep rearing has extinct and weaving of the element must have pass down to younger generations if the sheep rearing practice is there in Tsendagang community. The other reasons for not taking the weaving of element on board is the opening of doors to education where everyone has obtained education and decent jobs. Though weaving of Asaanee culture is not so vibrant as of today but every household have the mat which they usually use it when honourable guests visit their house.

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The extraction and production of Pangtse Makhu were effectively practiced from the 1970s until 1990s, and have remained to be a part of an income source and source of oil until now to the people of Toed-Wang Gewog (block) under Punakha Dzongkhag (district). “As the plant is highly adaptable and grows naturally on barren, degraded land and dry areas but for better yield, the plant is also grown on the terraces,” said the villagers. But today it is said and observed by the grandparents in the community that because of the country’s speed of development and with advancements in technology and intellectual, the tradition of extracting Pangtse Makhu in the community has significantly declined over time due to the availability of cheaper imported refined oils in the markets. It is also said that during the olden days with abundant Pangtse Shing and with more extractors, people did not have to buy oil rather oil extracted from Toed-wang gewog was sent throughout the region. However, with an increased number of youths going to school and colleges during the harvesting and production time, and also with less market value over more hardships, it has been a challenge for the few people maintaining this practice in the locality to share the value to the younger generation. Today, the community is on verge of losing the tradition of extracting Pangtse oil because of its labor-intensive nature with a tedious and time-consuming procedure. And also, it’s because of people’s choice for the cheaper imported oil over the one that has been naturally extracted and produced which has a slightly higher price in the market. Despite the challenge, the local producers are looking forward to a government intervention in the conservation of the losing tradition.

Bonkor (miss-pronounced as Bonko) is the festival celebrated in virtue of an offering to local deity called Ap Chundu in Yangthang Village under Bji Gewog in Haa with the unique dress, lyrics, and steps. Bonkor is derived from the word Bonchoe – Bon religion. It is being performed once every three years. Usually it is celebrated on the 17th or 18th day of the 9th month of the Bhutanese calendar depending on the auspiciousness of the day. The next celebration would be in the year 2024. Bonko is a kind of festival and is performed by this particular village to appease the local deities for the wellbeing of the community. Bji Gewog has many villages but no other village has Bonkor festival. Other places in Haa have their own Bonkor festival. Ap Chundu is the main local deity of Haaps (The people of Haa). It is said that this festival is being practiced and performed since Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyel’s time. However, no one could tell the exact date and the year of its beginning. The festival has the trend and is only being performed by the locals whose cast is considered to be rich and renowned. The people who get married and are settled here in the village are not entertained to participate or perform the festival taking the risk of bad happenings.

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Pham is a local yeast used to brew local Bhutanese beverage known as Ara. It is made of corn flours, husks (either maize or rice) and wild herbs known as Yangrim in local dialect. Yangrims are collected from forests and are considered a vital ingredient for yeast. They are of different types and most are climbers. Types of Yangrim. 1. Ru-Yangrim (Eponymous: ru (tshangla) means climber): The skin of the herb is peeled, then chopped in desirable lengths to fit in the large mortar, which are later pound using the mortar and pestle. Then they are dried and stored for later use. 2. Gowakhi or Gowa Rokpu Yangrim (local name) (Scientific name: Hedyotis scandens): Whole herbs are chopped to desirable lengths and then pound in mortar and pestle to make pastes. The pastes can be directly used with corn flour and husk to make the yeasts. The leftover pastes are heated in a pan to preserve the tastes and then dried to store for later use. 3. Gonglam daza yangrim(local name) 4. Karbu shing (local name) leaves 5. Peach leaves. Gonglam Daza Yangrim, Karbu shing leaves and peach leaves are processed in a similar manner as Hedyotis scandens to make yeast. Of all the Yangrims, Ru-Yangrim is commonly used to make yeast as it gives a flavorsome or strong alcohol.

