ALL
agricultural ritual
ICH Elements 12
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Gijisi Juldarigi (Gijisi Tug-of-war)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea When holding juldarigi (tug-of-war) in Gijisi-ri, Songak-eup, Dangjin-si, Chungcheongnam-do, the village was divided into two teams, those living close to the shore and the others). It was said that the village would see a good year for the crop when the “close-to-the-shore” group won the contest. The play was performed after Dangje (village ritual) in early March of a leap year in the lunar calendar. There are two theories about the origin of the tug-of-war held in this village. One says that the village looks like a fairy weaving and the movement of pulling a cloth being woven at both sides led to the tug-of-war, the other tells us that the local topography resembles a centipede and so villagers engaged in the tug-of-war using a rope that also looked like a centipede. The straw rope used in the tug-of-war is 50 – 60m long. The diameter of the main section of the rope, which is made each year, comes to more than 1m and if you sat down on it, your legs would not touch the ground. Many thinner straw ropes are tied to the main section for people to tug. The leaders of the two teams would stand on the main section of the rope to give necessary signals while farmers’ music is played joyously to cheer on the participants. After the contest is over, people take away pieces cut off the rope, as it is said that the water heated with a rope piece is a cure for backache or infertility. The event is a rite held to pray for a good harvest and to build a spirit of collaboration among the villagers.
South Korea 2015 -
Yeongsan Juldarigi (Tug-of-war of Yeongsan)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea For the event, the village is divided into two teams: the East Team (symbolizing males) and the West Team (symbolizing females). The village will reportedly enjoy better harvest in the year if the West Team (females giving birth to children) wins. The tug-of-war is also called galjeon, which is associated with the use of arrowroot vines for the rope. The event had been handed down as a rite held in farming provinces south of the central area of the country. At present, it is performed as part of the March 1 Cultural Festival. The rope used for the event is 40 - 50m long. The diameter of the main section of the straw rope made in a year comes to larger than 1m; if you sit down on it, your legs do not touch the ground. Many thinner straw ropes are tied to the main section for people to tug. Each team makes its own rope, with the two ropes connected right before the event. The leaders of the two teams stand on the main section of the rope to give the necessary signals. Farmers’ music is played joyously to cheer for the people. The event is a rite held to pray for good harvest and build a spirit of collaboration among villagers based on the belief associated with dragon and snake.
South Korea 2015 -
Tteok Mandeulgi(Tteok making and sharing)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea The making of tteok, or Korean rice cakes, begins by steaming and pounding rice powder or flours made from other grains. Grain powders can be boiled or grilled to make tteok as well. There is a time-old tradition in Korea of making and sharing a variety of types of rice cakes on occasions that mark important moments in life, such as the 100th day after birth, first birthdays, weddings, funerals, and death anniversaries, as well as on seasonal and national holidays such as Seollal (Lunar New Year), Jeongwol Daeboreum (the fifteenth day of the first lunar month), Dano (the fifteenth day of the fifth lunar month), and Chuseok (the autumn harvest celebration). Rice cakes are one of the fundamental offerings at traditional rites held at community, familial, or individual levels. Contemporary Koreans still celebrate important events such as the opening of a business or a move to a new house with rice cakes, actively transmitting this long-standing practice of tteok making and sharing. Tteok making and sharing remains an important part of Korean culture. Tteok serve as a medium for promoting solidarity among community members and symbolize sharing and consideration for others. The rice cakes used for particular ceremonies carry unique cultural meanings. It is estimated that the rice cake-making tradition in Korea dates back to ancient times, given that there are Bronze and Iron Age archaeological sites that have produced tteok steamers. Various documents from the Three Kingdoms and Goryeo Dynasty periods detail the rice cake-making practices of the era. During the Joseon Dynasty, the grains and cooking methods involved in tteok making diversified thanks to advances in agriculture and cooking. The practice of presenting rice cakes on a ritual table became further popularized. Koreans of the Joseon era, particularly aristocrats and members of the royal family, enjoyed a broader range of rice cakes with improved flavors. Local tteok-making traditions reflect the agricultural characteristics of each region. For example, residents of Gangwon-do Province, known for its production of potatoes and corn, have long been making potato and corn tteok. Since the volcanic island of Jeju does not offer a favorable environment for rice cultivation, people on this southernmost island in Korea have focused on the production of other staples such as azuki beans, buckwheat, and millet. There is a variety of tteok from Jeju that use these as the main ingredients. Western foods that entered Korea after the opening of ports in the late 19th century changed traditional Korean culinary practices, including tteok-making traditions. The spread of commercial mills contributed to a separation between the producers of tteok and consumers. Despite these changes over time, the tradition of tteok making and sharing is still actively practiced across the country with wide local variations. The rice cake tradition has been designated as National Intangible Heritage based on the following considerations: It is a time-old tradition that has been transmitted across the Korean Peninsula; its long history is evidenced in written records that date as far back as to the Three Kingdoms period; it holds great potential for research in such disciplines as anthropology and food/nutrition; it has widespread and unique local variations; and it is practiced by a large and vibrant body of communities encompassing professional producers, research centers, and individual families. As rice cake making is practiced and enjoyed by the entire nation, this element has entered the national heritage list without recognizing any specific individuals or groups as official holders.
