The three-day pilgrimage to the St. Thaddeus Apostle Monastery is an annual event that marked its 64th anniversary in 2018. The pilgrimage is a community celebration held in July with the participation of the Armenian communities of Iran and Armenia and other countries. The pilgrimage is inclusive for those who wish to attend: clergy, community leaders, regional and local governmental officials, laypeople, artisans, people with disabilities in search of a healing power from the Lord that may be granted to them with mediation through the holy spirit of St. Thaddeus, children and the elderly. The pilgrims gather for religious celebrations and special cultural, folk and educational performances. In Iran, busses and caravans transport individuals from Tehran, Isfahan, Tabriz, Salmas and Urmia to the St. Thaddeus Apostle Monastery. Hundreds of pilgrims attend the event from all over Armenia, including the capital city, Yerevan, other cities and bordering towns and villages to Iran. Hundreds of tents are erected in the countryside for more than 6000 pilgrims who attend the three-day ceremony from Iran, Armenia and overseas. The pilgrimage venerates two prominent Saints: St. Thaddeus, the Apostle of Christ, and St. Santukhd, the first female Christian Martyr. The commemoration ceremony includes special liturgies, processions, prayers, homilies and fasting. It culminates in a divine liturgy (Holy Mass) with Holy Communion and the anointment of the water blessed with Holy oil. Special times are set aside for traditional Armenian folk performances that include special music and songs. Artisans and craftsmen demonstrate their works of art at special stands. Ethnic Armenian dishes and delicacies are served at appointed times during the Pilgrimage.

Armenia,Iran 2020

Abi (Grandma) and Meme (Grandpa) is a native story about the local deity of a Durung Chiwog under Yangnyer Gewog in Trashigang. Durung is one of the farthest chiwog (Community) under the gewog (block) and is a native place and origin of the story. There are different information regarding the origin of Abi and Meme as a local deity of the community. One of source tells that Abi Sangay Lhamo and Meme Gempola were believed to be from Demkhar Village, a village located downhill of gewog centre under Darjeling chewog. Whereas another source states that Meme Gempola was from Demkhar and Abi was from Narang under monger gewog today. However, another oral transmission also states that Meme and Abi were from Zhangzhung, Tibet and they descended to the Durung due to internal conflict with the leader of Zhangzhung. Today, people also believe that the great grandparents of Abi and Meme must have moved and settled from Tibet creating the confusion to these days that Abi and Meme were from Zhangzhung (Tibet). One source emphasize that they had a daughter called Sangay Dema and she went to Woongkhar, a village at Drametse and got married there. Later, Abi and Meme went to her place to attend the death rituals of their late grandchild. Another source also states that Abi and Meme went there to attend death rituals of their relatives. While returning back after attending the rituals, they spend night beneath the cave at Dochurkhaktang near Sengderi, located at downstream between Durung and Narang. At night, the flood washed Abi and Meme from the place killing them on the way. Therefore, it is believed that both are born to Donesphu (large stone) as deity in the place presently below Durung village. It is believed that they protect and have control of land from Boe-Lhasa to Jagar-Dorjiden. Moreover, one of the religious texts (Soelkha text) states that Abi and Meme have control of land and people from Lha (Deity) Wogmay till Jagar Dorjiden.

