Traditional Balinese dances are performed by male and female dancers dressed in exquisite traditional costumes consisting of brightly coloured cloths painted with gold motifs of flora and fauna, and gold leafed and jewelled accessories. The dances are inspired by nature and symbolize the traditions, customs and religious values, composed in four elements: agem, basic body posture with knees turned out and stocmach pushed in; tandang, locomotive movements in different tempo and directions; tangkis, transitional movements with dynamic changes; and tangkep, facial expression with eyes movements showing happiness, sadness, anger, love, fear, etc. They are accompanied by music of Balinese gamelan instruments with symphonic poems that contain moral messages taken from religious teachings. Dancers portray various characters as strong or refine male role, female role, and mixed role. For Balinese, dance is a part of religious ceremonies conducted periodically according to the Balinese calendar. A dancer should also have taksu, charisma, a special spiritual energy which makes the performance become alive (dynamic). Balinese dances can be categorized as Wali (sacred), Bebali (semi-sacred) or Balih-balihan (entertainment). The three categories is applied with respect all over Bali using different dance forms according to the principle of desa (place), kala (time), and patra (occasion). In Balinese communities, dances are mainly transmitted informally to children from early ages in traditional groups (sekaa) and at formal schools in various levels. Traditional Balinese dances are rich in noble values and are an important part of the Balinese cultural heritage and identity, now studied almost all over Indonesia.

Indonesia 2015

Known as tagunggak amongst the Murut, togunggak amongst the Kadazandusun or ‘togunggu’ in Penampang, these struck bamboo idiophones are played in groups to accompany dancing or processions at festive occasions. One set comprises from six (togunggu’) to thirty (tagunggak) pieces, depending on the ethnic group. The music resembles that of the set of gongs of the particular group, with each idiophone tuned according to the corresponding gong part it plays.

Meaning “elegant music”, Nha Nhac refers to a broad range of musical and dance styles performed at the Vietnamese royal court from the fifteenth to the mid-twentieth century. Nha Nhac was generally featured at the opening and closing of ceremonies associated with anniversaries, religious holidays, coronations, funerals and official receptions. Nha Nhac shares a nationwide scope and strong links with the traditions of other East Asian countries. Nha Nhac performances formerly featured numerous singers, dancers and musicians dressed in sumptuous costumes. Large-scale orchestras included a prominent drum section and many other types of percussion instruments as well as a variety of wind and string instruments. All performers had to maintain a high level of concentration since they were expected to follow each step of the ritual meticulously. Throughout historical transitions, Nha Nhac’s cultural context and functions have shifted. Beside its re-enacted performances for spectacle purpose, Nha Nhac music and its expressions are viable and relevant to local communities in Thua Thien Hue, especially in festive events and ceremonies, such as festival, funeral, ancestral worshipping ritual, and birthday anniversary.

Viet Nam 2008

The literal meaning of Chib-drel is ‘the procession led by the riding horse’. It is the traditional way of receiving important dignitaries as a gesture of honour and respect appropriate to their positions and importance. Such dignitaries range from heads of state to religious heads and high-ranking officials. The procession comprises monks equipped with their traditional orchestral instruments, namely trumpets, clarinets, drums and cymbals, which they play as they walk. The procession also includes a number of other participants such as Pacham (hero dancers) and folk dancers in traditional costume, persons carrying auspicious symbols and substances, people carrying flags associated with deities, and a hierarchy of officials, bodyguards and attendants.

