Acknowledgment of the role of a horse is expressed in traditional horse equipment, which is divided into protective equipment and items that provide comfortable and safe position of the rider. Significant attention was also paid to an artistic decoration of details. Items of the horse equipment are made of metal, leather and wood, and decorated with stylized plant and animal motifs. Soft types of wood are used to make a saddle. Pine, poplar and beech timber possess suppleness; they do not crack or break easily. Peculiarity of the Kyrgyz saddle is a long front pommel (kash). This detail serves to tie the bridle. A good saddle is necessarily covered with leather and decorated. Stirrups for saddle can be made of leather or metal. Horse girth represents a wide durable leather belt. Metallic parts of the harness are also richly decorated. Kamchy (horsewhip) is composed of elegant handle and whip made of tightly intertwined leather.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea As a drum dance handed down in Tongyeong (Chungmu), Gyeongsangnam-do, it was performed by barmaids and boys. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea (1592-1598), Admiral Yi Sun-sin had this dance played to boost the morale of his troops or celebrate the victory of battles. Many dances performed in Tongyeong, a naval town, were called Seungjeonmu (Victory Dance). Only the Mugo (Drum Dance) was designated as important intangible cultural heritage under the name Seungjeonmu in 1968. Nine years later, Geommu (Sword Dance) was included in said designation. Looking at how a victory dance is performed, four dancing women in ceremonial dress with long white cuffs make movements, gathering in the direction of the drum placed at the center and then scattering in four directions with soft steps after beating the drum; thus creating a grand, joyous atmosphere. Samhyeon dodeuri (dodeuri rhythm music by three strings) and taryeong (Korean folk song) were used as accompaniment in music. The overall dance movements are simple and antiquated, carrying unique local characteristics. Dancers performing a sword dance wear white jacket, red skirt, black sleeveless coat, military official’s hat, red belt, and jacket with long, multicolor-striped undershirts while holding a sword in each hand. The tools used and dancers’ movements in Seungjeonmu are similar to the Mugo performed at the Royal Palace. The elegant dance movements, melodies of music, and overall exquisite arrangement make it a dance with high artistic and traditional value.