Thuen-pa pun-zhi (The Four Noble Friends) is a spiritual tale originating from the Jakarta Tales of Lord Buddha. It is one of the most popular tales, both spoken and depicted in pictures on the walls of dzongs (fortresses), monasteries, temples and individual homes to promote harmony, cohesion, unity and a life of integrity. The fable is narrated as follows: In a dense forest in the country of Kashi once lived a Partridge, a Rabbit, a Monkey and an Elephant, who despite their different sizes and species became incredible friends. The reason is that they have the same feeling of love and kindness for each other. Every day they helped each other find food and wholeheartedly shared everything they found. One day they spoke to each other, "Although we have been friends for so long, we don't know who is the oldest and who is the youngest among us. We should begin to respect our elders and treat our younger friends with kindness, so we must examine ourselves." Amazingly, all the friends agreed to their joint proposal. The next day, everyone gathered near a giant Banyan tree (Ficus benghalensis). For the test, the partridge allowed prompted his friends, "Look at this tree." And asked, "Which of us saw the tree first?" First the elephant answered, "When I was small and lived with my mother's herd, I saw the tree, and it was just as big as I am." The monkey followed his giant friend and said, "I also saw the tree, and it was as big as my body." And the rabbit said, "I saw the tree as a sapling with only two tender leaves, and I licked the dew drops off those freshly grown leaves." After hearing these coincidences, the other friends except the partridge acknowledged the hierarchy of age. But surprisingly, the partridge, though the smallest, said, "I am the one who nibbled the juicy banyan fruit, and it is the tree that grew from the seed I left on the ground." Knowing who was the eldest among them, the elephant paid respect to his three other friends, and similarly the monkey honored the rabbit and the partridge; and the rabbit honored the partridge because he was the oldest and most senior friend. After that, the eldest got the first part of the food they got, and then they maintained the hierarchy. When they went on threatening journeys, the youngest carried the elder, the monkey carried the rabbit, and finally the partridge enjoyed the privilege of reserving the highest seat. On another occasion, the members again discussed why we should not try, besides respecting ourselves, to do at least some virtuous deeds. Partridge voluntarily stood up and suggested, "Until now, we have intentionally or unintentionally fed on the lives of other animals. Being a predator is an unvirtuous act, so let's cultivate being herbivores." Immediately others spoke up, "Although we can avoid taking life, we sometimes feed on what is not really ours. This is an act of possession that is not granted or by permission, so from now on we will not commit ourselves to having anything that is not given or offered." They then agreed not to be possessed of food, sexual misconduct and, untruthfulness, and finally to renounce the consumption of intoxicants, especially alcohol. The four friends committed themselves to the Basic Five Virtuous Law they imposed on each other. One day, the oldest friend, the partridge, asked the rest of his friends, "Let's make other mates besides ourselves abide by our rules, who among us can bring your friends into the Law?" The monkey replied, "I can make all my fellows to abide." Similarly, the rabbit and the elephant also assured their friends to follow the rules. Gradually, all the animals obeyed the fundamental law, which led to the occurrence of favorable weather that not only brought abundant fruits and harvests to the animal world, but also enabled mankind to live in harmony. The king, fascinated by the unusual auspicious signs, called his queens, ministers, young men and merchants to inquire about the cause of this good luck, but unfortunately no one could give an answer. One day the king met a Hermit who lived in the seclusion of the forest and could predict everything, and asked him the same question. The hermit said, "All these auspicious signs are due to the virtuous behavior of the animals that live in your forest." Although the king was surprised by this news and wanted to see the animals, the Hermit urged the king to make his countrymen obey the law of animals; not to kill, not to steal, not to commit misconduct, not to be dishonest, and not to engage in the consumption of intoxicants. As advised, the King got all his citizens to obey the law, which had actually been established by the Four Noble Animal Friends. Finally, the king, the people and the animals experienced an unattainable peace, tranquility and blissful life in the present and enjoyed it even after their deaths as heavenly beings

Sanjyra is the oral listing of ancestors on the straight male-line. It was compulsory for everyone to know his ancestors as the Kyrgyz identified themselves through a link with clan and tribe. Sanjyra provided answers to the questions such as: “Who are you?”, “Who were your father, grandfather?”, “From which family are you?”. That is why there is a saying: “Those who do not now their ancestors will become slaves”. The Kyrgyz genealogy consists of three large groups: right wing (on), left wing (sol) and the ichkilik (inner) group. Similar to many genealogies of other nations, it represents a sprawling crown of a tree (tree of life). Intertribal hierarchy was built on the male-line by giving the male names to the titles of tribal clans.