Chhau is a major dance tradition of eastern India. It enacts episodes from epics Mahabharata, Ramayana, Puranas, traditional folklore,local legends and abstract themes through the idiom of dance and a music ensembles that consists primarily of indigenous drums. It is seen in its distinct styles in Seraikella, Mayurbhanj and Purulia that are neighbouring areas of the states of Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal respectively. Chhau of Seraikella uses masks. Its technique and its repertoire was developed by the erstwhile nobility who were both performers and choreographers. Mayurbhanj Chhau is performed without masks and has a technique similar to Seraikella. The Chhau of Purulia retains the spontaneity of folk art. It is also performed with masks. The population is largely agricultural, though with urbanization and an increasing pressure on land, people have come to depend on other means of livelihood, mainly as unskilled labour in small towns. Predominantly Hindus, their religious beliefs, festivals and rituals have been influenced by the pre-existing tribal customs. The Chhau Dance in its traditional context is intimately connected to the festivals and rituals of this region. Important among these is the Chaitra Parva held in the month of April. The month of Chaitra in the Hindu calendar celebrates the advent of spring and the beginning of the harvesting season. Thirteen days of dance-like rituals of Jatra Ghat, Mangla Ghat, Kalika Ghat and Brindabani are dedicated to Shiva and Shakti as the source of all cosmic creation. These culminate in a vibrant festival of dance. Support of the erstwhile rulers made it an important event. In present times, the festival is supported by funding provided by the provincial government. Any paucity in funds is fulfilled by garnering support from local sponsors. All the arrangements for this festival are done by an organizing committee that is constituted by the people themselves and has representation from all sections of the society. Various communities, according to their occupations were responsible for different aspects of the dance. This division, though blurred with time is still to be seen in activities like instrumentmaking, music, mask and headgear-making. While royal patronage was extended to the Chhau of Seraikella and Mayurbhanj, the Chhau of Purulia was sustained and developed by the people themselves. This whole exercise promoted popular participation and fostered a sense of commitment to the art that is still palpable among the people of these regions. Chhau traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Important among these was the Paika tradition. Paikas were soldiers brought up by the native rulers of Orissa. The Parikhand khela (play of the sword and shield) in Seraikella Chhau and the ruk-mar-naach (meaning the dance of attack and defence) in Mayurbhanj Chhau clearly point to these martial moorings. The basic stances of Chowk and Dharan are common and have an inherent strong martial character. Some of the dancers that excelled in these techniques, for example the Parikhars in the Seraikella tradition were invited to perform at social/religious ceremonies. It is a people’s art as it involves the entire community. Performed by male dancers of families of traditional artists, or those trained under Gurus or Ustads (masters). It traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Khel (mock combat techniques), chalis and topkas (stylized gaits of birds and animals) and uflis (movements modeled on the daily chores of a village housewife) constitute the fundamental vocabulary of Chhau dance. It is performed in an open space called akhada or asar and lasts through the night. The dancers perform a repertoire that explores a variety of subjects: local legends, folklore and episodes from the epics Ramayana/ Mahabharata and abstract themes. The vibrant music is characterized by the rhythm of indigenous drums like the dhol, dhumsa and kharka and the melody of the mohuri and shehnai. Rhythm is vital to the rendering of Chhau. Some of the rhythms of Chhau are from the repertory of drummers playing at births, deaths and other life-cycle ceremonies in households of this region. The composition of the rhythm is so structured that it is independently capable of expressing the emotive content of the dance.

India 2010

Renowned for its elaborate puppets and complex musical styles, this ancient form of storytelling originated on the Indonesian island of Java. For ten centuries wayang flourished at the royal courts of Java and Bali as well as in rural areas. Wayang has spread to other islands (Lombok, Madura, Sumatra and Borneo) where various local performance styles and musical accompaniments have developed. While these carefully handcrafted puppets vary in size, shape and style, two principal types prevail: the three-dimensional wooden puppet (wayang klitik or golèk) and the flat leather shadow puppet (wayang kulit) projected in front of a screen lit from behind. Both types are characterized by costumes, facial features and articulated body parts. The master puppeteer (dalang) manipulates the swivelling arms by means of slender sticks attached to the puppets. Singers and musicians play complex melodies on bronze instruments and gamelan drums. In the past, puppeteers were regarded as cultivated literary experts who transmitted moral and aesthetic values through their art. The words and actions of comic characters representing the “ordinary person” have provided a vehicle for criticizing sensitive social and political issues, and it is believed that this special role may have contributed to wayang’s survival over the centuries. Wayang stories borrow characters from indigenous myths, Indian epics and heroes from Persian tales. The repertory and performance techniques were transmitted orally within the families of puppeteers, musicians and puppet-makers. Master puppeteers are expected to memorize a vast repertory of stories and to recite ancient narrative passages and poetic songs in a witty and creative manner.

Indonesia 2008

The Gesar epic recounts the sacred deeds of the hero King Gesar, while unfolding a broad spectrum of oral genres, embedded hundreds of myth, legend, folktale, ballad, and proverb in narrative framework of “beads on a string,” namely “Gesar Epic Cycle,” demonstrating the sheer monumentality and vitality of verbal arts. So far we found the earliest manuscript is The Battle Between Vjang Regality and Gling Regality, which dated to the 14th century, while the earliest Mongolian woodblock version titled “Geser Khan, Guardian Lord of the Ten Directions,” was published in Beijing in 1716. As of today, there are over 120 different oral cantos on record. Not counting the texts in prose, the portions in verse alone are total over one million lines excluding different variations, indicating that the living oral epic continues to expand. As the creators and inheritors of the heroic song, the Tibetan singers and storytellers are traditionally classified in several ways by how they learn and master the epic. In oral performances, they invoke a flexible genre of bcad-lhug-spel-ma, namely ‘prosimetrum,’ by melding concisely worded prose with lyrical verse and over 80 melodies of music in responding to different contexts. They often use a variety of skills that include gestures, facial expressions, postures, and verbal sound effects to enhance the singing artistry. Among their meaningful props, the hat, bronze mirror, and costume are shaped in special ways to symbolize the traditional cosmology and aesthetics. In Mongolian tradition however, the epic singing is handed down professionally from master to apprentice. Performances usually feature musical accompaniment by stringed instruments called the “horse head fiddle” (morin khuur) and the “four stringed spiked fiddle” (hugur). The two major singing styles, “improvised melodic singing” (holboga) and “musical storytelling” (bensen ulger), are combined with oral narratives, which highlight vocal singing with deep, broad, and melodious sounds skilfully utilized as needed. Gesar epic performances play important roles in rites of passage, festival ceremonies and religious rituals in communities concerned. For instance, when a child is born, passages about King Gesar’s descending to the world are sung. The epic also reflects Tibet’s native Bon religion, in respect to beliefs, rituals, theology, divination, and so on. Moreover, the epic singing itself usually accompanies with specific ritualized practices, for example, smoke offering, meditation devoting, and spirit possessed. Hence, the epic is not only the dominant means for communicating with the hero, gods, ancestors, and members of society, but also the major entertainment in rural communities. The epic performers have acted as traditional educators who enable people understanding genealogy and history, astronomy and geography, zoology and botany, arts and crafts, medicine and treatment through their storytelling. Concrete narratives focusing on origins of nature and universe are incorporated in numerous episodes called Ode, such as Ode to Mountain, Ode to Sword, etc., revealing that the epic itself a continuum of experiential knowledge in response to their environment, their interaction with nature, universe, and history. As a Tibetan proverb goes, “On every person’s lips there is a canto of King Gesar.” It has been a constant inspiration for other art forms, including traditional forms such as Thangka painting, Tibetan opera, and Cham masked dance, as well as contemporary arts, which provides peoples and young generations a sense of cultural identity and historical continuity, while reflecting credit on the common cultural legacy, shared by generations, serves as a really all-embracing encyclopedia for the general public.

China 2009

The Hezhen people, once known as “Hejen,” have long inhabited the reaches of the significant “three rivers”—Amur River (Heilongjiang), Sungari River (Songhuajiang), and Ussri River (Wusulijiang)—in northeast China. With a population of approximately 4600 people, they are one of the smallest ethnic minorities in China. Yimakan storytelling is a multi-canto oral genre performed in the Hezhen language, or “Nanay” in linguistic terms, which belongs to the Manchu-Tungusic branch of the Altaic language family. It can be traced back many centuries, and is closely connected with the Hezhen people's life-world, which depends for its existence on fishing and hunting. In China, the Hezhen Yimakan Storytelling was first reported by Ling Chunsheng, an anthropologist, in his work entitled, The Hezhen People Living in the Lower Reaches of the Sungari River, in 1934. Yimakan storytelling varies in themes and story-pattern, and resembles an extended narrative tradition celebrating heroic feats and tribal alliances. The ‘mergen’ or hero is perhaps the most iconic and enduring superhero ever created, and likewise heroic narratives, centering on depicting ancient warriors, are also among the most popular tales. The basic storyline is devoted to narrating how the hero becomes the tribal chieftain after enduring many trials and tribulations, and how he finally rehabilitates the Hezhens’ homeland, leading his people to undertake a peaceful life. So far, one of the most ancient stories is the Sirdalu Mergen, which is considered “the very first heroic story since the creation of the world” by local people. Other stories take shape at later stages, such as Antu Mergen, Mandu Mergen, and Shensu Mergen. Apart from heroic narratives, other stories about hunting and fishing, beauty and bravery, love and wisdom, local knowledge and daily chores can also be found, such as Gimtekewe Anaburan and Muzhurin Mergen. Thus far about fifty cantos have been recorded, including Mandu Mergen, Yargu, Shirgu, and Princess Yingtu Flying to the Moon, etc. The episodes of Mandu Mergen may last as long as 8 to 9 hours. The Yimakan performance is a mixture of singing and narrating, and is conducted by an experienced storyteller, with no instrumental accompaniment. Generally speaking, the tradition can be roughly divided into two types: ‘sagdi jarimku’ and ‘uskuli jarimku,’ or BIG SONG and SMALL SONG, respectively, in terms of thematic content and the length of the storytelling. The Big Songs are longer, dealing primarily with heroic stories and creation myths, and they occur mostly in the form of narration; the Small Songs are shorter, depicting love stories, fishing and hunting lifestyles, and the like, and they are rendered with specific melodies. The solo voice of storytelling differs according to gender and age. For this reason, youth melodies, elderly melodies, female melodies, and similar phenomena, can be applied to particular characters and plots. Melodies of narration typically vary from place to place and continually adapt to match up with the given scene and ad hoc plots, thus producing a vivid spectrum of narrative tones in combination of the sonorous or prolonged strains, slow or quick movements. The formulaic singing and reciting can be identified as “traditional” in many facets, though improvisational elements are still quite common and vary according to the level of emotive interaction between storyteller and audience. The traditional performers of Yimakan, called ‘Yimakanqi mafa,’ are usually amateurs, trained in a master-apprentice relationship by a clan or a family. During the first half of the 20th century, master storytellers emerged in rapid succession within a clan or a family. At present, however, outsiders are more and more often accepted for apprenticeship. In the Hezhen context, Yimakanqi mafa refers to a personage with high language skills and a quick mind, who is thus highly respected by the folk. Being a small group of wordsmiths, they can smoothly improvise during the performance, while carefully following the traditional story-patterns, motifs and formulaic diction. Embedded within its society and culture, Yimakan has been the major form of entertainment in the native regions. The Hezhens always enjoy listening to this storytelling during hunting and fishing, upon wedding or house-building ceremonies, and on feast and festival occasions. In particular, the cold and long winter has traditionally ushered in a special time for storytelling. Accordingly, the oral storytelling, as a cultural complex, has been deeply ingrained in the Hezhens’ hearts. In current times, it also supplies a vehicle for younger generations to learn about their history and culture, while opening a window for outsiders to access the Hezhen communities. Since there is no writing system available for these particular communities, Yimakan plays a key role in preserving Hezhens’ past through oral means. This traditional storytelling, as an ideological form of living oral history, reflects the Hezhens’ historical development, social situatedness, and conceptual systems, along with vivid portrayals of daily life, nature worship, shamanic practice, customs, folkways, and remnants of matriarchal kinship, and to a certain extent has made up for the few written records of the Hezhens that exist. It not only manifests almost all aspects of their cultural creativities, but also plays a core function in maintaining the Hezhens’ mother tongue—a ‘severely endangered language’ as reported in ATLAS OF THE WORLD’S LANGUAGES IN DANGER (UNESCO 2010, p.54)—as well. Through practicing Yimakan, the Hezhens’ everyday language, sacred songs, and divine chants have been easier to keep intact, and the transmission and development of the mother tongue has become a more realistic possibility to cultural resurgence. By and large, Yimakan storytelling will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the Hezhens’ traditions, history, values, and ethos. Since it has long been the major carrier of the Hezhens’ historic memory and cultural expression, this time-honoured oral tradition possesses irreplaceable social functions for enhancing ethnic cohesion and identity. Furthermore, having linked the past to the present through an unbroken corpus of living memory and culture, Yimakan serves as a treasure house for the maintenance of the Hezhen language. For all of these reasons, Yimakan presents a specific example of a living and thriving cultural diversity that is under threat of extinction.

China 2011

The Tay people have many rituals and prayers to ask for blessings, ask for good things, and banish evil and bad things. The vows made in the rituals called then roads are performed by the Thens (in the vowing rituals, there is also a system of words called Mo, Tao, and Phat roads, which are performed by magicians and teachers. Tao, Buddha - different names for worshipers). Therefore, the then ritual is a system of rhythmic lyrics, accompanied by rituals in religious activities of the Tay ethnic group. Those who can practice then rituals must be people with special abilities. According to the Tay people's concept and in reality, Then is someone sent down by heaven or selected by ancestors with then karma to help earthly people perform then rituals, meeting the spiritual needs of the community, if it is a woman, it is called Me Then (or Me Slin), and if it is a man - very rarely, it is called Po Then (or Po Slin). Then in Tuyen Quang, there are 2 types: the fan key and the calculated key. Currently, there are very few people who are "granted" Then Fan in Tuyen Quang. Then Fan (also known as Then Ky yen) is used in rituals to pray for peace such as: worshiping the mother, praying for relief from drought, praying for healing or worshiping ghosts... Then Tinh has an accompaniment musical instrument such as a pipe, a squirrel beam. and music.

Viet Nam 2019

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea This is a ritual held to pray that the spirit of the dead may forget all grudges and go to heaven happily and that people still alive may live peacefully. The word ssitgim comes from the Korean verb ssitgida (to wash someone). The ritual, which is deeply associated with Buddhist beliefs, is thought to have started in the Goryeo Period (877 – 1394). Details of the performance depend on what the occasion is, for example, right after a death, the first/second anniversaries of the death, or burying the body after letting it stay on the ground covered with grass or straw for three to ten years. The ritual is carried out in the following order: Anttang (a sacrificial rite for deceased ancestors), Chogamangseok (invoking the spirit of the dead), Cheoolligi (entertaining the spirit), Sonnimgut (entertaining the spirits of friends of the dead), Jeseokgut (a rite for a deity handling matters such as people’s longevity, grains and clothes), Gopuri (consoling the spirit), Iseulteolgi (washing the spirit of the dead and praying that the spirit go to heaven peacefully), Yeonghwa Ssitgimgut (thanking for ancestors’ protection on a congratulatory occasion of the family), Neokgeonjigut (consoling the spirit of a drowned person), Jeoseung Honsagut (a rite for marriage between the spirits of a dead unmarried woman and man). The ritual is performed to the accompaniment of music played on piri (flute), daegeum (large-sized bamboo flute), haegeum (two-stringed fiddle), janggo (hourglass-shaped drum), and jing (large gong). The robe worn by the exorcist looks similar to that of a monk. She dances and sings songs to help the dead forget all their grudges. The dances and music used in the ritual displays high artistic quality. The rite is also a valuable source of material for those studying cultural heritage.

Quan họ is a form of alternate singing between males and females, once only popular in 49 villages of the ancient Kinh Bắc region, presently in Bắc Ninh and Bắc Giang provinces. The singing tradition is an intergral part of tục kết chạ (friendship custom) between villages, tục kết bạn (friend-making custom) between groups of singers, as well as tục ngủ bọn (sleepover custom). During these twining occasions, groups of quan họ singers from two villages sing throughout day and night. Quan họ songs are sung in harmony as alternating verses by two females (liền chị) from one village, and two males (liền anh) from the twined village sing with similar melodies and responding lyrics. The twining relationship allows singers maintain as artistic and intimate friendship, marriage is not allowed. Quan họ singing has three main types: hát canh (the singing at a host’s house), hát thi lấy giải (singing for prizes), and hát hội (singing at festivals). Lim Festival, taking place on the 13th of the First Lunar month every year, is the most significant event to celebrate and commemorate the founding father of this singing tradition. Music accompaniment was introduced into quan họ singing several decades ago, giving ways to new forms of performance, such as on stage and in celebrations such as wedding, anniversaries and ceremonies.

Viet Nam 2009

The Tonga archipelago lies in the South Pacific approximately 2,000 kilometres north-east of New Zealand. It is the only constitutional monarchy in the Pacific region. Often considered Tonga’s national dance, Lakalaka is a blend of choreography, oratory, and vocal and instrumental polyphony. This cultural expression is practised by communities throughout the islands and features prominently at important celebrations such as the coronation of the monarch and anniversaries of the constitution.The term lakalaka means “to step briskly or carefully” in the Tongan language, and its origins can be traced to a dance known as the me’elaufola. The tradition developed in the nineteenth century and, thanks to the continuous transmission and the patronage of the royal family, it underwent a revival in the twentieth century. Performances last approximately thirty minutes and involve large groups of up to several hundred people. Participants are aligned in rows, men on the right and women on the left.The men dance in rapid and energetic movements, while the women execute graceful dance steps co-ordinated with elegant hand gestures. Both groups clap and sing as they move, and a chorus often provides vocal accompaniment.The polyphonic singing coupled with the synchronized movements of hundreds of dancers offers an impressive spectacle.The creative force behind the performance is the punake who is at the same time poet, composer, choreographer and performance director. Punakes are expected to continually renew the Lakalaka repertory, by exploring themes related to Tongan history, legends, values and social structure.

Tonga 2008