Disclaimer : ‘Art of Making Traditional Fishing Gears and Crafts’ is not an element officially designated by the government of Bangladesh and thus tentatively named by ichLinks secretariat to introduce the cultural expression with the name indicated above. We welcome your valuable comments and feedback about ‘Art of Making Traditional Fishing Gears and Crafts’ and its information presented on this page. Bangladesh has many rivers all over the country. It is blessed with lots of inland water sources rich with diverse fish species. Catching fish from them is an engrained part of the local villagers’ culture. Many people, particularly in the rural areas, are either directly or indirectly dependent on fish harvesting. Fishing communities in the rural areas use different types of fishing gear to catch fish for a living. Among them, fishing nets, fishing traps, hooks and lines, wounding gear, and fish aggregation devices are widely used in Bangladesh. Various types of materials are used to make fishing gear, including netting, twine, plastic, clip and swivel, rope, steel wire, combination wire rope, purse ring, polyester, nylon, cotton, mixed fiber, floats and sinkers, bamboo, wood, etc. Some fishing crafts are indigenous, while others are modern. They are all essential for large-scale fishing.

“Kin” means to eat; “Pang” means ceremony, the person attending the ceremony; “Then” refers to the gods in Mường Trời. Kin Pang Then is a festival to celebrate adopted children of the White Thai people. The ceremony is organized by Then workers to meet adopted children to give thanks and celebrate Then's fate. The ritual takes place in early spring (from before the full moon in January to before the full moon in March every year), and is held once every 3 years. Mr. Then himself chose a specific day for his adopted children to know and attend. The day of the Kin Pang Then ceremony must be before the full moon day of the first lunar month. The pang tree is the center of ceremonies and is elaborately decorated. The Then altar and offering tray include many items. On the evening of the first day, Master Then prepared the pan cai offering tray to worship Then, including sticky rice, paddy, betel and areca, wine, eggs, steamed sticky rice, salt, white cloth, cotton thread, silver bracelet, incense, lamp, money, water, flowers, etc. Master Then wears traditional costumes to worship at the Then altar. Báo Khỏa plays the piano, Sao Chay assists him and shakes the bell. After performing the purification and blessing ceremony, Mr. Then asked the patriarch for permission to perform the ceremony. Master Then went to Then village to invite Then to come down and play, celebrate the adopted children's ceremony, and bless the adopted children with good health, prosperous business, and good harvests. After offering offerings to Then, Master Then, Sao Chay, Báo Khỏa, and their adopted children became monks. The next morning, the Then family slaughtered chickens, and pigs, and prepared sticky rice for the offering ceremony. One offering tray is placed at the ancestral worship place (clọ hóng) and one offering tray is placed at the Then altar (hỉnh một). In case Then's parents are still alive, they must ask Then's father to make offerings to their ancestors at the Clọ hóng pavilion. After worshiping the ancestors, Master Then made offerings to each adopted child. The adopted child's offerings include chicken, wine, sticky rice, Chung cake, and 1 piece of white cloth, arranged on separate trays. During the worshiping ceremony, Mr. Then worshiped while resting, drinking wine, drinking water, smoking, and singing back and forth with Báo Khỏa and Sao Chay. After offering offerings to the adopted children, Master Then and Sao Chay performed folk games and had fun with the adopted children.

Every year in August and September of the lunar calendar, the Hmong g people in Sơn La invite a shaman (Sí Dì) to worship the entire clan, chasing away and taking away all the “vì su vì sừ” of Pù Su so that the clan can be peaceful and happy all year round. However, some clans also hold ceremonies in May, June, and July, depending on the shaman's choice of a suitable date for the clan. Depending on each clan and branch of the Hmong people, the Hmong people hold a clan worship ritual every year or every 3-5 years. All men in the clan, regardless of age or gender, participate in the ritual. The clan worship ritual is divided into two parts: The first part is a ritual to pray to the gods to bless people with good health, good crops, and prosperous livestock. In the second part, the shaman relies on the power of the gods to collect all accidents, risks, illnesses, difficulties... to perform magic to protect people from diseases, risks, difficulties... The Tu su Familial Worship Ritual of the Hmong reflects the Mong people's concept of valuing the family line and always helping and supporting each other.

Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017

An oral game, Tsangmo or Tsam-mo is short and melodious poetry normally sung for entertainment by people of all ages in all the regions. It is also considered as one of the ornaments of speech. There are several very similar names for the game, with each having its own meaning and definition, according to the elderly village people; Tsam is a short poem either composed on the spot or learnt from elders or friends, which is recited to a melodious tune. Mo means divination or test. Therefore, it is a song sung to test the feelings of another person. In another version, it is also a song sung by individuals in a group, to make the same divination of feelings as above by a stick (Tsang) pointing to the personal items already collected from each of the participants, guided by the rhythms of the song. Another very similar name to that for the stick tsangmo indicates that this tradition may have been derived from U-tsang province of Tibet. However, some elderly villagers interviewed about the game thought that the terminology had nothing to do with U-tsang at all. Taking their local knowledge into account, it seems likely that the slight difference in nomenclature might just reflect a local dilution of the term which has crept in over time. Although there are different names given according to how the game is played, Bhutanese commonly refer to it as Tsangmo. Performance of the game is indigenous and unique to Bhutan, with the poetic songs passed down from our forefathers through the ages and often sung in the respective dialects of the singers’ districts. While singing Tsangmo, the lyrics are actually based on the moods and situation. For stick Tsangmo the rules are as follows: each male and female participant should place an item in the centre. A neutral person is assigned who either closes his eyes or sits facing away from the rest so that he does not know the owner of individual items. When one has finished his/her turn then the assigned neutral person will hold a stick and repeat the song once again. According to the beat of the song, he points at each item. Wherever the point of the stick remains when the song finishes, he makes a comment according to the meaning of the song, “whoever is the owner of the item is, the song’s message is (for example) Love. You are being loved by the singer, are you in love with him/her? If yes, you should tell him/her at the earliest possible.” The message is clearly conveyed through the use of metaphors in the form of a four-line verse with two couplets. Each couplet is self-contained. The first usually makes a statement or describes a situation. The second one makes a response. Then the owner is identified. Sometimes the owner may be the same sex as the singer in which case the group expresses its sympathy in chorus and ends in laughter. “In the old days people were also married through this divination game” explained a few elderly citizens. Apart from these rules, one does not have to stick to one form of expression. Participants can change the context of the lyrics as they desire. Since Ttsangmo is meant for fun, no individual is expected to get emotional at the message as the singer is also blind folded. Moreover, no one in the group clearly knows on whose item the stick will land at the end. General Tsangmo (i.e. not with the stick) is usually sung casually in a group, for example during celebrations, while on a walk, during the transplantation of paddy, weeding, collecting firewood, transporting manure in the fields, harvesting paddy, plantation of maize, harvesting maize and in a leisure period. This is an impromptu entertainment where you hone your skill in creating verses on the spot and also where you learn from and communicate with others. One person sings and another responds, the debate continuing until a winner or a draw is declared. This version of the oral game is played in an unstructured way so there are no particular rules. Today, the Bhutan Broadcasting Service arranges phone-in Tsangmo sessions (akin to talk-back radio) among listeners from different places and the participants either choose to reply to the previous singer or sing their own part without aiming at anyone in particular. Regarding the tune of Tsangmo, there are more than four types depending on custom, language and dialect. According to the knowledgeable citizens, while singing Tsangmo, the first participant must sing a stanza in praise of the Triple Gem or a divine being, as a way of making an offering. The subsequent participants may dwell on friendship, love, odium, discord, joy, sorrow as they like, and end with verses of supplication or good wishes.