The epic, folk and musical heritage of Dede Qorqud/ Korkyt Ata/ Dede Korkut is based on twelve heroic legends, stories and tales and 13 traditional musical compositions (in Kazakhstan, Kuys of Korkyt Ata) that have been shared and transmitted from generations to generations, through oral expressions, performing arts, cultural codes and musical compositions. The element contains social, cultural, moral values such as heroism, dialogue, physical and spiritual wellness and unity as well as respect to nature that are still maintained by all parts of society Dede Qorqud /Korkyt Ata/ Dede Korkut appears in each story as a legendary character and is a wise person, a sage of minstrels whose words, music and expressions of wisdom are related to traditions of birth, marriage and death. In Korkyt's musical compositions, the main intonations are reproduced on Kobyz (musical instrument), through the sounds of nature, and imitations of soundscapes are characteristic for this medium, e.g. imitation of the howl of a wolf, a swan's note, a horse's run, the whoosh of an arrow, a dog's yawl, a baby's cry, a lullaby, etc. The feature of Korkyt's musical compositions is their interconnection with each other through the epic stories which accompany each musical composition. The element was safeguarded due to its bearers – community of epic and tale narrators and music performers. Today, the element is transmitted in two ways: informal – within the family or community, and formal - in various educational institutions. From family events to national and international festivities the element is sustained and practiced during a wide variety of occasions in various cultural spaces and therefore it is well rooted in society. For the Turkic speaking communities, the element is the connecting thread of generations and unites them today.

Azerbaijan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2018

Kyrgyz people worshipped natural objects from antiquity, deeming that it is in the nature the visible and invisible worlds may coexist harmoniously. One of such practices is the Obo ceremony. It is a worshipping practice that was spread in a pre-Islamic period, when people equally worshipped the Sun and the Earth. It was understood that the Sun represents the fatherly beginning, and the Earth represents the motherly one. Sacred sites are visited by people, who need to be treated from illnesses, both physical, and spiritual; or those who want to make a prayer in memory of the dead relatives. Other widely spread practices are zikir chaluu and shamanic ritual korum zikir. In addition, other varieties of spiritual practices include talma bii and oiun. Roles of bakhshi (in Turkic tradition) and dubana (Muslim dervishes) are merged in many ways in Kyrgyz practice. Zikir chaluu represents emotional prayer, which is made because of pragmatic reasons, and as a rule, people ask for prosperity, welfare, healing, fertility or peace. Fire purification ceremony sham is performed often along with zikir chaluu during festive rituals as the Kyrgyz believe that the spiritual and visible worlds are unified in the fire.

Traditions of telling humorous and satirical stories about Khoja Nasreddin - a folklore character of the peoples of the Muslim East. Khoja Nasreddin is a collective image devoid of spatial and temporal boundaries. He is a connecting link in a chain of cultural phenomena that are far from each other; in the end, he constitutes a single cultural layer. The first appearance of anecdotes about Khoja Nasreddin dates back to the 10th century. The literary character of Nasreddin is eclectic and combines in himself the image of a sage and a simpleton at the same time, an internally contradictory image of an antihero, a vagabond, a free-thinker, a rebel, a fool, a holy fool, a sly man, a rogue and even a cynical philosopher, a subtle scientist-theologian and a Sufi. He makes fun of human vices, misers, bigots, hypocrites, bribe judges, etc.

Uzbekistan 2022

The people of Drangmaling-Nangar village in Tsamang Gewog, Mongar Dzongkhag in the eastern district gather every two years to perform Khar-phued. Literally, dairy product; milk, curd, cheese, butter, etc. were used as offerings. In other words, Kar means "wheat", Phued means "offering" - it is the offering of the first wheat harvest. Kharphu is a Bon ritual festival used to pay homage to local deities and ensure the well-being of the community, its households, livestock and crops. Kharphu is celebrated from the 26th day of the fourth month to the 2nd day of the fifth month according to the Bhutanese calendar. The village elders trace the origin of this ancient festival to the days of the creation of earth and sky (sachag namchag), as they do not know the exact century of origin or when it was held. The program and its components have been entirely preserved and passed down through oral tradition. This includes the ritual nightly exchange of songs that extends throughout the week. Apparently, this festival is in great danger of being lost in the modern cultural landscape.