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Kishuthara (The Silken Kira (Bhutanese women dress)), is a native intricate patterned silk textile particularly Khoma Gewog (block) under Lhuentse Dzongkhag (district) where it become the production hotspot of the Bhutanese woven textile in the country. Kishuthara adhere its origin from the Tibetan king Songsten Gampo’s (Reign: c. 618 – 650) wife, Ashi Jaza (Bhrikuti) who introduced the backstrap loom and weaving traditional wear in Bhutan. According to oral source, the design of Kishuthara was tweeted by the bird called Tsheringmo when Azhi Jaza was wondering about motif. The bird tweeted; “chi tu nee nun, nee thu sum nun” (pick one left two, pick two and left three”) Kishuthara- tema design was thus born. Thus, hereafter Azhi Jaza taught her weavers the procedure of weaving loom textile. Later, Khoma women were able to incooperate the patterns of Kishuthara while they were trading with Tibetan merchant. Additionally, in the eight century, during the visit of Guru Rinpoche and his consort Khandro Yeshey Tshogyel at Khoma, Khandro also blessed the progress of Kishuthara as villager’s livelihood and primary source of income. When Tibet was officially incorporated into the territory of China’s Yuan Dynasty during mid- 13th century, some Tibetan fled to Bhutan. Some steeled at Khoma and from there, villagers learnt the patterns of Kishuthara in full swing. Another source traces back to Azhi Jaza’s merchant Tshonpon Norbu Zangpo, the most influential trader around the world, once reached at Khoma for trading purpose. While staying at Khoma, he had fallen in love with one Khomapa girl and as a token of fidelity, he presented kushung to her. Kushung is the name of patterning technique in their local dialects and thara in tshangla dialect means kira. Then girl learnt the motif by looking at kushung and some believe that motif was taught by the same bird Tsheringmo to the girl. Kushung is later called as Kushuthara due to mispronunciation. On contrary, according to the textile Arts of Bhutan, by Susan S. Beans and Diana K Myers, kushuthara was flourishing as early as the 17th century, local noblewomen commissioned more elaborately kiras until kushuthara become a distinct regional fashion. Today Khoma people are depending mainly on Kishuthara as their livelihood because Kishuthara is the primary source for income generation thus, weaving the patterns of their life. Past few decades, people were engaged in farming and when agriculture season is over, women in group set up their backstrap looms in the harvested paddy field and sheltered by bamboo canopies. However, at present few household are engaged in faming activities while rest of the women are busy with Kishuthara throughout the year.

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Lha-soel (Lha means local deity and soel means offerings) is the ritual performed annually seeking assistance and blessing from the local deities with the offering and recitation of religious scriptures. Unlike rituals in other places in western Bhutan depending on the need and purposes, the people of Bem si-si, under Toebesa Gewog (block) perform this Lha-soel annually mostly towards the end of the year beginning from October till December month with the presence of the entire family members. As far as history is concerned there is no exact date of origin of this ritual. However, the village households herein perform Lha-soel that is passed down from the forefathers. This ritual originated from the Bonism commonly known as Nak-choe (ritual requiring animal sacrifices) wherein animals such as pigs and oxen were slaughtered for the offering. However, on later dates as per respondents, with blessing and order from the 70th Je-Khenpo (Chief Abbot) Trulku Jigme Chhoeda (1955- ) to avoid killing animals for the purpose of the rituals. The locals in Bem si-si started to offer butter, cheese, and fruits unlike before who used to offer meat, lungs, and blood along with the ritual cakes. Oral traditions say that Lha-soel is considered the most festive occasion of an individual household to gather all the family members who are now in challenge due to expenditures and lack of manpower. However, people in villages believe that these ritual practices are embedded in the lifestyles and traditions for ensuring prosperity, wealth, and long life besides the adoption of it as a medium for the higher Buddhist spiritual message, thus, individual households never fail to perform despite the challenges. The challenges the Lha-soel undergo is accrued that the too many of the present generations are engaged in the schools, colleges, and universities and gives priority to the curriculum in schools that lacks the knowledge of this very ritual in particular. Therefore, the children, unlike in the past who resided in villages, knew and easily inherited the cultural and traditional legacies of their time which decline today. Even though the majority of the younger population resides in the urban areas, therefore, only the older people are left in the villages observing rituals on behalf of all the family members.