Naqqāli is an Iranian traditional theatre form, having originated in ancient Iran. This dramatic performance concerns telling of a story, history or non-history based, in a variety of genres. It is done either in verse or prose and accompanied by gestures and movements appropriate to the event related. Iran enjoys a long tradition of Naqqāli. This tradition was called “Gowsān” during Parthians (3rd BC-3rd AD). “Gowsān”s (the reciters) acted as entertainers to both kings and ordinary people. Under the Sassanids (3rd-7th AD), Naqqāli was highly regarded at court, where it used to be called “Xonyāgari”. Following the collapse of the Sassanid, these reciters emmigrated to remote areas to keep the tradition alive. In ancient times, they used to recite narrative poems, play musical instruments, sing, and act. Naqqāli is the oldest form of dramatic performance in Iran. Historically, it has adopted itself with socio-political circumstances. Before the Sassanid(651 AD), Naqqāls were poets and musicians simultaneously. They recited stories along with playing instruments. Bārbad was the most renown Naqqāl of the Sassanid. During Ghaznavids(10th-12th AD), the Court banned musical Naqqāli. But the tradition survived in remote areas. Two important events occurred during the Safavid period (16th-18th AD): establishment of coffee-houses and applying “Parde”. Parde introduced a new style in Naqqāli, and coffee-houses became exclusive venues for Naqqāls for, at least, 300 years. Up to several decades ago, great coffee-houses hired Naqqāls. Unfortunately, the strong influence of western culture and break down of the old traditions caused a decline in popularity of coffee-houses; consequently, Naqqāl's lost their traditional audiences During the Islamic period, such reciters were known under various names; such names had their origin in the types of the repertory of the tales they recited. One example is, so called, “Shāhnāme-Xān”s, who were specialized in reciting tales from Shāhnāme, the great Persian epic by Ferdowsi. This naming style can still be traced. In addition to Persian literature, Naqqāls needed to be acquainted with expressions referring to the local culture, or the Iranian traditional/folk music. Thus, they functioned as both entertainers, and bearers of Persian literature and culture, while encouraging national cohesion. Nowadays, the language of recited narrations is not limited to Persian; these tales are allowed to be narrated in regional dialects or languages. Up to several years ago they were the most important guardians of folk-tales, ethnic- epics and Iranian folk music. Naqqāli requires considerable talent; no one can arrive at eminence in this line except men of cultivated taste and retentive memory. They must not only be acquainted with the best ancient and modern stories, but be able to change them in relation to new incidents, either heard or invented. They must also recollect the finest texts of poetry, which they may quote from. The audience are normally acquainted with the tale, so the Naqqāl requires the charm in his performance, an attractive voice quality, as well as skill in acting to captivate them. The Naqqāl is alone in performing a rich range of roles, such as those of kings, queens, warriors, princesses, beggars, etc, convincingly. He is even a master in producing sound effects, including horse galloping, fencing ,etc. Master Naqqāls, even, are well equipped with a knowledge of Iranian sports, while they recite skills in wrestling and fencing, among others. There are two groups of practitioners, the Professional and the Seasonal. They may perform in coffee-houses, tents of nomads, houses, and historical places like ancient caravanserais. The Professionals, who are few in number now, earn their living from Naqqāli; seasonals have other occupations, too. Nowadays, professional Naqqāls are mostly invited for official ceremonies sponsored by municipalities or governmental institutes. Seasonal Naqqāls mostly perform in regional ceremonies like wedding parties, or even mourning ceremonies. However, both groups have been invited for Iranian Ritual-Traditional Theatre Festivals since the very beginning of its establishment. Naqqāls, especially Morsheds (master Naqqāls), wear costumes reminiscent of Dervishes cloths. They may, even, use ancient helmets, or armoured jackets in the middle of the performance, to create a sense of reality for the battle scenes. Their multifunctional canes may represent a wide range of motifs, including a beautiful beloved, a horse, a sword, etc. “Parde”, used by some Naqqāls, is a painted curtain in the Coffee-House-Style. Having preserved all the logical, religious and traditional styles, it has flourished as a sign of respect for popular beliefs. The painters have been messengers of light and impossible dreams. Due to the fact that this unique theatrical performance always presents one of the deepest and genuine layers of the national Iranian culture, its protection will definitely serve to safeguard the national and historical roots of it. Besides, it can be a source of inspiration for literary figures and artists all around the world. Every form of art is a unique language faciliating peaceful communication among different cultures. In this regard, Naqqāli should be considered as an international heirtage in urgent need for safeguarding.

Iran 2011

The national dress for men is Gho and Kira for women. Gho is a one-piece outfit pulled up to knee-length and fastened with a belt called kera at the waist, leading to formation of an enormous pouch across the belly. Men’s belt is a striped hand woven textile using plain cotton or wool on a card loom. It has fringes at both the ends. Kira is a rectangular ankle-length robe wrapped around the body, tied at the waist with a wide woven belt, and fastened at the shoulders by a pair of shoulder brooches called koma. A necklace-like chain called the jabtha holds together the pair of koma. Jabtha also makes an attractive ornament. Women’s kera is made of cotton woven on card looms with intricate silk designs of varying colours. Elderly women wear the broad kera in three folds. The female kera has also fringes at both the ends. The weft thread used is commonly thicker than the base fabric used. Women also wear a toego (short, loose jacket) over the kira. Toego can be made from any kind of material and be in any colour. Women also wear a garment called wonju under the kira. Commonly made from silk or polyester, the wonju is a loose, wrap-over long-sleeved blouse. The semi-nomadic herders of the high valleys of Merak, Sakten and Laya and some other ethnic communities do not traditionally wear the gho and kira. They have a unique dress, lifestyle and language, and their own weaving specialty. In an effort to preserve and promote cultural heritage, all Bhutanese are required to wear the national dress in government offices, schools and on formal occasions. Necklace: Traditionally, a necklace is also a part of the costume of a Bhutanese woman, and a woman who is not wearing a necklace is considered to be incompletely attired. Therefore, women make it a point to wear necklaces, especially during celebrative occasions. When a woman is dressing, she puts on her necklace at the very end, to complete the outfit. Necklaces of precious stones are passed down from mother to daughter. A traditional Bhutanese necklace consists of a string of beads of various stones such as coral, turquoise, onyx, pearl, agate, and many more. The necklace may reach almost to the waist. If the woman is very rich and possesses many precious stones, she will choose to wear more than one necklace at a time. Since public gatherings and celebrative occasions provide formal platforms for display of wealth and/or position in society, women make it a point to wear as much as they possess. Sword For hundreds of years Bhutan suffered from territorial invasion as well as internal strife and civil war, challenges which were countered by our pazaps (militia), and senior officials. In earlier times, those who performed well in battle were awarded a sword in recognition of their show of courage, valour and success. Once the monarchy was established those officials who served the king and the country with utmost dedication and patriotic zeal were awarded pata (sword) and red scarf (bura marp) in recognition of their selfless service. Awarding kabney along with pata is, therefore, the sole prerogative of the monarch. The awardee is then addressed as a ‘Drasho’, which literally means ‘the best’ as they are exemplary people. Therefore, this award symbolises secular responsibility — the preparedness to fight any enemy harming the interest of the Tsa-wa-sum (the king, the country, and the people) and to safeguard the country and its cultural traditions. Kabney When Gautama Buddha administered vinaya rules at the first sermon, the five chief disciples first wore kabney as a mark of respect to the Buddha. Later, when Guru Rinpoche (Guru Padsambhava) visited Bumthang in the 8th century and sowed the seeds of faith in the dharma, he instructed people not to take the lives of others, and gave ge-nyen vows (vow of lay devotee). He instructed his devotees to wear rezen or kabney as a sign of their having become followers of Buddhism or taking precepts. While dharma practitioners wore red coloured kabney as a mark of following the dharma teachings, ordinary people wore white coloured kabney as a mark of safeguarding the country — their secular duty. Today, we wear kabney as a part of our national dress in accordance with the code of driglam namzha. The smaller scarf worn by women is called rachu. Kabney is a large, fringed scarf (about 90 by 300 cm), which is worn with one half placed over the left shoulder and the other half drawn across the back, below the right arm and across the body, then caught in a loop made by folding the lower part of the left end over it and then throwing the left end over the left shoulder. When the kabney is correctly placed, the right side should loop down at equal level to the hem of the gho, and the two sides should come together at the left breast. There is considerable variation in how the kabney is actually worn, but what is written here describes how it should be worn. Bhutanese at all social levels wear kabney as a part of formal wear along with the national dress, gho. Wearing kabney marks respect for sacred objects and higher authorities, and symbolises the position or rank of officers serving in the government. Scarves worn by women in place of the male kabney are called rachu. These much smaller, colourful, decoratively woven scarves can be worn draped over both shoulders with the two fringed edges falling from the chest, or can be folded in half and placed over the left shoulder with the fringes falling from the chest. Women in general wear rachu by making a fold in the centre and placing the rachu over the left shoulder. Besides kabney and rachu, there are other variants used by religious practitioners. Those worn by lams and monks are called zen or rezen and the one worn over their rezen is called choe-gho. The rezen is worn all the time over the robe but the choe-gho is worn only during special religious occasions. Similarly, the one worn by ngagpas (tantric practitioners) is called ber or dagam; and the one used by togdenpas (adepts) is called rey or rekar and khamar. Kabney and rachu are worn to pay respect to sublime masters or leaders, and to sacred objects enshrined in the dzongs, monasteries and temples. They are also worn as a symbol of official position. The colour of the kabney determines the official rank of the bearer. Traditional Boot Bhutan’s traditional footwear is a kind of boot worn as high as the knee, the upper, cloth part of which is then held and tied by a narrow strap below the knee. Dra-lham, thru-lham karchung and tshoglham are three different types of traditional footwear and form an important part of Bhutanese national costume. Dra-lham are worn by the senior monks in the monasteries. They are similar to tshoglham but red in colour. Thru-lham karchung derives its name from the white colour of the ben (section just above the ankle) which is highly visible from a distance. The traditional boot worn by the general public is called tshoglham. The thil or sole of the boot used to be made from hard leather, but these days tshoglham usually have rubber soles. Above the sole, two layers of red and white leather (or rubber) make the drilden. Above the drilden is the ri karchu, on which comes the ben in different colours. The ben, is yellow, orange, red, blue or green according to the official position of the wearer. Yellow ben is reserved only for the king and the head abbot (the Je Khenpo); orange is for ministers, red is for senior officials, blue is for members of parliament (both houses) and green is for the general public. The cloth part above the ben is generally black or blue silk brocade. It is mandatory to wear thru-lham or tshoglham as a part of formal national dress during any formal occasions.

Bơi Đăm Boat Race Festival (Boat Racing Festival) has existed since ancient times, taking place from the 9th to the 11th of the third lunar month, an activity that depicts the use of the navy to repel the invaders of General Dao Truong during the reign of King Hung (Hung Due Vuong). The Bơi Đăm Boat Race Festival is associated with the communal house festival and the relics including: Tay Dam Temple, Dam Communal House and Trung Tuu Communal House in Tay Tuu Ward (Bac Tu Liem District, Hanoi City). Tay Tuu used to be Dam Village (Ke Dam) with three hamlets: Thuong, Trung and Ha. Tay Dam Temple in the Upper region worships Bach Hac Tam Giang - the person who contributed to repelling foreign invaders to protect Van Lang country during the reign of King Hung. After a period of interruption, in 1994, the traditional Dam Boating Festival was re-organized. The Bơi Đăm Boat Race Festival is held every five years, on even years. The special and unique feature of the traditional Dam swimming festival is the procession of the Saint on land and by water. The festival takes place at a branch of the Nhue River, also known as the Thuy Giang River (Pheo River), which is nearly 1km long and about a hundred meters wide. The racing teams come from local villages. The festival has 6 participating boats, numbered equally among 3 villages. The Thuong village boat has a Crane head, numbered 1 and 4; the Trung village boat has a Dragon head, numbered 2 and 5; the Ha village boat has a Ly head, numbered 3 and 6. Each boat has 25 people participating, including: 01 driver, 01 assistant driver, 10 sailors, 01 gong player, 01 flag waver, 01 water bailer and 18 swimmers. In addition, there is a 7th boat - the Quan boat, whose job is to supervise the race. The race is conducted over 6 laps on the 10th and 11th. The starting point is from the front of the communal house to the temple, about 1km away. Before entering the official race, at the drum signal, the boats take turns sending people to the boat to perform the Saint's ceremony - an indispensable ritual. After completing the rituals, the referee uses flags and loudspeakers to guide the teams to position their boats in order, lining up evenly at the starting point. The boats of the 3 regions are arranged alternately, ready to wait for orders. When the referee's command flag is waved down, the boats begin to swim. On each racing boat, there are people beating the gong and shouting to give more strength to the rowers. In a ready position, the boats simultaneously rush forward, under the command of the Head of the Department. The gong and command sounds in harmony with the unison shouts... creating a bustling, exciting atmosphere like entering a fierce naval battle. The swimming teams put all their strength into the steering wheel and oars, the boats raced like shuttles. On both sides of the Nhue River, crowds of spectators and tourists gathered to witness the rowing competition during the Dam rowing festival. The drums sounded like thunder, continuously, adding strength to cheer and encourage the racing teams. At the end of the competition, the boat with the most first-place finishes received the first prize, the boat with the most second-place finishes received the second prize. The two village boats with the most first-place finishes won the first-place team prize, the two village boats with the most second-place finishes won the second-place team prize. The winning boat also had the honor of carrying the Saint's throne to the Upper Temple, because according to ancient customs, "The Saint walks on foot - returns by water". Therefore, the two boats that won the highest prize will be able to carry the Saint to his palace on the 11th day of the third lunar month. After the boat race, the villagers held a thanksgiving ceremony and then carried the Saint down the boat to his Temple. Bơi Đăm Boat Race Festival is a very ancient ritual, protected and maintained by villagers from generation to generation. Bơi Đăm Village Boat Racing Festival (Tay Tuu) contributes to promoting and strengthening community solidarity, has educational significance towards the origin, and is also a form of physical exercise for local people. Bơi Đăm Swimming is both fun, beautiful, attractive and unique. This is also a traditional cultural sport that competes in intelligence and talent, deserving the top position in traditional festivals throughout the region. With such typical values, in 2018, the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism recognized the traditional Bơi Đăm Boat Race Festival as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage.

“Bassac Theatre” Originally known as “Treung Khlok” Theatre, it originated in Kampuchea Krom Bassac District, Preah Trapeang Province (now under Vietnamese rule). Bassac troupe originally formed by the chief of Khsach Kandal pagoda (Kampuchea Krom) names of Sour and Lok Ta Cha Krun, as well as his students, Kru Kmoa, Kru Korn, and Kru Khla. During the 1930s, Lok Ta Cha Krun brought the Trung Khlok theatre to perform in Phnom Penh and other provinces along the Bassac River. The theatre also quickly gained popularity in Phnom Penh. At first, it was called "Theatre from Bassac District", then later abbreviated as "Bassac Theatre" and is still named today. Bassac theatre is performed in both speaking and singing and accompanied by the Bassac music. The theater genre is influenced by Chinese and Vietnamese operas. The female characters (princesses or goddesses) dress similarly to the characters in classical dance. The male characters (kings, gods, or giants) dress similarly to the male characters in Chinese or Vietnamese operas. But today, the male characters’ costume is also similar to the costumes of the actors in the classical dance, except that the giant characters still wear the same costume as before. The stage is often decorated with paintings of temples or artificial mountains. Bassac theatre often features artistic legends. Performances include sword fighting, stick fighting, or other martial arts or battle scenes. The songs are both traditional and modern. During the 1960s, the Bassac Theatre gained immense popularity. There were two famous characters that almost all Khmer people at that time knew until he was named the King and the Queen of Bassac, Lok Ta Saing Sarun and Lok Year Chek Mach. Nowadays, Bassac is included in the curriculum of the Secondary School of Fine Arts. Famous Bassac theatre teachers who have passed away, including Lok Ta Saing Sarun, Lok Year Chek Mach, Mrs. Un Wang, Mr. Sous Kanan, Ouk Si Phally, John (Battambang), Tapov, Tork Khmao, Em Samphon and Kru nhoun (Outstanding Tror musician).

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea On the occasion of the event, the village is divided into two sides: those living in the east section of the village and those living in the west. The winning side will reportedly enjoy better harvest in the year. The play used to be performed around the full moon period of January 15 on the lunar calendar; now, however, it is performed along with a tug-of-war competition during the March 1 Cultural Festival, held to commemorate the independence movement carried out with the locals in Yeongsan, which played a leading role during the colonial period. The event is said to have started from the wish to stop the evil power of the two nearby mountains, i.e., Yeongchuksan and Jagyaksan (also called Hambaksan), which look like two bulls confronting each other. With the approach of January 15 on the lunar calendar, villagers flock to a nearby mountain and fell a 10m-tall tree. A pyramid-shaped structure is made using a log and straw rope that people will carry on their shoulder, with the leader of the team, together with two lieutenants, standing at the top of it, giving command to fight the opponent. A wooden carved bull head or a mask is put on the top of the structure. Prior to the commencement of the battle, farmers’ music is played to create a delightful atmosphere. The team that makes the opponent’s bull head fall to the ground wins. Yeongsan Soemeori Daegi is a local folk play performed to pray for good harvest.

Vồng Communal House Festival is a "two-term spring-autumn festival" (January 15 and September 9, 10, 11). The main day of the festival is the full moon day of the first lunar month, held at Đình Vồng relic complex, Song Vân commune, Tân Yên district, Bắc Giang province, to commemorate the merits of Saint Cao Sơn - Qúy Minh and 18 dukes of the Dương family, Mạc dynasty. On the 15th, the Saint's ordained procession is organized to the communal house. At the head of the procession is a person playing a minister. When the procession arrives at the communal house, a ceremony is held. The custom of offering a horse to carry the duke's color to the communal house to worship together is a special ritual. Vồng Communal Horse Sacrifice Ceremony: In the past, during the horse sacrifice ceremony, the knights rode 8 white horses at a leisurely and beautiful trot; Today, the organizing committee prepares 8 horses' heads (woven from bamboo, decorated with colored paper) for 8 young people to wear while running. The sowing ceremony to pray for good fortune is held in front of the communal houseyard. After the ceremony, the referee raised the ball high and commanded the boys with the East and West stripes to start the battle. After the offerings, there is an incense offering ceremony by the people in the village and visitors. The festival has many traditional games, attracting a large number of participants and ancient ones such as wrestling, martial arts dancing, horse racing, archery, crossbow shooting, fighting, cockfighting, kite flying, rice blowing competition, and word running, etc. These are all games that demonstrate the martial spirit and seasonal characteristics of agricultural residents.

Y Sơn Temple Festival is held on the full moon day of the first lunar month to honor the victory of Saint Hùng Linh Công, who helped King Hùng defeat the Ân invaders. According to tradition, every 3 years a large festival will be held with the name "Saccumulation of the Holy Mother's Lady". A series of ceremonial rituals are solemnly held, including a Saint welcoming ceremony, palanquin procession ceremony, procession of Mr. Mã from temple to pagoda, incense offering, offerings, statue examination, general ceremony, word drawing, military service, etc. The total procession lineup is up to 217 people. The first ritual of the festival is the Saint's Welcome Ceremony at the harem, asking the Saint to open the festival. The palanquin procession is undertaken by men of the four zodiac signs. On the afternoon of the 15th, the neighbors conducted an incense offering ceremony. Then comes the main ceremony with rituals: cleansing, incense, welcoming gods, presenting titles, reciting wishes, and making wishes. The "Army Exercise" ceremony simulates military training and displays the battle position to fight the enemy to save the country of the soldiers of Saint King Hùng Linh Công. After the "Army exercise" ceremony, there is the custom of pulling words (running words to worship saints). In addition to the host armor, the remaining 3 armors work as elephants and horses, train generals, and train managers to perform the "upper statue and horse" ceremony - the general and manager perform ceremonies on elephants and horses to give thanks to God and Buddha. On the morning of the 17th, the general and his manager boarded elephants, horses, and the holy palanquin to be carried out for the "general examination" ceremony. The most special part of the festival is the "physical examination" ritual. The group to examine General and Quan had 6 palanquins and went 3 times around the rows of elephants, horses, and armor. The examination was hosted by Giap. After 3 rounds of examination, those generals and managers who meet the standards will be rewarded, and those with deficiencies will be punished. The ceremony is the "Rún" ceremony. "Flower spring" is a unique offering of the Y Sơn festival, made of fresh bamboo with a length of more than one meter, one end is shaved into thin buds that look like cotton flower balls, and the pistils are made of a branch of rice and a small spring flower made of banana leaves. Y Sơn Festival also has a game of catching monkeys. The stool is made of woven bamboo to resemble a sitting figure. The game requires health, endurance and distribution of strength at each stage of catching.

Ramlila, literally “Rama’s play”, is a performance of then Ramayana epic in a series of scenes that include song, narration, recital and dialogue. It is performed across northern India during the festival of Dussehra, held each year according to the ritual calendar in autumn. The most representative Ramlilas are those of Ayodhya, Ramnagar and Benares, Vrindavan, Almora, Sattna and Madhubani. This staging of the Ramayana is based on the Ramacharitmanas, one of the most popular storytelling forms in the north of the country. This sacred text devoted to the glory of Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, was composed by Tulsidas in the sixteenth century in a form of Hindi in order to make the Sanskrit epic available to all. The majority of the Ramlilas recount episodes from the Ramacharitmanas through a series of performances lasting ten to twelve days, but some, such as Ramnagar’s, may last an entire month. Festivals are organized in hundreds of settlements, towns and villages during the Dussehra festival season celebrating Rama’s return from exile. Ramlila recalls the battle between Rama and Ravana and consists of a series of dialogues between gods, sages and the faithful. Ramlila’s dramatic force stems from the succession of icons representing the climax of each scene. The audience is invited to sing and take part in the narration. The Ramlila brings the whole population together, without distinction of caste, religion or age. All the villagers participate spontaneously, playing roles or taking part in a variety of related activities, such as mask- and costume making, and preparing make-up, effigies and lights.

India 2008

Literally the word Ta’azyeh means “mourning”, and figuratively it refers to a kind of ritual and religious theatre based on religious events, historical and mythical stories, and Iranian folk tales, and there are four basic elements in it: poem, music, song and motion. Ta’azyeh is a type of theatre with many different characters, each of which having its own features, differences, colors, clothes, tools and requirements. It is performed in the form of symbols, conventions, codes and signs which are known by Iranian spectators, and on a stage which is placed in the centre without any lighting and decoration. The place where a Ta’azyeh is performed is called Tekyeh. Apart from some feel-good Ta’azyehs, the main subject of most of them is the conflict between “good” and “evil” and the source of Ta’azyeh scripts has often been the event of Karbala where the third Imam of Shiites, Imam Hussein, and his family were killed after a strong resistance in a battle between seventy two members of the “good” and twenty thousand members of the “evil” army in the Moharram month of the year 60 in the lunar Hegira calendar (a Muslim system of dividing the year of 354 days into 12 months and starting to count the years from the Hegira i.e. the migration of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in AD 622). It is lunar because it is based on the movement of moon around the earth. This calendar is used in Arab countries. There is also a solar type of Hegira calendar based on the movement of earth around the sun which is officially used in Iran). Therefore, this theatre is performed in Moharram more than other months of the year in Tekyehs, streets, and in the garden of houses. Performing Ta’azyeh has a prominent role in the Iranian vulgar culture, literature and art. The concept and the performance style of Ta’azyeh leads to the maintenance of spiritual values, altruism and friendship. It motivates the religious emotions of the masses, purifies the soul, inspires the audience to ethics and a sense of resistance against oppression, and creates cooperation and sympathy among the performers and the spectators. Taazyieh preserves the old traditions, the national culture and the mythology of Iran, and plays a major role in preserving other types of art as well. Its effect on the audience is so great that many of the proverbs of ordinary people are taken from this type of theatre. Moreover, because of its flexibility, it has been able to adjust itself with different cultures of Iranian tribes; therefore, Ta’azyeh has become the common language of different tribes and has been prominent in creating “unity” among them and helping them communicate and share creativities. Ta’azyeh performers are divided into two main groups: agreeing performers (the Good forces) and disagreeing performers (the Evil forces). Agreeing characters wear green, white and blue costumes as a symbol of goodness and peace and sing Iranian folk songs. Disagreeing characters on the other hand wear red, orange and bright colors as a symbol of cruelty and brutality and speak aggressively in a declamatory style. Music is used in two forms: with songs and with musical instruments. Moeen-ol-boka, the director of Ta’azyeh, who has complete knowledge of music, poetry and all the techniques of Ta’azyeh, is actively present on the stage. Women are less involved in Taazyieh and the roles of women are also played by men drawing a veil over their faces. Each Ta’azyeh script has its own subject and requires its own special tools, costumes, conventions, symbols and music. Observing the rules of performance, the audience also cooperates in some scenes by chorusing the song or the poem. There are even some people who have taken vows of food (taking a vow to give food to people, especially poor people is very common in Iran) who serve the spectators during the play and fulfill their vows. Business people and official fraternities and small public groups called “religious groups”, the number of which reaches three thousand, attempt to perform Ta’azyeh in many areas and provide the tools and costumes, and also decorate the area where Ta’azyeh is going to be performed. In general, all the script writers, actors, spectators, and sponsors of this ritual play are from the people in the street who have different jobs during the year and perform this theatre only to reap otherworldly rewards. Taazyieh has also caused many skills to develop. For instance: calligraphy artists by writing Ta’azyeh scripts, musicians by holding classes of singing and playing instruments, painters by painting the events on large curtains, “curtain narrators” by narrating the stories painted on the curtains with a good voice for people, poets by composing new poems for the dirges in the intervals of Ta’azyeh, industrial workshops by making different tools and instruments used in Ta’azyeh, tailoring and handicraft workshops by making different costumes and masks and accessories for Ta’azyeh, cultural institutes by making films of Ta’azyeh and making them readily accessible to the public, documentarists by making documentaries about Ta’azyeh and preparing them to be shown on TV, each help develop a special skill through Ta’azyeh.

Iran 2010

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Eunsan Byeolsinje is a shamanic rite held to honor the guardian deity of Eunsan Village at the village shrine in Eunsan-myeon, Buyeo-gun. The rite is connected with a legend about a severe epidemic that led to the loss of many lives and with the strange dream of an elderly village leader. In his dream he met a Baekje general who had been killed during a battle fought to protect Baekje and was asked to bury the general and his men in a sunny place in exchange for a ‘magical intervention’ to repel the epidemic. Upon awakening from the dream, he visited the place mentioned by the general in the dream and found many bones scattered there. The village people collected and buried them in an auspicious site and performed an exorcism to console their spirits. The burial was followed by the end of the epidemic which, in turn, led the villagers to hold rites to honor their heroic deaths. The tradition gradually developed into the festival event of Eunsan Byeolsinje, which was initially held for about fifteen days between January and February once every three years. As the date of the rite approaches, the village elders select those who will officiate over the event and assign military titles such as General, Colonel, Lieutenant, and Private to the designated officiants. In addition, the chief officiant is requested to use the utmost care in preparing the sacrificial offerings and to preserve the ritual venue from any signs of impurity or evil by, for example, covering the well to be used in the rite with a straw mat, and by encircling the venue with an “evil-repelling rope” and scattering yellow and black grains of sand around it. The villagers then cut down trees to support the village guardian poles and make paper flowers to offer to the village guardian, and hold pieces of white paper in their mouths as they move to the shrine as a symbolic action to repel evil spirits. The main part of the rite usually starts in the evening and ends at dawn with the process of erecting the village guardian pole and praying for the safety and prosperity of the village.