Meshrep, which in modern Uygur language means ‘get-together’ or ‘venue,’ is the developed version of the Uygur sacrificial offerings, blessings and ceremonial events of antiquity. Early records of Meshrep appear in the Chinese source The Biography of Gao Che in the Book of Wei (553 AD) and in the Arabic classic The Grand Dictionary of Turkic Language (1073 AD). The Meshrep is an organized folkloric event that follows certain procedures and is often held in a spacious outdoor venue on seasonal and traditional holidays, or according to the needs of the people’s life and work. There are mainly three types of participants: a) the host of Meshrep, viz, the yigetbixi who, elected by the local people, has to preside over the rituals, ballads and dances, games, mock court proceedings and other events taking place in the Meshrep; usually he is aided by several assistants that ensure the orderly progress of the activities; b) the folk artists invited to perform and c) the general public. The event is normally attended by hundreds of people and all of them participate in the activities. Meshrep contains a rich collection of traditions. A complete Meshrep event includes performances like the Uygur muqam, folk songs and dances, story-singing and drama, as well as other activities such as oral literature, tournaments and games, which people enjoy and actively take part in. Meshrep has both relation and difference with Uygur muqam. Usually, some songs and dance music from it will be sung, played in Meshrep event, for the public to enjoy it and dance by self-entertainment with the rhythm of the songs and dance music. In the Uygur “twelve muqam”, each set of muqam has such songs and dance music in its third part, therefore this part is also called “Meshrep”. Uygur muqam is the large comprehensive art form integrating song, dance and entertainment, while Meshrep is just one of the cultural space of Uygur Muqam. Meshrep is rather like a big stage for various arts or a carnival party, with the public freely participating in various activities, who are not only auditors, also players, even the participants and judge of the moral forum; there is no boundary between the spectator seats and the stage, while Uygur muqam artists are just a small portion of the mass participants of Meshrep. In conclusion, Uygur muqam is the art for the public to enjoy, while Meshrep is the important space accommodating various traditional cultural expression forms. Therefore, we can say that Meshrep is not only an important ‘moral forum’ and ‘stage’ for folk artists of various kind to display their brilliant skills, but also a ‘court’ where the host mediates conflicts and ensure the preservation of moral standards. Moreover, it is a ‘classroom’ where people learn about their traditional customs, nature, and different experience of economic production. It is a ‘playground’ where to entertain body and soul. Meshrep is the most important cultural venue carrier of Uygur traditions. There are dozen varieties of Meshrep known so far, this is evidence of the diversity of its social and cultural functions. For example: the ‘Kok (Young crops) Meshrep’ is held in Springtime; the ‘Huoxalik (Festivity) Meshrep’ takes place at weddings, adulthood rites, harvest and festivals; the ‘Namakul (Apology) Meshrep’ is held to mediate conflicts or settle disputes; the ‘Keiyet (Disciplinary) Meshrep’ is performed with the aim of criticizing immoral behaviours or educating the public; the ‘Dolan Meshrep’ is meant to show admiration for the hunting life and ravery of the ancestors; and the ‘Ketaphan (storytelling) Meshrep’ serves as a sort of review of literature. Thus, the word put in front of ‘Meshrep’ indicates the social and cultural function it is meant to perform. Meshrep is mainly transmitted and inherited by the hosts who know well its rules, sequence and cultural connotation, and by the virtuoso folk artists who frequently participate in Meshrep. They learn the tradition either from older hosts and skilled folk artists, or by frequently attending the Meshrep events. They become hosts of the Meshrep only after obtaining the appreciation and recognition of the local masses. At the same time, the transmission of Meshrep cannot dispense with the majority of Uygur people who participate in its actual practice. Being a cultural space for the practice of Uygur people’s traditions, Meshrep has already become a part of their culture and folk customs. It provides the Uygur people with abundant knowledge about their traditions and sustains their cultural identity. Hence, it is considered one of the most important cultural heritages of the Uygur nation. To rescue and safeguard Meshrep not only meets the demands for mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, but it also answers to the need for improving its viabilityand achieving its sustainable development.