Jhug dho-ma is a traditional song sung at Riserboo-Kheshing Chiwog, Kheshing village under Lumang Gewog (block), Wamrong Trashigang. Lopen (Spiritual master) Dorji Wangdi and lopen Dorji Namgay first composed the song in around 1964. The song was composed during the time when people had to contribute labour contribution while constructing road from Samdrupjongkhar to Trashigang Dzongkhag (district). Because of the lack of paved roads, travel in Bhutan was by foot or on mule- or horseback until 1961; the 205-kilometre trip from the Indian border to Thimphu took six days. Road construction began in earnest during the First Development Plan (1961–66). The first 175-kilometre-long paved road was completed in 1962. About 30,000 Indian and Nepalese labourers were imported to build the road with Indian aid when India was bolstering its defense against a potential Chinese invasion. Bhutan also provided labour for the construction work. Another road was built to connect Trashigang with Samdrupjongkhar. About 1,500 kilometers of roads were built by the mid-1970s, largely with manual labour. Every household must compulsorily contribute labour for two weeks. The lyric of the song encompasses the journey from Samdrupjongkhar until Wamrong. It conveys us the settings of different villages on the way while constructing the road.

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Abi (Grandma) and Meme (Grandpa) is a native story about the local deity of a Durung Chiwog under Yangnyer Gewog in Trashigang. Durung is one of the farthest chiwog (Community) under the gewog (block) and is a native place and origin of the story. There are different information regarding the origin of Abi and Meme as a local deity of the community. One of source tells that Abi Sangay Lhamo and Meme Gempola were believed to be from Demkhar Village, a village located downhill of gewog centre under Darjeling chewog. Whereas another source states that Meme Gempola was from Demkhar and Abi was from Narang under monger gewog today. However, another oral transmission also states that Meme and Abi were from Zhangzhung, Tibet and they descended to the Durung due to internal conflict with the leader of Zhangzhung. Today, people also believe that the great grandparents of Abi and Meme must have moved and settled from Tibet creating the confusion to these days that Abi and Meme were from Zhangzhung (Tibet). One source emphasize that they had a daughter called Sangay Dema and she went to Woongkhar, a village at Drametse and got married there. Later, Abi and Meme went to her place to attend the death rituals of their late grandchild. Another source also states that Abi and Meme went there to attend death rituals of their relatives. While returning back after attending the rituals, they spend night beneath the cave at Dochurkhaktang near Sengderi, located at downstream between Durung and Narang. At night, the flood washed Abi and Meme from the place killing them on the way. Therefore, it is believed that both are born to Donesphu (large stone) as deity in the place presently below Durung village. It is believed that they protect and have control of land from Boe-Lhasa to Jagar-Dorjiden. Moreover, one of the religious texts (Soelkha text) states that Abi and Meme have control of land and people from Lha (Deity) Wogmay till Jagar Dorjiden.