South Korea -
Prew: Ritual to Commemorate the Birthday of Guru Padmasambavaa
The festival commonly known as Prew is celebrated in the Kurtoe region under Lhuentse Dzongkhag. Originally it was called Treu-choed, or “Monkey Month Offering,” but later became popularly known as Prew. The name Treu is derived from the year of birth of Guru Rinpoche (Skt. Padmasambhava), as he was born in the year of the monkey in the eighth century. The word Choed means "offering." The Prew festival of Kurtoe is associated with Guru Rinpoche, he visited Jasabe village via the hidden land of Baeyul Khenpajong and gave his blessings to the locals. Since then, they have been celebrating this festival out of gratitude to him for the blessings he gave them and their whole community. They also believe that Prew is a festival to honor Guru Rinpoche’s birthday. This festival is celebrated in almost all Gewog village blocks of Lhuentse Dzongkhag or district. The community of Ney celebrates its local festival every year on the 10th day of the fourth lunar month according to the Bhutanese calendar. The festival takes place in the local Lhakhang, temple, in the center of the community, as well as in each individual house. The men often play games such as archery, while the women have a picnic. Prew is similarly celebrated in Jasabe Chiwog at Tergang Lhakhang. On the 9th day of the fourth lunar month of the Bhutanese calendar, people gather at the Lhakhang to perform a ritual and make offerings. The next day, the 10th day of the fourth lunar month, they return to their village with Norjan chants, and spend a day singing and dancing in their village. The festival in part indicates the arrival of the agricultural season. Villagers offer prayers and sacrifices for good health and a good harvest without pest infestations and natural disasters.
Bhutan -
Tsito Goemba Kar-mey: Butter lamp offering
This is a very simple custom in which especially the young cowherds and enthusiastic adults of the village faithfully participate every year. It was considered a highly privileged holiday, a well-deserved break exclusively for young cowherds from their daily work. It is an old custom to visit the temple of Tsito Goen-pa once a year and offer butter lamps and prayers. For cowherds, it is a very important holiday or rather a sacred day when they can take time off from their daily work of herding cattle, especially cows. The Kar-mey or butter lamp offering at Tsitu Goen-pa Temple is held every year on the 15th day of the 7th month in the Bhutanese calendar. Tsitu Goen-pa is an ancient temple founded by Lam Lotoey Jamtsho. I have not been able to trace the history of the founder and the temple, but would recommend further research in the future, and I believe that some information is also kept in the temple in text or oral form by the guards and the administrator of the temple. Tsito Goen-pa is located on a hilltop, barely 40 minutes from the nearest highway, making it a pleasant walking route for tourists who also visit the temple to receive blessings. The temple is believed to house sacred relics, the unique remains of the skullcap of Lam (Spitirual master) Lotoey Jamtsho and the sacred Phurpa or ritual dagger believed to have flown from a place called Tosakha. It is shown to the public only on auspicious days or other important religious holidays. The government of Bhutan has been struggling with the problem of rural-urban migration since the early 1990s. The country is undergoing a rapid phase of development in which modernity is displacing tradition and culture, which are becoming less and less important. With rural roads connecting farmlands and easy and quick access to markets, agricultural trade has become very convenient, while at the same time the ancient culture of pilgrimage, backpacking and walking to visit a temple or monastery is rapidly losing its enthusiasm and importance. Villagers are looking for lucrative ways to farm and use modern techniques and equipment. Cowherds no longer have to go high into the mountains in search of fresh pasture for their cattle because a new way of feeding cows is being introduced that increases milk production. These are some examples that are pushing the ancient culture to the brink and gradually bringing it to extinction. The Tsito Goen-pa Kar-mey is no longer practiced because there are hardly any young shepherds left and they hardly need leave to visit the temple.
Bhutan -
Asham: Maize Cultivation
Agriculture is the practice of cultivating plants and livestock and over centuries, rise in agricultural has contributed in the growth civilization. Early people have developed and improved varieties of plants and till date the practice is considered to be the important aspect of Bhutanese livelihood. It is one of the sources of income as over69% of the population here, directly depends on it for their livelihood (MoAF, 2011). In 2011, agriculture sector accounted for about 17.7% of the total GDP of the country (RNR Statistics, 2012) Asham (Maize) plays a critical role in the entire life of given economy and is a pre-dominant cereal crop for the eastern part of the Bhutan for many years contributing to more than half of total maize production in the country. Asham cultivation was one of the main cereal as well as cash crops that supported and supports lively hood for major households in the part of the country. To these days, the practice and culture of maize cultivation is one of the main live hood and sources of income. Most communities in the eastern part of the country depend on cultivation of Asham to produce following products: •\tKharang- grits, grind maize used as staple food •\tAsham me-gogni- roasted corn •\tAsham bokpi- corn flour •\tTengma- roasted and pounded maize •\tAsham mu-nang- a local term for popcorn •\tZhu- brewed alcohol Apart from above products, asham is also used as cereals for bartering during the olden days to exchange with wooden and bamboo products produced from other parts of the Dzongkhags. Moreover people also used to exchange with rice, chili, meat and dairy products within or outside the community. People used to offer asham, kharang and bokpi to monks and gomchen(great meditation masters) as they visit begging for cash and kind. Asham and its product were also used during the religious rituals at households. Crafting of Torma (Sacrificial ritual cakes) and Sur (Smoke offering) during the rituals were done by using corn flour. There has been lots of transformation in the culture, practice and process in cultivation maize in the region due to introduction of hybrid seeds, improve in tools and technologies used compared to old and traditional ways of cultivation.
Bhutan -
The Twenty-Four Solar Terms, knowledge in China of time and practices developed through observation of the sun’s annual motion
Ancient Chinese divided the circle of the annual motion of the sun into 24 equal segments; each segment was called a “jie qi” or solar term. Hence the 24 segments are collectively called the Twenty-four Solar Terms. This system of time embodies the traditional knowledge and the social practices through which Chinese organize their perception of the regularity of seasons, of astronomical laws and of other local natural phenomena occurring in the course of the year. It is an indispensable component of the traditional Chinese calendrics and its living applications, serving as a time-frame for agricultural activities and daily life. In International circle of meteorology, this cognitive system has been honored as the Fifth Great Invention of China. Transmitted through generations, the element has profoundly influenced Chinese people’s way of thinking and code of conduct. Upon a specific solar term, people spontaneously arrange farming and daily routine as well as basic necessities of life. Thus this knowledge continuum of time is sustained through a variety of ritual practices and folk activities. Thereby the Twenty-four Solar Terms is an important carrier of Chinese cultural identity.
China 2016 -
Tugging Rituals and Games
Inscribed in 2015 (10.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Tugging rituals and games of Vietnam have different characteristics, meanings and rules. The element is held as part of village festivals in Spring, a form for communities to pray for abundant harvests and prosperity, marking the start of a new agricultural cycle. Tugging game symbolizes the power of natural forces like the sun, water source that influence the harvests. In some localities, tugging game is associated with the legends of worshiped heroes for their merit in reclaiming the land, fighting against foreign invaders, protecting prosperous life of the people. It is usually held at the communal houses or temples after the rirual of commemoration of local guardian deities finished. The material used for tugging varies from region to region, reflecting the ecological and cultural context of each community, it can be made of bamboo, rattan stems, or ropes. The procedure for selecting teams or players is in accordance to the ritual rules, and the winning or losing team is regulated by customs to express certain religious meanings and the harmony of nature. Nowadays, tugging rituals and games are popularly known as a folk game that is entertaining, sporty and collective.
Cambodia,South Korea,Philippines,Viet Nam 2015 -
Ramman, religious festival and ritual theatre of the Garhwal Himalayas, India
The Ramman is a form of traditional ritual theatre celebrated every year in the courtyard of the temple of Bhumiyal Devta situated in Saloor Dungra Village in Painkhanda valley of Chamoli district, Uttarakhand, India. The village deity of Saloor Dungra is Bhumichetrapal, also known as Bhumiyal Devta. Historical accounts of the preexisting tradition are available since 1911. In the Hindu month, Baisakh (April-May), on the sankranti day, Bhumiyal Devta comes out in a procession to the temple. On the second day of the festival, people offer hariyali (sprouted barley plants), to the deity, which has ecological reference. Every day, the Bhumiyal Devta takes a round of the village. The main components of the masked performance are as follows: ▶Celestial Aspect -Dance of Ganesh-Kalinki (Parvati) -The dance of Sun God: Enactment of creation-myth and birth of Brahma and Ganesh. -Bur Deva (Narad): Rani-Radhika dance. -Bur Deva Raja dances along with Gopi Chand (Sri Krishna) and Rani Radhika (Gopis) on different beats and gestures. ▶Temporal Mwar-Mwarin Dance: The dance shows the travails of the buffalo herders in their hazardous journey through the jungle to the hills. A tiger is shown attacking and injuring the Mwar. Baniya-Baniyain Nritya (Dance of the Trader-Couple): It shows hardships of the common people. The episode shows robbers attacking and looting the merchant couple. ▶Performance The performance then shifts towards the enactment of the local Ramkatha, the core Rama story. Episodes from Rama’s life are sung. The dance is performed on 18 different beats yielding a total 324 beats and steps. The episodes enacted and sung are: -Ram-Lakshman’s visit to Janakpur -Sita’s Swyamwar -Hanuman Milan (Meeting with Hanuman) -Swarna Mrig Vadh (killing of the Golden deer) -Sita Haran (Abduction of Sita) -Lanka Dahan (Burning of Lanka) -Raj Tilak (Coronation ) There are other dances and episodes like Maal Nritya, Koorjogi and Narsingh Pattar Nritya. ▶Historical Aspect -Maal Nritya: Rama story is followed by the historical battle between the Gurkhas of Nepal and the local Garhwalis. Two dancers carrying weapons move on to the central performing arena, enacting a battle scene. They are comical in looks, attire and gestures. -Maal artists are four in number, two red and two white, respectively representing the Gorkhas and the Garhwalis. It is mandatory to have a red Maal from the Kunwar caste of the Rot hamlet, Saloor village, as it is believed that this hamlet supported the Gorkhas. The other three are selected by the Gram Panchas. One white Maal each is chosen from the twin villages and the remaining red Maal comes from village Dungra. This performance manifests past valour and bravery, sums up the total religious and aesthetic experience of the community, and renegotiates its identity and place in the bigger cosmic drama every year. ▶Ecological Aspect Ramman is an agrarian festival in celebration of ties between man, nature and the divine. Maize and barley seeds, sprouted in ritual pots, are offered to Bhumiyal Devta who, in turn, promises prosperity to all, including agricultural yield and forest produce. -Koorjogi: This episode is of immense ecological relevance. Various harmful weeds (koor) in the village fields are pulled out by Koorjogi (character who carries a sack full of these weeds). One of the most joyous moments in the series is throwing thorny weeds on each other, creating a mayhem of goodwill and merriment, establishing a sense of community and harmony. -Make-up of Artists: The Ramman performance involves use of masks and make-up using sheep’s wool, honey, vermilion, wheat flour, oil, turmeric, soot and locally grown plants and vegetables. -Masks are made from wood of local trees and this involves lengthy rituals. ▶Musical Aspect -Drumming Tradition: The performance revolves around playing of drums by Das drummers from the lowest caste, whose status is elevated during the performance. -Jagar Tradition: Jagaris or Bhallas of Rajput caste are professional bards and sing oral epics and legends (Jagars). The festival ends with a feast where the prasada of the deity is distributed as sacrament.
India 2009 -
Chotpa: Annual Ritual Festival
In Ney, a village in Lhuentse, northeast Bhutan, Chotpa gathers villagers together to make offerings to protective deities, dakinis, great teachers, and the protectors of Buddhist practitioners for the prosperous year. The ritual has a literal name that evokes the yearly celebration of a community gathering to make offerings. On 15th day of eleventh lunar month according to the Bhutanese calendar, Ney villagers gather at the local Lhakhang, temple, in the middle of the village. The Chotpa ritual is mainly to thank for the protection and blessing they received during entire year without any problem in their communities. They appease their guardian deities for ensuring well-being, health, and blessing good fortune for entire communities. They also seek protection on agricultural farm from natural disaster, wild animal, and pest in the forthcoming year as well. Chotpa is thus both a religious and social celebration for the year. On the day of Chotpa, people all gather at the lhakhang. Throughout the day, they chant mantras to make amends for wrong doings and to offer gratitude for the blessing and to request for enhanced wealth and peace. While a lack of definitive sources makes it hard to trace the history of this occasion, the community believe that this ritual dates to early human settlement of the region. Community members consider it an important occasion, and it is a tradition which has continued for potentially centuries.
Bhutan -
Oku-noto no Aenokoto
“Oku-noto no Aenokoto” is an agricultural ritual transmitted from generation to generation in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Housu County, all of which are located on the Noto Peninsula on the Sea of Japan, in order to worship a deity of the rice field. As people in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Hosu County have long lived by rice-farming, the deity of the rice field is considered an important one who promises good growth and an abundant harvest of rice. This ritual is performed twice a year, after the rice harvest, and before planting, by each housemaster at his home. In December after the harvest, he welcomes the deity of the rice field from the rice field into his house and offers hospitality, giving thanks for the harvest in the course of a ritual. In February before planting, he offers hospitality and sees the deity off to the rice field, praying for an abundant harvest in the course of another ritual. Guessing from these performances, “Ae” (or “Aé”) can mean hospitality while “koto” a ritual. In December a housemaster begins to prepare food from early in the morning to welcome the deity, and puts straw bags containing seeds for the next spring in the toko no ma, a narrow space at the side of the room for flowers and calligraphy, or under the kami-dana, an inner shrine installed high on a wall. In the afternoon, he prepares a bath and pounds mochi, a ball-like rice cake. The deity of the rice field is said to get ready to leave the rice field when he hears the sound of mochi-pounding. In the evening the housemaster dresses himself up in kami-shimo, a formal Japanese garment, and goes to the rice field taking a kuwa (spade), a chochin (lantern), and a sensu (folding fan), with him in order to welcome the deity. In the rice field, he cultivates it with kuwa three times, speaks to the deity of the rice field with grateful remarks for its protection during that year. Then, he shows the deity the way to his home by lighting the way with the chochin or directing it with the sensu. His family is waiting for the deity at the gate. The housemaster shows the deity into a guest room, lets it rest a little, and then serves a bath for it. He helps it to wash as if it were actually in front of him in the bathroom, asking if the temperature of the water is comfortable. After the bath, he seats the deity on straw bags of seeds in the toko no ma or under the kami-dana, and offers it two meals. Because a deity of the rice field is sometimes regarded as consisting of a couple, two dinners are served. The menu is ama-zake, sweet sake as an aperitif brewed from new rice, a bifurcated radish, abundant steamed rice with red beans, mochi, and a whole fish, provided with chopsticks made from a chestnut tree. As it is said that the deity of the rice field has bad eyes, the housemaster describes each dish as he serves it. After dinner, he moves the straw bag of seeds to a higher position inside a box room or in an earthen-floor space. It is said that the deity of the rice field rests in this bag or inside the kami-dana until the following year. Then, families eat the dinner served to the deity. In February of the new year, the same ritual takes place again; a housemaster serves a bath for the deity, provides it with food, and sees it off to a rice field. In the rice field, a housemaster cultivates it with kuwa three times, with prayers for an abundant harvest in autumn. There are some differences in detailed contents or procedures from family to family, but we can find such common features as welcoming the deity of the rice field at an important stage of rice-growing, offering it hospitality, and finally seeing it off. By performing this ritual, the safety and sustainability of the rice cultivation in this area can be assured, and identity and continuity can be confirmed among the people of this area. It is unique among agricultural rituals of similar kinds throughout Japan in that the householder behaves as if an invisible deity of the rice field were actually there in the course of the ritual. This ritual is a typical agricultural ritual reflecting the underlying culture of everyday life of the Japanese who have been engaged in rice cultivation since ancient times.
Japan 2009 -
Mibu no Hana Taue, ritual of transplanting rice in Mibu, Hiroshima
‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.
Japan 2011