China 2010

The Kirgiz People has a long history. There were historical records about this ethnic group in the Western Han Dynasty (206 B.C.–23 A.D.). In the Tang Dynasty (618-907), Dudufu, or governor headquarters were set up on the upper reaches of the Yenisey River to administrate the Kirgizes’ inhabiting area (648). Throughout history, the Kirgizes withstood lots of hardship to move southwards from the upriver of Yenisey to the Tianshan Mountains and Pamir area in pursuit of an ideal community life amidst frequent tribal wars, which provided a deep cultural and historical basis for the evolution of the epic Manas. Manas is an epic verse sung and transmitted in oral forms. It is the general term for all different variations of the same theme in the Kirgiz community across Xinjiang. Manas is by tradition performed by one Manaschi without musical accompaniment, but in recent years there are also performances by more than one singer, or those accompanied by the traditional musical instrument of Komuz. Primary cultural spaces of this element include social gatherings, celebrations, life rituals, traditional festivals and special “Manas Concerts”. With a long-standing nomadic tradition, the Kirgiz people take the performance of Manas as their most important cultural expression for public entertainment, the remembrance of history, inheritance of culture, transmission of knowledge to younger generations and the prayer for fortune as well as guard against evil. Therefore, Manas is recognized as a key symbol of the cultural identity of the Kirgiz people, and the most important and integral part of the Kirghizian cultural heritage. Today, the Kirghizes are still proud of being the descendants of their hero Manas. The most important people for the transmission and development of Manas are Manachis who obtain their special knowledge through family inheritance or by learning from masters, and their skills are constantly improved during their entire career by constantly performing to the audiences. The most outstanding epic singer of our time, Dzüsüp Mamay is an epitome of Manachis, whose repertoire of Manas altogether covers eight cantos, namely, Manas, Semetey, Seytek, Kenenim, Seyit, Asilbacha-Bekbacha, Sombilek and Chigitey, 236,000 lines in total. The entire storytelling draws a genealogical account of the legendary achievements of the ancient hero Manas and his seven generations of descendants, recording all the major historic events of great impact for the Kirgiz people. It also gives vivid descriptions of the traditional belief, ethics and morality, mode of production and life of the Kirgiz people. Up to date, over 80 different variations of Manas have been found, which vary from one canto to several cantos, from a few thousand to tens of thousands of lines, all featured with rich and pithy lyrics, beautiful melodies, lively parables and many expressions and phrases that integrated into the Kirgiz everyday language. The melody is in seven scales and verses in parallels. In real performance, different singers usually adopt different registers and melodies according to the story, scenario and characters, and often make improvisations in lyrics, descriptions, music modes and gestures, so that traditional skills and individual creativity are combined to make this traditional epic full of vitality. As one of the three major epics of China, Manas is the outstanding creation and oral encyclopedia of the Kirgiz people and still remains the inexhaustible fountainhead to nurture their cultural psychology, ethnic character, creative capacity and artistic skills.