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Gar-zo (Blacksmith/iron craft) is one of the Bhutan's 13 traditional crafts and is considered as one of the earliest crafts/arts of the Bhutanese people. It is believed that it was introduced by a Tibetan saint known as Dupthob Thangtong Gyalpo in the 14th Century. He is revered by the Bhutanese people as a master engineer for his skill in casting iron chains and erecting them as bridges over gorges. He is supposed to have built eight suspension bridges in Bhutan. One can still see one of the bridges crossing over the Paro Chu, on the road from Paro to Thimphu, and linking the highway to the famous Tachog lhakhang (temple). The remains of another bridge can be viewed at the National Museum in Paro. However, J. LaRocca,D (2006) in his book mentioned that Dupthob Thangthong Gyalpo came to Bhutan for the first time in 1433-44 to gather the iron ore to build bridges in Tibet. The iron he collected was forged into 7000 links by a team of 18 blacksmiths from five villages near Paro, one of the village was Woochu where the art is still practiced today. It was believed that Thangthong Gyalpo distributed 18 anvils as a token of gratitude among the blacksmiths gathered and blessed them to earn their livelihood and flourish the craft. The donation of iron chain links to Dupthob was an evidence that the people of Woochu practiced the iron craft way before Thangthong Gyalpo’s visit. Unfortunately there are no records and even the oldest living master blacksmith had nothing to substantiate on this matter. There were many places in Bhutan that manufactured iron handicrafts before but with passing time the art and skills faded and only few places are still practicing it today, one of it being Woochu. The origin of black smithy in Woochu is lost in antiquity. There are no records or documents to trace the origin of the art. However, oral accounts of some elderly people posits that the art might have started out of necessity. Before Woochu was known for its famous blades, it manufactured agricultural tools that were used by the locals. Moreover, recent findings showed that a large forging took place near the place where the iron formation was found. Gaw (Blacksmith) Phajo also believes that the founding of black smithy will not be possible without the iron ore. So he supports the idea of the foundation of black smithy due to the iron ore that was found in the area. The blacksmiths of Woochu manufactured and repaired agriculture tools for the locals before it became known for the famous Woochu blades. Woochu blades are very popular and are known for their tensile strength and durability. There were only three iron craftsmen with traditional knowledge and skills before, all are officially retired now. Blacksmithing, a traditional craftsmanship handed down for several hundred years, was on the verge of extinction. With not many blacksmiths remaining and even lesser apprentices showing interest in learning the skill. Those who used to practice the trade has died and some were retired. The younger generations seemed disinterested in taking up the art. Initially the blacksmiths in the area took up the art as part of earning daily wage. It was like any other job that fetched money. Moreover, the job of a blacksmith was physically tiring, and the social stigma that the trade carried was perhaps another reason why it has failed to attract the attention of the younger generations in the community. The blacksmiths were looked down in the community. The art of crafting fine Bhutanese swords was on the decline. In 2016, His Majesty the King commanded for a training center to be set up in Woochu to revive the dying art. Reviving the centuries-old trade was challenging but not impossible. Royal Metal Craft Center (RMCC) was an intervention aimed at reviving and promoting dying crafts and reinstating it as a source of livelihood. The center is now established and works are underway to further develop it.

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Kharphu (The White God Ritual) is celebrated every year on fourth month of Bhutanese calendar. Though meaning of Kharphu cannot be stated clearly but village older bearer believes Kharphu means “white god ritual” where no animal sacrifices are made. There are two types of Kharphu namely Gudpa (Extended) and Chunku (Abridged) which are observed consecutively every year. During a larger kharphu, dish called pan is prepared and served, and is observed for 3 days, while in smaller Kharphu pan (Wild betel leave fried) serving is skipped and is observed for two days. The origin of Kharphu and its story is has been transmitted verbally from generation to generation. Ex.Tshogpa Lhalungla is a descendent of one of the host family, he shared that as per the story he received from the older people of village that when the people settled in Chali as per their karmic action, during those days no matter how much they work, the grains and cereals were not enough to feed their family, food they eat didn’t contain nutrition, cloth they wear don’t provide the warmth, even they can’t sleep soundly. Then people gathered to discuss over it. During meeting one the villager pointed out that we don’t have a god to guide and protect us, and this may be the reason we have been suffering. Then all the villagers agreed that then need a god. Among them there was a man named Sherub, who is farsighted, knowledgeable and reliable man. Then villagers insisted him to go and receive god. He denied, saying he is incapable for this task. He said this task can be only accomplished by Gomchen phawang (Bat). Then sherub went in all the direction in search of bat but met with gods of four directions but couldn’t find bat. Then one of the god from four direction prophesied that bet is inside their village only, inside a cave call Asi-kaure draphy (cave) which shadow falls in water and water splashes on the walls of cave. And this place is believed to be located at the bottom of Kongla bra (Kongla cliff) at the end of Chali and still there are many bats in it. Bat was brought to the village and at first, bat also denied the villagers request but towards end of the day bat accepted but he said gift has to be taken for sons and daughters of god. For sons they arranged three armful of arrows and for daughters three Urka (Lether sack) full of Bakur (square shaped bamboo container). Then, bat made his journey towards north. After a long journey bat reached Tsampa, place believed to be located in Tibet, where god Gung-Lha-Lhapsang Gyelpo resides. Finally he could meet the god and shared his reason for visit. God criticize him about his face, legs and wings, so, he can return him alone, but he changed every criticism in positive way by saying “my rat like face is to sing a song for god father and mother, my skinny leg is to perform dance in front of god father and mother, my lathery wings is to fan your god father and mother. Bad couldn’t send back with all the means and strategies of god, finally promised to send one of his children. Gunglha lhapsang Gelpo has four daughter and four sons. He told to send one the daughter to god mother and she said to god to send one of his son. God father and mother had a very hot discussion over it. And they decided to roll a die, and god father lose the game and had to send his son along with bat to bless Chalipas (Residents of Chali). Here at Chali goat was received by Sherub along with the villagers. Since then Sherub was known as Bonpo pa Sherub, since it was a Bon Lha (God of Bon religion).And his descendent has to perform Bonpo Wanboo (Shaman). And Bonpodpa Sherub became host along with another rich household. And currently there is four household descendent holding as host during Kharphu. But, with passing time and generation Bonpodpa Sherub’s descendent couldn’t shoulder the responsibilities of Wanbu and is appointed one of the interested and capable people from their village. There is no as such rule to appoint Wanbu. There is unique lyric and tune from journey of god’s son of including all the places where till Chali, different household visiting household lyrics and blessing, farewell lyric and unique tones.

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Gunduri is a straw mat, an agricultural byproduct consisting of the dry stalks of cereal plants after the grain and chaff have been removed. The temporary biodegradable products are made of natural material from the cereal crops such as barley, maize, oats, rice, rye, and wheat. It is used in villages and is locally made by the woman who has the skill to put it in a place. Whereas it is made of rice straw mostly in Tsirang, part of Dagana, Sarpang, and Samtse Dzongkhags. The making of the straw mats is carried out during the autumn season after the harvest of rice. It is also known as Gunduri in Lhotshamkha. The Gunduri making in Semjong gewog under Tsirang dzongkhag is still one of the unique cultures and traditions they have been practicing for so long. They prefer to use Gunduri because of their culture and tradition which have been preserved for so long. Mr. Singh Bir Pradhan, 81 years old from upper Dzomling shared that they had used the Gunduri mat during the involvement of many people like marriage ceremonies, funeral rites, and when there was a celebration in the village. Due to the change in time, the practice of making Gunduri is declining because of available cheap carpets in the market. People prefer to use the Gunduri mat because of its comfortableness and convenient in many ways but it takes time, patience and lots of practice. These days people hardly practice the Gunduri making in Semjong gewog but however they still use the Gunduri mat that are woven aforetime which are in a good condition.

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Dassain symbolizes the victory of good/virtue prevailing over evil/falsity. It is the most important festival in Nepal. Since most of the Lotshampas (Southern Bhutanese) originated from Nepal, the southern Bhutanese celebrate it every year in September or in beginning days of October. The date of celebration varies every year which marked as per the Hindu calendar. According to Hindu Mythology, Dassain festival has been celebrated since Lord Ram and Goddess Durga had gotten the victory over Ravan and Mahisharura, the demons who had created terror in the Devaloka (the world where God reside.) consequently, the festival is a way of acknowledging triumph over an evil spirit. Dassain is popularly a celebration within families lasting for 15 days starting from bright lunar fortnight to full moon (Hindu calendar) The days are divided for the activities starting from cleaning, washing to shopping. However, in Bhutan the official declaration of holiday is one day (day of Tika.) The community people explain that the significance of celebrating the festival with families is to honour the unity of Lord Ram’s Monkey army who helped him build the stone bridge to connect Lanka where Sita has been confined. The most memorable of all days of Dassain is the Vijaya Dashami or the Day of Victory. On this day, the families gather to put tika (rice mixed with curd) beginning with the eldest person on the youngest. The person who puts tika also has to give money as a symbol of blessing. In the community level, the Gup, head of the community will be invited to receive the Raja Tika. However, the nature of celebration of Dassain then and now has taken a transformation; earlier all the people of the community used to come together for the grand festive celebration, but nowadays due to the modernization and employment opportunities, many of the family members have migrated to the urban cities or travelled aboard, leaving the celebration only for members present during the occasion.

Due-za was a Bon Ritual that was once practiced in Yurung Gewog (block) under Pemagatshel Dzongkhag (district). It was believed to have been brought from Tibet by the ancestors. There is no written or oral record of the preceders, however, Lopen Kapai was the last holder of the ritual according to the informants. Every three years in between the third and fourth lunar months, people from three gewogs namely, Yurung, Khominang, and Thungo would gather in a place called Aring in Lawung village. They would hold the ritual and do the same offerings to the local deities for a week. To make the offering, the men are grouped into three age groups; the strong adult men, the middle-aged, and the children. The people would know their duties and prepare for the ritual. The adult men would hunt deer, reindeer, and other large animals. The middle-aged men would fish from the rivers and the boys would catch birds. Meanwhile, the women would roast the cereals and grind. They only cast head of their catch for the offering. The remaining carcass was either left in the jungle or the hunters kept it for themselves as per the informant. They never consumed the meat of their catch during the ceremony. They prepared the altar led by Lopen (Master) Kapai (shrine) and the heads of the animals were displayed in it. The locals did not have a particular deity but would seek protection from the Dangling deity and Abi Jomo. Lopen would recite mantras while making the offerings. After the offering, four people would join their hands by crisscrossing to take a seat and a person would mount on it. He will be raised above and carried around. He would holler out ‘Wayo Wayo’ or ‘Bae Bae’ led by the Lopen and the people would join in the hollering. Every person would have roasted flour (Kapchi in local dialect) in their Gho (Bhutanese male dress) or Kira (Bhutanese female dress) pockets. They would take out a handful and force-feed to the nearest person for fun. People would prepare their best cuisines and have a potluck culture along with the local liquors; Ara, Bangchang, and Singchang. All entrances would be sealed and no Buddhist practitioners were allowed to enter and participate in the ritual. In case a practitioner entered unknowingly, it was believed a bad omen would befall the community and hence, would be blamed and dealt with accordingly. Accumulation of merits or carrying out virtuous acts by the members were prohibited. Dueza was said to have been performed for ages but the head of the village realized it to be immoral and against Buddhism. Upon discussion, the people agreed to cease the practice. They put forward an application to the Home Minister, Late Lyonpo Tamzing Jagar on the thirteenth lunar date of December 1966 to officially release an order to stop the practice. The order was declared on the fifteenth lunar date of December 1966. The great transition appeared after the kago (the blessings) from the three great Buddhist masters of the time, Gyalwang Karmapa Rangjung Rigpai Dorji, Kyabji Duejom Rinpoche Jigdral Yeshey Dorji, and Kyabji Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche.

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Colloquially, Mo-ngan kha-mung (Cotton Woven Cloth) is also called as Kam thag-ma in Dzongkha (Bhutanese national language). It is one of the practices in this locality which is the main source of income for most of the household. This has been practiced for many years but when and who had started this practice was not known. The clothes woven out of cotton are found thick and warm compared to the one which is imported. It‘s cost is also high compared to the one which is woven in ordinary yarn and threads. The products are of different colors and patterns. The cost depends upon the color of the cloth and the patterns used. The cost for the men’s clothes is higher than that of women’s. They used local materials for dying for different colors. With the support from the APIC, the people in the village from a small group to uplift and keep the Mo-ngan kha-mung production alive. According to the Chiwog Tshogpa (Community representative), annually a group of people from Japan and other part of the nation used to visit, however due to prolonged lockdown the group is been affected as not so many products are able to sell. Nimin daza also shared her worrisome feelings of dying such age-old method of producing Mo-ngan kha-mung since not so many youths take interest in learning, nevertheless with the support from government (APIC) she is very optimistic that young women may develop interest, unlike the past they need not have to sit for long to separate seed and Mo-ngan.

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Bibaha/Vivah has been in practice for hundreds of years with its first documentation in one of the Hindu epics. As per the epic, the first official marriage was celebrated between Lord Ram and Sita (Hindhu gods). It was also practiced by RISHIS, the great saints who existed in the Ganges valley civilization, before it reached down to the common people. This practice came down in line through religious texts and personals, in the eight different types mentioned above. The Bibaha/Vivah system then spread into other parts of the world with migrating people.

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Kolok-pa is the game played in the Thongsa locality. The name of the game is directly derived from the name given to the element. Such game can play in any number of people more than two; it can be played in even numbers only like, two, four, six, eight and ten. According to the local elders the exact date of which the game is been played is not known. However, the game is usually played in the winter seasons, as it is the end of fruitful tiring journey of the year to the villagers as mostly the field are left uncultivated and people do not have works to carry on in the field. The people usually played for fun and for enjoyment by keeping simple bet. Kolok-pa game does not differentiate the gender and age of the player, such game can be played by mixing gender, nevertheless the players opt to play gender wise only, in order to have balance and competitive competition. According to 65 years old Meme Ugyen Guru, the game in the past can be played by burning bamboos and pinewoods for lighting the ground in the evenings. Mostly the betting they used to keep are for Bangchang, Ara (Local wine), pork and eating and drinking. The winner of the match is declare based on mutual understanding made within the players, either to pay bet after every game or out of three sets. According to the local present during our study, they asserted that Kolok-pa game is still playing; however, they share their concern that such game is slowly declining due to the change of times and due to the modernization. Aum Nim Gyalmo shared that nowadays due to the digital games and other available of entertainment, youth are found with least interest to play such age old game, where their interest are driven to digital.

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Chundu Soelchod is a native offering practiced by people of Haa and Paro. During the Soelkha, dances and Zhey are performed by the people of Yangthang Gewog with unique dress, lyric and steps. The male artists are locally called pazerpa or pazaap. In the 8th century, Guru Rinpoche visited Bhutan thrice from Tibet and subdued the local deities and transformed them as protecting deity of dharma in every region. Chundue soelkha is mainly celebrated for thanking Ap Chundu (local deity of Haa) for helping people of Haa during the battle time. It was originated during the time of when Zhandrung Ngawang Namgyel had conflict with Tsang Desi of Tibet. During that time group of Tibetan (Boe ma) reached at Haa, Gyensa. It was said that during night, those Boe ma (Tibetan) who reached Gyensa had seen fire and noises in Jangkhakha (Ap Chundu ground). Due to the light and reflection from Jangkhakha those Tibetan couldn’t attract the enemies instead they fell down in the river below Gyensa. That group of Tibetan was defected and the battle was won by the Haaps. Therefore people of Haa started with Ap Chundu soelchod to remember and thank Ap Chundu for his superstitious power and supporting them to win the battle. People also say as Ap Chudu’s birthday. It is celebrated toward the end of the year that is ninth month of the Bhutanese’s calendar. Regarded as manifestation of the warmth Chagna Dorji, Ap Chundu is not just localized to Haa district but he is and important deity of the country itself. In Bon-nag tradition (animal sacrifice is required to appease the deities. People use to sacrifice the yak during the festival until 2013. They did because they were feared so much that Ap Chundu will punish them with diseases and natural calamities if they missed it. How ever since killing is sinful act in Buddhism in the year 2013, Haaps local guardian deity has been appeased by scarifying a yak after consulting with the dzongkhag and gewog staff, and the family who carried out the tradition for years, the authorities decided to seek Ap Chundu’s permission to stop killing yaks to appease him. So they rolled the dice and according to the astrologer, got his affirmation.

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Tseza Bongkor is a native festival of Tseza Gewog (block) in Dagana with unique lyrics and dance steps performed by what we call in local dialect the Boegarps or the Pazaabs (Male participants/warriors). It is celebrated once in every three years in six villages under Tseza Gewog namely in Zamtog, Samey, Trashigang, Jangsagang, Tsanglaykha and Kalizingkha. In every village, the festival is celebrated for three days and it is mandatory for all the households of that particular village to take part in that celebration. At Samey, the festival is always celebrated on the 14th Day of the first Bhutanese month every three years at a place called Zingkha Pangna and only then, it is celebrated at Trashigang. It is because the festival at Trashigang is also presided over by the same Male Shaman (Pawo) and the Female Shaman (Neljorm) who conducts the festival at Samey. On the last day of the Samey Bonkor i.e. on 16th day of the first Bhutanese month, the Shaman and the Yogini heads towards Trashigang for the celebration of the same. The Trashigang Bonkor begins from 16th and ends on the 18th day of the first Bhutanese month. Although the festival is celebrated for three days in all the six villages but the date of celebration differs in all the villages. For instance the date for celebration of the festival is fixed at Samey and Trashigang but in the remaining four villages the dates are not fixed. They celebrates the festival depending upon the auspicious date that is mentioned in the Bhutanese Datho (Almanic calendar). Every household must dispatch at least one or two representatives (depending upon the number of person living in that house) for the celebration. Usually all the households are represented by two members i.e. one male representative who acts as a Boegarp (male dancer) and one female representative as a dancer. If the household has just one member, that particular person has to represent his or her household. If any household fails to send the member representative/s for the festival, they have to send their substitution or else they have to pay fine. Traditionally, the festival used to be presided over by a Male shaman (Pawo) and a Female shaman (Neljorm) but since the demise of the Pawo few years back, he is replaced by one of the village Lama. There are slight differences in the way the festival is celebrated in these six villages mainly in terms of the date of the celebration, materials and the costumes used in the celebration and the persons involved in the festival. The origin of the festival is still unknown but it is believed that the festival was instituted in the region mainly by the Tseza Nyagoes (Boegarps). According to Ap Sangay Dorji, the festival was instituted mainly to appease the Dralha (deities) in order to overcome any sort of obstacles and epidemics in the region. Tseza Bongkor is still vibrantly performed in the community and there is no major transformation in the way the festival is conducted even today. Traditionally every word written in the book Dralha Pangtoed (Ritual text) was dictated upon the Boegarps by the Pawo which is today replaced by the village Lam. Similarly, the house in which the shaman and the Female shaman live during the celebration Lha chim (shrine) was build using the mated bamboo but today it is constructed using the metal sheets, wood and bamboo. According to some oral history, traditionally the people of this region were following the Bon (locally called Ban choe) religion because of which their festival came to be known as Bangkor, the Bon festival of Tseza Gewog. Some oral tradition also says that during Zhabrung's era, The Pazaabs in Punakha performed their dances in circular (kora chap di) group to celebrate their victory over the Tibetan enemies. For the same reason, the Ngagoes (strong man) or the Boegarps of Tseza Gewog also performed the same dances following the same steps. Hence, the festival came to be known as Tseza Bangkor, the dance performed by Boegarps in a circular group. Tseza Gewog is one of the important Gewog under Dagana Dzongkhag (district) since Dagana falls under Tseza gewog and is where the Dzongkhag Administration's Headquarter is located. One of the most famous and special Temple in Dagana,  Shathong Lhakhang, founded by the Buddhist Master Dupthob (Siddhi) Shawa Ripa in the 18th century is also located under Tseza Gewog. Shawa Ripa is an ancient Buddhist Master who is said to have lived for over 900 years. Oral History also mentions that there is a big tree at Pele, which is believed to be a walking stick of Zhabdrung Jigme Chogyal (1862-1904) and a house in which the Zhabdrung halt his night on the way and back from Daga Dzong.