Colloquially, a mask often used in artistic mask dance performances to disguise or hide the original appearance is called “Baab” in Dzongkha (Bhutanese language) and in many local dialects. Baab is not only used for masquerade, but represents the appearance and expression of enlightened beings, celestial beings, guardian deities, and some extraordinary human beings who have helped to shape meaningful human life and promote harmonious living, which is why it is also referred to by the honorific title Zhal baab (face mask). Baab comes in many forms, appearances, complexions and with exceptional features that represent transcendent religious meanings and significance. Baab is the product of an art that requires several skills such as religious knowledge including proper proportions, biodiversity as the basic raw materials are woods, craftsmanship, blacksmithing in making tools and finally painting to give the mask the final structure. According to historical texts, the Baab tradition and the performance of the mask dance, usually called Gar-cham, was introduced to Bhutan by Guru Padmasambava in the early 8 th century. Later, it was further developed by eminent Buddhist masters, especially Terton (discoverer of the hidden treasure) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521), who introduced many sacred mask dances and passed on the art of Baab making, which is still recognized and known today for his contribution to the enrichment of Bhutan’s indigenous art and culture. His exceptional art of Baab making and mask dances was later recognized by Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651), the head of the state government, and included as one of the of Bhutan’s intangible cultural heritage domain of arts and crafts. Thereafter, the Baab tradition was maintained and enjoyed increasing popularity after the heads of the state government, chief abbots and successive monarchs introduced and authorized other private religious institutions to organize Tshe-chu, Drub-chen, Chod-pa, Rab-ne, Me-wang, Ma-ni, Due-chod (mask dance festivals), etc. throughout the country. In general, the manifestations of Baab can be summarized as; Baab of deities and gods, animals and extraordinary human beings. It is firmly believed that the masks of the deities and gods manifest themselves in various emotional appearances such as; graceful, heroic, abominable, wrathful, compassionate, comical, wondrous, terrifying and petrifying. These expressions can also be divided into four categories: peaceful, inspiring, empowering and angry. There are three types of masks made by Bhutanese artisans: Re baab (paper and cloth mask), Shing baab (wooden mask) and Sing-phye baab (mask made of a mixture of sawdust). However, the former two are ancient technical craft, while the latter is a newer product used mainly for commercial or decorative purposes. Traditionally, Baab are used only for the actual performance or kept as relics after the consecration ceremony has been performed by spiritual masters. It is believed that if these items are not blessed, they are as good as toys and are haunted by the spirits, causing harm to society.

Lozey (lyrical ballad or witty narratives) is a form of oral expression, appropriately described as one of the ornaments of speech. According to the accounts of elderly citizens in the western districts, the origin of Lozey goes back to the 12th century coinciding with the arrival of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo (1148-1251). Often known as Togden Phajo, he was a Tibetan saint whose life and deeds are closely linked with the initial spread of the Drukpa School of teachings in Bhutan in accordance with the prophesy of Tsangpa Gyare (11611211), the founder of the Drukpa Kagyud Lineage. Phajo Drugom Zhigpo was followed by numerous Tibetan scholars who disseminated the teachings of the Buddha. Amongst these realised beings Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) was the destined leader. He instituted the traditions based on the Buddhist values of Mi-choe tsangma chudrug (sixteen virtues for mundane practice) and reformed the old traditions, resulting in establishment of the dual system of government in Bhutan, whereby a temporal ruler coexists with the spiritual authority of the nation. Amongst those indigenous traditions, the songs Parshing mindru gyelmo and Zurchen gyi sheypa are the most popular in Bhutan and are sung especially during the construction of typical Bhutanese house made of rammed earth. These age old songs are solely sung by the people of central and western Bhutan. Parshing Mindru Gyelmo is an honorific name given to the wooden tools used for ramming earth, therefore the tools are respected and revered as an embodiment of Khandro Sonam Peldon, consort of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo. The song has many verses inviting the Parshing Mindru Gyelmo to visit from Tibet and concludes with propitious words of seeing her off back to Tibet during the consecration ceremony for the new house. Similarly, Zurchen gi sheypa (song sung during the installation of four phalluses on the four eaves of the house facing the four directions) is also sung on the day of the consecration ceremony. Two groups are formed for the singing of the songs, normally separate groups for males and females. There are often verbal skirmishes between the male and female groups. A quick-witted and verbally eloquent person may compose appropriate verses of response on the spot based on the nature of the opponents’ song. It is said that the verses of these songs are so long, “if sung till the end, it is believed that it could last for almost a day” as told by a few elderly citizens. There have been incidents in the past when the host family had to place a large Palla (bamboo container) of Ara (distilled home brew) down and request the verbally warring songsters to reconcile. However, these songs are actually a type of ballad or narrative poem to which a melody was added later. The recitation of Lozey is still widely practised in the western part of Bhutan and is regarded as an entertainment and enjoyment by one and old alike. There are variants of given names for Lozey, sometimes it is also written as Losel, but, there is no clue why, since both terms have their separate sets of definitions. According to Lopon Kunzang Thinley, chief researcher at KMT Press, Thimphu, Lozey is an art of speech which requires a unique skill in making rapid response. It requires constant flow like the hair on a horse’s neck, thus, the term ‘lo’ means statement and ‘ze’ refers to the neck hair, and in this context to the brilliance of the bantering back and forth. Lozey is defined as brilliant, intelligent, clever and bright. In both Dzongkha and Tibetan dictionaries, Lozey is defined as any prompt statement constructed in verse well decorated with rhetorical qualities of similes and metaphors according to the situation. Such qualities can only be attributed to intelligent, quick-thinking and witty persons. Lozey is of three kinds: popular lozey (which consist various subject and episodes occur depending on the moods and feelings), lojue lozey (a narrative, usually of epic dimension), and finally lozey labja (lozey associated with advice and guidance). Therefore, most often lozey dwells within these episodes; che toed (praising), nyen lu or zalu (romantic), dralu (odium), medlu (disgrace), trolu (joyful), cholu (sad), tse tshol (debating/challenging), trashi/monlu (supplication) and lozey labja (advice/guidance). Lozey labja is sometimes identical to kortam (innuendo or indirect statement). Lozey has no fixed length, but may be long or short, which entirely depends upon the depth of knowledge of a person, but generally the shortest will vary from three lines to fifteen. Short lozey are called lozey do thum while long ones are called lozey jun-ringm. However, loju lozey are historical accounts and regarded as the longest and some lojue lozey are accounts drawn from oral tradition of how the fortresses were constructed by Zhabdrung Nawang Namgyal. Lozey of each district has its own unique characteristics in style, language tone and recitation tune. Sometimes lozey can be used as means of debate or verbal skirmishes between people of different communities or villages, and between male and female. At least two participants are required for a lozey. After one has recited the initial verse, the other responds depending on the gist of the preceding verse. This is called Lozey khaejew (lozey competition) in Dzongkha. While reciting lozey, the rules are very simple. Depending on the type, if the opponent has good knowledge, he/she must respond with the same similes and metaphors that were used by the other. The challenge will continue until a winner or a draw is declared. In both cases, messages will be conveyed through eloquent usage of metaphors and symbols. The responses are never direct. Nevertheless, lozey can be used for both entertainment and wish-making in every aspect of life such as: Parshing gi she pa, Zurchen gi she pa, Dha she (description of Arrow), Gishey (description of Sword), Zo she (description of an Art), Shog da kuelwa (encouraging words while dragging large logs or boulders), Lang key (Praising words to the Oxen while ploughing), Che sho (making wishes while sowing seeds) and Bab she (wish-making while threshing rice) etc. A person who has the knowledge and skills is known as kham khe gyep (King of eloquence or an articulate person) in Dzongkha.

Suri Jagek, literally translated to ‘observing the Sun’ is the traditional Kalasha meteorological and astronomical knowledge system and practice based on the observation of the Sun, Moon, Stars and Shadows with respect to the local topography. The practice of Suri Jagek demonstrates the relationship of the Kalasha people with their surroundings and the capacity of their immediate geographical context to sustain their way of life. Suri Jagek is a knowledge system which connects a long history of “events” to topographical locations. The system is a complex structure of empirically observed accumulated knowledge and is repeatedly referenced to allow the Kalasha people to predict the appropriate time for the sowing of seed, animal husbandry and natural calamities. It is also used to govern the Kalasha calendar by determining dates of important social events, festivals, feasts and religious ceremonies. It draws greatly from the rich cultural heritage and social practices of the people, therefore functioning in the capacity of a repository of the history of the people and the region at large. Visual cues existing within the periphery of the topography are used to mark the specific positions of the rising and setting Sun, and hence the collective markings are used to record the positions of the Sun throughout the year. Observatories called ‘Suri Jagaekein’, are chosen in each village to observe the rising Sun, and a separate location is assigned to observe its setting. The specific positions on which the sun casts its shadows are also marked in some people’s houses on walls or poles etc. Individual localities have their own specific knowledge, generated using the common processes of marking the positions of the Sun. Qazis, who are authorities on matters pertaining to religion, history and indigenous models of conflict resolution, farmers, some shepherds and a few village elders are the knowledge bearers of Suri Jagek and the observations at the Suri Jagaekein made by various community members are shared in communal gatherings. A general consensus is reached in a Jirga (communal forum); however, presently this is only practiced in the Rukmu valley on the 16th of December. Knowledge related to the constellations of stars, meanings of various types of rainbows and the study of clouds as well as shadows are all in the wider ambit of Suri Jagaek. The Libra constellation known as Tarazu is considered particularly important during the Spring period coinciding with the month of Amaal Mastruk. When the constellation is observed in its clarity during the month, it is indicative of the ground softening the next morning; a time considered vital for the planting of crops.

Pakistan 2018

The origin of basketry in the Pacific can be traced back to the early European exploration that changed the islanders’ way of living. Intensive European exploration changed the attitude and economy of the indigenous people that ultimately led to the change in the nature of the artifacts made. Baskets during these early times were mainly used in trading. Basketry in the Pacific Islands share similar characteristics in one-way or another, whether it be similar designs or similarity in raw materials used. Mostly across the Pacific, coconut leaves are used to make baskets; from simple designs to complicated ones. Many Pacific Islands use reed or vines to make baskets as well, and in rare cases, from bamboo stems. Traditional baskets woven from bamboo stems can be found from a district in Fiji called Navatusila. This traditional basket shares some similar and different features in comparison to other traditional baskets across the Pacific. Navatusila, a district in the mountains inland on the main island of the archipelago, Vitilevu, is known throughout Fiji and perhaps around the world for its past that many believed was a turning point in Fiji’s Christian history. However, this event is part of history and needed not hinder the fact that Navatusila, like many Fijian traditional settlements, still practice traditional skills and knowledge that is unique to the people in expressing social and cultural identity. Nubutautau, a village in Navatusila, has a bearer of high knowledge and skills in weaving a traditional craft known as tabekasere. The knowledge and skills in weaving the tabekasere is only held in Nubutautau in all the Fiji Islands. This unique craft came to light post Cultural Mapping Program held in February 2016 by the Ministry of iTaukei Affairs, iTaukei Institute of Language and Culture. Thus, the bearer of knowledge and skills in making the itabekasere is recognized as a Living Human Treasure, as it was discovered at that time that a lone person possessed the knowledge and skills.

Buklog is an elaborate thanksgiving ritual system of the Subanen, which has several attendant rituals. It is noted for its elevated structure with a highly flexible platform, which serves as a sacred and social space for rituals and the community dance. It is open for all members of the community, and those outside the community are also welcomed in most of its rituals. The Buklog has mythic origins and is mentioned in age-old epics. Until today, it performs both communal and integrative functions. The Subanen’s economic, social, political, cultural and ritual lives intertwine to constitute a single system, motivated by shared tenets of cultural survival —consulting the spirits, working with nature, and sharing with others. The Buklog is planned by the head of a host family, usually a village chief called ‘timuay,’ to appease and express gratitude to the spirits for many reasons such as a bountiful harvest, recovery from sickness or calamity, or acknowledgement of a new leader. The Subanen’s deep sense of spirituality is affirmed in the Buklog, where a representation of Dwata Magbabaya, the supreme god, as Apu Usog (the great ancestor), joins the community. The attendant rituals ensure harmony among members of a family, clan and the community, as well as among the human, natural, and spirit worlds. Harmony is requisite to the success of the Buklog, an indication of a socially cohesive community. The attendant rituals are the ‘sinulampong,’ which signifies the community’s readiness to hold the Buklog and to ask permission from the spirits to gather materials from the forest; the ‘sangat’, to maintain the balance in the spirit world through coin offerings; the ‘panmalwasan,’ where spirits of the departed are invited to the feast; and the ‘gampang’ and ‘gilet,’ to invoke spirits of the water and land. ‘Giloy,’ chants of praise; music; and dance are performed all throughout the ritual system, functioning not only for entertainment, but to embody the aesthetic aspects of Subanen life and to substantiate their spirituality. The community then starts the construction of an elevated wooden structure called the Buklog, where the system derives its name. At the center of the platform, a single pole called ‘petaw’ is installed to hit a hollowed-out log called ‘dulugan.’ While dancing on the flexible platform, the structure resonates with a sound believed to please the spirits and signify the culmination of the festivity. The ‘dulugan’ is the Buklog’s musical icon and serves as aural embodiment of Subanen’s cosmology. The final ritual of the Buklog, called ‘giti-an,’ is done on the platform, where the rules for the celebration are expressed and the spirits start to commune with the people. This is followed by a community dance called ‘gbat’, a moment marked by joy and excitement resulting from the renewal of spiritual and social relationships within the community. All community members, regardless of age, gender, social status, education, and level of mental and physical capability, are encouraged to join the rituals and festivity, which last for several days. Through the Buklog, the Subanen indigenous secret knowledge is respected, preserved and transmitted. The ritual system remains the most compelling cultural marker of the Subanen’s individual and collective identity and the strongest unifying force of the community.

Philippines 2019

According to the Thu Lao people's concept, the forest is the dwelling place of the gods, so the sacred forest is protected and cared for very carefully by the people. The forest worship ritual is a ritual to worship the gods residing in the sacred forest, praying for peace in the village, health and solidarity of the villagers, growth of crops and livestock, and bountiful harvests. The forest worship ritual takes place twice a year in the spring and summer at the base of the mother tree - the wife forest god and the base of the father tree - the husband forest god. The men participating in the worshiping ritual are representatives of each family. The offerings include chicken, pig, fabric, wine, incense. The main shaman and the assistant shaman represent the villagers to present the offerings and perform rituals with the gods. After the ritual, the villagers can enjoy: stilts, spinning tops, chicken badminton, round ball, swallow fighting... The forest worship ritual partly reflects the close relationship and connection between forest - water - land to ensure the life of each ethnic group; indigenous knowledge is in harmony with the environment.

The Bana people call epics "Homon", a type of epic born at the end of the primitive communal period, reflecting the history, society, indigenous knowledge, thoughts, and aspirations of the community. It is an epic song, a panorama of the past, which explains natural and social phenomena such as the formation of heaven and earth and humans, recreates wars, and describes customs and traditions of ethnics. In particular, the central theme throughout revolves around national heroes and cultural heroes of the community. Each Hơmon Epic Singing work recreates the three tasks of the hero: getting married, working in production, and fighting the enemy. Each task is not separate but linked and has a cause-and-effect relationship with each other: getting a wife, stealing a wife, and regaining a wife means enhancing strength, prestige, expanding territory, winning people's hearts, income, increasing production, creating wealth, food, gather warriors, fight to protect the village. Hơmon Epic Singing is performed by artisans in the evening, next to the fire of the communal house's fire. They can lie down or sit to sing about the characters in front of the audience. A singing session can last many nights, so Hơmon artists not only know the songs but also have to have good health, good voice, and endurance.