China 2009

“Yaldā/Chella” is an ancient celebration whereby the brilliance of the sun along with the warmth of life are cherished. This event coincides with an increase in day-length in the region The winter solstice in the Northern Hemisphere corresponds to Dey 1st (December 22nd) in the Iranian calendar and Ghovs 30th (December 21st) in the Afghans calender . On the occasion of the last night of autumn, families get together. This family reunion often takes place at the houses of elders where people meet around a table called “Yaldā/Chella Night Sofrah”. “Yaldā/Chella Night Sofrah” consists of a lamp that symbolizes light, water that represents cleanliness, red fruits such as pomegranates, watermelons, beetroots, jujube and red and green grapes that demonstrate warmth along with serving broth (Ash), sweets, dried fruits and nuts special to this occasion, all set on “Yaldā/Chella Night Sofrah” and consumed during the nightly gathering. The Sofrah usually comes in red and is traditionally spread on the floor or on Korsi/chairs. The red color used in various components of the Sofrah refer to the reddish sky after the dusk and before the dawn. This feature showcases the relationship between this celebration with the ancient rituals of a Mithraism, i.e. worshiping the goddess of the sun. In Afghanistan, people believe that the devil invades houses at this night and they set fire at their houses to prevent entrance of evil and ugliness (embodied as the devil) to their houses. The type of activities in this celebration ranges from reciting poems, storytelling, reciting Hafiz's poems or referring to them for pleasane omens, reciting verses from the epic poetic masterpiece of Shahnameh, listening to or playing music, singing and giving gifts to new in-laws/brides and children, indoor games and enjoying “Yaldā/Chella Night Sofrah” goodies and items. Women play a key role in this ceremony. Children are also considered as the future bearers/practitioners of the element. The elders are valued as its bearers. While observing “Yaldā/Chella” items such as cultural identity, attention to nature, and respect for women, friendship, hospitality, cultural diversity and peaceful coexistence are manifested and respected.

Afghanistan,Iran 2022

Hò khoan Singing of Lệ Thủy is a form of folk performance, taking place in spring and autumn, festivals, or to find friends of people in Le Thuy district, Quang Binh province. Hò khoan Singing of Lệ Thủy originated from production labor, when people needed to cooperate with each other to create strength to fight against harsh nature. Previously, Hò khoan Singing was performed in the "wood splitting" environment of lacquer workers, boatmen, transplanters, rice pounders, lime makers, earth pounders, house builders, singing to send off the deceased... and "hò khơi", "hò nậu xăm" of coastal residents. During the resistance years, Hò khoan Singing became revolutionary Ho. Today, the performance environment of Hò khoan Singing of Lệ Thủy is staged to effectively serve all socio-economic fields, criticize bad habits and is taught in schools. Hò khoan Singing of Lệ Thủy flexibly transforms in all environments but still retains the original melodies. Hò khoan Singing of Lệ Thủy is a type of composition, both performing and composing to fit the rhythmic time. Hò khoan Singing includes 9 melodies (9 melodies), including: mái chè, mái nện, lỉa trâu, mái ruỗi, mái nhài, mái ba, mái hò khơi, mái xắp và mái hò nậu xăm. The lyrics are poems, folk songs that are available, rustic, close to daily life. The main musical instruments are the Erhu and Mỏ, in addition, there can be rice pounding pestle, bamboo beak, sanh, stick, bronze tray, tea cup... used in singing sessions that are not competitions. Hò khoan Singing includes storytelling, narrative singing, cultural activities, call-and-response singing... people sing improvisation on the spot, with performers and accompanists, it is an indispensable form of community cultural activity with theatricality for Le Thuy people. The form of Hò khoan Singing of Lệ Thủy is mainly expressed by collective performance including two types: individual singing (hò) and collective singing (xô). The unique feature of Hò khoan Singing of Lệ Thủy is that when performing alone, they sing both the main and the con. With two or more people, one person sings the main song, many people sing the con songs, expressing all kinds of topics such as: singing to compete, singing to tease, and singing to guess. If the main song has a problem, the con song can immediately take over for the main song. Hò connects breath, strength, and intelligence flexibly and flexibly. Hò is used right during work: planting, plowing, pounding rice, building houses, etc. to encourage the working spirit of the people. In addition, Hò is also used to confide, respond or exchange love during traditional festivals. In 2017, the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism issued a decision to recognize Hò khoan Singing of Lệ Thủy as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage.