Art of oratory - ‘Chechendik onour’ represents a type of the oral art, which is distinguished by keenness and originality of the poetic text. Well-known masters of the word ‘chechens’ have always been treated with respect; their performances have been preserved in the popular memory, transmitted from one generation to another, growing into legends. ‘Chechendik onour’ is one of the main parts of ‘aitysh’, a poetic competition, which determines its structure built on a question-answer, on the use of riddles as well as on a rhythmic structure of the text. In the art of oratory, all types of oral folk art are used. Oratory speech exploits proverbs and sayings, intoned words, catch phrases and expressions. In some oratory poetry contests, only proverbs and sayings were used. Only the best of the best who believed in their abilities could participate in such competitions. In the manner of performance of the chechens, facial expressions, posture, turn of phrase, play with intonations, the use of riddles, tongue twisters, fables, and other expressive means of verbalising thoughts play a predominant role. They were very versed in their skills of eloquence and allegory, built their own conclusions, actively used elements of satire and humour. The speaker must be able to think deeply and have a good knowledge of folk philosophy. Through becoming a role model and by combining educational goals, their main purpose is to solve such problems as the establishment of international relations and the resolution of small strifes and conflicts. There were also many talented women-chechens among the Kyrgyz people.

Falak is a traditional folklore music genre of the Tajik people. Falak means «heaven, fortune or universe». The structure of Falak is most often in one section and can form an interlude within a performance. The quatrains or couplet sung by the falak-singers are emotionally expressive and are rich with the philosophy and expressions of destitution of human life.

Tajikistan 2021

Turkish coffee culture and tradition goes back to the 16th century when coffee started to be served at coffeehouses in Istanbul. The tradition has two distinguished aspects which make its taste unique and provide means toward socialization. As a beverage Turkish coffee carries special preparation and brewing techniques. It is one of the oldest coffee making methods still in use. The traditional techniques used in preparing coffee led to development of special tools and silverware such as like the boiling pot (cezve), coffee cup (fincan), mortars which have artistic value. Turkish Coffee leaves a long lasting taste at someone’s palate due to its preparation techniques which require time and its freshness. It is softer, more aromatic and more concentrated than other types of coffee. It is easy to distinguish from other coffees with its aroma, ground and foam peculiar to it. Turkish Coffee is not only a beverage but also a communal practice that brings together cultural spaces, social values and beliefs within a context of socialization process. Its role socialization can be traced back to opening of the first coffeehouses with its noticeable decorations in Istanbul. Coffee houses were then, and still are the places where people drink coffee, converse, share news, read books and socialize. The tradition itself is a symbol of hospitality, friendship, delicacy, and entertainment. All these are reflected in the famous Turkish proverb “the memory of a cup of coffee lasts for forty years.” This saying represents how important and profound coffee is in Turkish culture.

Turkey 2013

“Oku-noto no Aenokoto” is an agricultural ritual transmitted from generation to generation in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Housu County, all of which are located on the Noto Peninsula on the Sea of Japan, in order to worship a deity of the rice field. As people in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Hosu County have long lived by rice-farming, the deity of the rice field is considered an important one who promises good growth and an abundant harvest of rice. This ritual is performed twice a year, after the rice harvest, and before planting, by each housemaster at his home. In December after the harvest, he welcomes the deity of the rice field from the rice field into his house and offers hospitality, giving thanks for the harvest in the course of a ritual. In February before planting, he offers hospitality and sees the deity off to the rice field, praying for an abundant harvest in the course of another ritual. Guessing from these performances, “Ae” (or “Aé”) can mean hospitality while “koto” a ritual. In December a housemaster begins to prepare food from early in the morning to welcome the deity, and puts straw bags containing seeds for the next spring in the toko no ma, a narrow space at the side of the room for flowers and calligraphy, or under the kami-dana, an inner shrine installed high on a wall. In the afternoon, he prepares a bath and pounds mochi, a ball-like rice cake. The deity of the rice field is said to get ready to leave the rice field when he hears the sound of mochi-pounding. In the evening the housemaster dresses himself up in kami-shimo, a formal Japanese garment, and goes to the rice field taking a kuwa (spade), a chochin (lantern), and a sensu (folding fan), with him in order to welcome the deity. In the rice field, he cultivates it with kuwa three times, speaks to the deity of the rice field with grateful remarks for its protection during that year. Then, he shows the deity the way to his home by lighting the way with the chochin or directing it with the sensu. His family is waiting for the deity at the gate. The housemaster shows the deity into a guest room, lets it rest a little, and then serves a bath for it. He helps it to wash as if it were actually in front of him in the bathroom, asking if the temperature of the water is comfortable. After the bath, he seats the deity on straw bags of seeds in the toko no ma or under the kami-dana, and offers it two meals. Because a deity of the rice field is sometimes regarded as consisting of a couple, two dinners are served. The menu is ama-zake, sweet sake as an aperitif brewed from new rice, a bifurcated radish, abundant steamed rice with red beans, mochi, and a whole fish, provided with chopsticks made from a chestnut tree. As it is said that the deity of the rice field has bad eyes, the housemaster describes each dish as he serves it. After dinner, he moves the straw bag of seeds to a higher position inside a box room or in an earthen-floor space. It is said that the deity of the rice field rests in this bag or inside the kami-dana until the following year. Then, families eat the dinner served to the deity. In February of the new year, the same ritual takes place again; a housemaster serves a bath for the deity, provides it with food, and sees it off to a rice field. In the rice field, a housemaster cultivates it with kuwa three times, with prayers for an abundant harvest in autumn. There are some differences in detailed contents or procedures from family to family, but we can find such common features as welcoming the deity of the rice field at an important stage of rice-growing, offering it hospitality, and finally seeing it off. By performing this ritual, the safety and sustainability of the rice cultivation in this area can be assured, and identity and continuity can be confirmed among the people of this area. It is unique among agricultural rituals of similar kinds throughout Japan in that the householder behaves as if an invisible deity of the rice field were actually there in the course of the ritual. This ritual is a typical agricultural ritual reflecting the underlying culture of everyday life of the Japanese who have been engaged in rice cultivation since ancient times.

Japan 2009

Sanjyra is the oral listing of ancestors on the straight male-line. It was compulsory for everyone to know his ancestors as the Kyrgyz identified themselves through a link with clan and tribe. Sanjyra provided answers to the questions such as: “Who are you?”, “Who were your father, grandfather?”, “From which family are you?”. That is why there is a saying: “Those who do not now their ancestors will become slaves”. The Kyrgyz genealogy consists of three large groups: right wing (on), left wing (sol) and the ichkilik (inner) group. Similar to many genealogies of other nations, it represents a sprawling crown of a tree (tree of life). Intertribal hierarchy was built on the male-line by giving the male names to the titles of tribal clans.

Tush kiyiz represents intensely embroidered ornamental carpet used to decorate the house. It is of a rectangular shape and embroidered on different types of fabrics. Initially it was used for insulating purposes in the yurt. Most probably, the first wall carpets were made of felt, which is evident from its name: tush – meaning “outer” or “in front”, and kiyiz – meaning “felt.” tush kiyiz is an example of Kyrgyz embroidery. Embroidery is one of the most ancient and most wide-spread crafts of Kyrgyz people. During the centuries Kyrgyz women have developed their own ornamental style, which is dominated by vegetative and zoomorphic motifs such as the ornaments of leafs, branches, flowers as well as round and spiral patterns. Kyrgyz embroidery leaves a lot of room for artistic expression and improvisation. Some Kyrgyz women embroider without stencils based on their own memory and imagination.

Orteke (mountain goat) is the name of an indigenous Kazakh performing art in which flexible wooden figure of a mountain goat is placed on a traditional drum called dauylpaz. Orteke’s originality comes from it being a combination of theater, music, and puppet dance. The figure begins to move from the movement of the filaments attached to the fingers of a musician playing the dombra (Kazakh musical instrument). The expressive puppet figure, called teke (goat), seems to come to life when the master starts playing the drum. The figure makes funny dance movements in time with the rhythm of the music being played. It is also said that the orteke figure once came different shapes and sizes that were created individually, each with a different number of moving limbs, depending on which kyu was performed. Some masters of this genre can be played with two or three or more puppets simultaneously.

Suri Jagek, literally translated to ‘observing the Sun’ is the traditional Kalasha meteorological and astronomical knowledge system and practice based on the observation of the Sun, Moon, Stars and Shadows with respect to the local topography. The practice of Suri Jagek demonstrates the relationship of the Kalasha people with their surroundings and the capacity of their immediate geographical context to sustain their way of life. Suri Jagek is a knowledge system which connects a long history of “events” to topographical locations. The system is a complex structure of empirically observed accumulated knowledge and is repeatedly referenced to allow the Kalasha people to predict the appropriate time for the sowing of seed, animal husbandry and natural calamities. It is also used to govern the Kalasha calendar by determining dates of important social events, festivals, feasts and religious ceremonies. It draws greatly from the rich cultural heritage and social practices of the people, therefore functioning in the capacity of a repository of the history of the people and the region at large. Visual cues existing within the periphery of the topography are used to mark the specific positions of the rising and setting Sun, and hence the collective markings are used to record the positions of the Sun throughout the year. Observatories called ‘Suri Jagaekein’, are chosen in each village to observe the rising Sun, and a separate location is assigned to observe its setting. The specific positions on which the sun casts its shadows are also marked in some people’s houses on walls or poles etc. Individual localities have their own specific knowledge, generated using the common processes of marking the positions of the Sun. Qazis, who are authorities on matters pertaining to religion, history and indigenous models of conflict resolution, farmers, some shepherds and a few village elders are the knowledge bearers of Suri Jagek and the observations at the Suri Jagaekein made by various community members are shared in communal gatherings. A general consensus is reached in a Jirga (communal forum); however, presently this is only practiced in the Rukmu valley on the 16th of December. Knowledge related to the constellations of stars, meanings of various types of rainbows and the study of clouds as well as shadows are all in the wider ambit of Suri Jagaek. The Libra constellation known as Tarazu is considered particularly important during the Spring period coinciding with the month of Amaal Mastruk. When the constellation is observed in its clarity during the month, it is indicative of the ground softening the next morning; a time considered vital for the planting of crops.

Pakistan 2018

Carpet weaving is one of the world's most traditional, conceptual, applied arts. Iranians enjoy a global reputation in carpet weaving and its skills; and carpets of Fars with nomadic and rural characteristics constitute a genuine example. Historically, carpet weaving in Fars province dates back to the seventh century(AH). Carpets of Fars are known as either «Qashqai» or «Khamseh Tribes» carpets. These are the nomads moving between Esfahan and Persian Gulf coasts. Among the tribes of Qashqais, the more prominent are Darre-Shuri, Kashkuli-ye Bozorg, Kashkoli-ye Kuchak, Shesh-Boluki, and Gharache. Due to the immigration requirements, the size of nomadic rugs is usually small; they are, however, beautiful. The stages of Carpet Weaving in Fars Province - Wool cutting The carpets usually utilize wool as the basic material. The men cut the wool of their sheep, skillfully, in spring or autumn. The quality of the wool on each of the eleven sections of the sheep body, and the related colors are different. - Frame(loom) Making The portable frame of nomadic carpets is rectangle in shape, with a metal or wood support; it is placed on the ground. The act of knitting is performed on it. The men construct the frame, too. - Weaving The women convert the wool into strings on spinning wheels or weaving machines. They, masterfully, take care to obtain the best qualities. The spinning wheel is a wooden tool that resembles a big spin; the wool is turned around it from the hand of the knitter, then weaved. The spindle wheel is a wooden structure with the wool being placed in its middle to turn into strings when the wheel turns. - Painting Colors are mainly natural; the main colors are laquer, painted blue, dark blue, brown and white. The plants from whichthe colors are extracted include Madder, Indigo, lettuce leaf, walnut skin, Jashyr, cherry stem and skin of pomegranate. The pigments, so called, Dandane, are elements which allow color stabilization and imprint on the fibers; the most important modants include Alum (Double Aluminum Sulfate), Green Vitriol (Cut Blue), Double Copper Sulfate, Black Vitriol (Double Iron Sulfate). - Knitting While knitting, the women tie the colored strings on the wool web to cover the frame and give shape to the carpet. Two types of ties are common: The ""Persian tie"", an assymetric tie, usually used in places where Persian Language is spoken, where it is referred to as, so called, Farsi-Baf (done in the Persian style), and the Turkish tie, a symmetric tie, in that the two webs are of the same size and the tie is made in the middle; this second tie is more popular in places where Turkish is in use, so the name Torki-Baf (done in the Turkish style). - Completion Completion refers to the activities done for final furnishing. These include sewing the sides (so called, Dowrduzi: Some products will be sewn on the sides to be used as bags, called ""khorjin's"" or ""chante's"" on the region); burning the extra wool to make the designs vivid and enhance the quality of the product (so called, Porzsuzi); double tied roots, and final cleaning. Nomadic Gilims Wraps of Fars are not painted with painted woofs; both sides of the product can be used. Limited materials have led these products to be more geometric in both texture and margin, mirroring the local culture of the community. The most important characteristic of Fars carpet weaving is the unique method of weaving without any maps. One weaver will not be able to weave two carpets of the same design, especially, if she does not enough time to consider the details. Fars carpets include the following types: Simple Gilim(one sided or two sided): A carpet made through passing the colored wool strings, called ""Pud's"" between the vertical strings, called ""Taar's"", without maps. Rug: A carpet with thinner ""Pud's"" and thicker ""Taar's"". The product is thicker in diameter, compared to Gilim's, and is one-sided. Ghaaliche: A rug of smaller dimensions (measuring to less than three square meters). Jaajim: A product of woolen ""Taar's"" and ""Pud's"", with simple and attractive designs, and a variety of usages, including those of carpets, beds, pillows, etc. Gilim-e Naghsh-barjaste(Goljajimi Gilim): A one sided gilom with its main motifs embossed. Somak (Rendy): A one-sided Gilim, out of which ""Ghali's"" (rugs) are believed to have been evolved. Shishe Derme: A Gilim with a simple pattern; it has no knots and naps, is two sided in a way that the mirror patterns of its face are weaved on its back side. Gabbe: A gross nomadic carpet, vastly verified, and done without any map. There are both colored Gabbe's, and Gabbe's of natural colors. So called, ""Shiri"" Gabbe's of Fars mark nomadic courage for the owner.

Iran 2010

Acupuncture and moxibustion of TCM(traditional Chinese medicine) is a traditional knowledge and practice for regulating the body’s balance and maintaining health. It is based on the holistic concept of the ‘unity between man and nature’. Under the guidance of the theories of the channels and acupuncture points, its practice involves the insertion of needles into points or the burning of moxa to warm the superficial part of the body. The holistic concept of the ‘unity between man and nature’ views the living individual as a component part of the universe, and explains life activities with the theory of yin and yang. It holds that the occurrence of disease is due to either an imbalance of yin and yang within the body, or an imbalance of yin and yang between the human body and universe. The theories of acupuncture and moxibustion hold that the human body is a small universe, each part of which is connected by channels. Through long-term practice, points on the channels have been discovered, gradually developing into a systematized theory, of which the 12 channels correspond to the 12 months, and 365 acupuncture points to the 365 days of the year. Palpation on the three portions of the body (upper, middle and lower) and three needling depths (superficial, moderate and deep) are associated respectively with heaven, man and earth. The principle of selecting points on the lower body for diseases in the upper, or of selecting points on the right for diseases on the left reflects clearly this TCM holistic view of seeing the human body as an integral whole. The practice of acupuncture and moxibustion includes two treatment modalities: acupuncture and moxibustion. In acupuncture, needles are properly selected according to the individual conditions and used to puncture and stimulate the chosen points to dredge the channels with “lifting”, “thrusting”, “twirling” and “rotating” methods, or with comprehensive needling techniques, for both prevention and treatment of disease. Nine needles of different shapes and dozens of different needling techniques were recorded in Zhen Jing (Classic of Acupuncture, 针经) in the 2nd to 3rd century B.C. Needles were mainly made of special stones, or metals (such as bronze, iron, gold and silver). Modern needles are mostly made of stainless steel. Moxibustion is usually divided into direct and indirect moxibustion, in which either moxa cones are placed directly on points or moxa sticks are held and kept at some distance from the body surface to warm the points so as to adjust the yin and yang of the body and restore balance. Moxa cones and sticks are made of moxa wool processed from moxa leaves which have been dried up and ground into wool. They are inflammable with an even warmth and burn for a long period of time. Artemisiae, the raw material of moxa, is an aromatic plant. It grows widely in China, and has been extensively used in moxibustion because since ancient times the Chinese have believed that it can dispel pathogenic factors. Acupuncture and moxibustion has been re-created in response to its environment and interactions with nature and history. Therefore, characteristics of regional, group or individual schools have been formed. The “three-step needling techniques” improved upon by Cheng Xinnong (1921-) and the “three-free-flow needling techniques” summarized by He Puren (1926-) have brought a far-reaching influence on promotion of the continuing existence of this tradition. A great deal of common sayings, such as “Hegu (LI4) is used for diseases of the face and mouth, Weizhong (BL40) for the back and lumbus” and "without knowledge of the channels, mistakes when needling are inevitable”, objectively explains that acupuncture and moxibustion manifests itself in the culture integrated highly by knowledge coupled with practice. Therefore, to be an identified tradition bearer demands long-term accumulation of knowledge and practical experience. Acupuncture and moxibustion has been transmitted through teaching by personal examples as well as verbal instruction in inherited lineages formed by master-disciple relations or members of a clan. These tradition bearers are identified by their reverence for Huang Di and Fu Xi (two founders of acupuncture and moxibustion). The bronze figure of acupuncture points cast in 1026 (Song Dynasty), Zhen Jiu Jia Yi Jing (Systematic Classic of Acupuncture and Moxibustion, 针灸甲乙经) compiled in 259, Zhen Jiu Da Cheng (The Great Compendium of Acupuncture and Moxibustion, 针灸大成) written in 1601 and other works, are a testimony to the inheritance and development of this tradition, which have served as important reference materials in the study of acupuncture and moxibustion, and have been playing a significant role in their viability and re-creation. Among the Chinese, there are sayings such as “one needle and a bundle of herbs keeps you healthy into your old age” and “hanging moxa leaves in front of your house gate on the 5th day of the 5th lunar month keeps the doctor away all year round”. This shows in all aspects that acupuncture and moxibustion has produced a great impact on people’s lives and reflects its relevant visibility and awareness. Acupuncture and moxibustion, an embodiment of the wisdom of the Chinese nation and a reflection of the uniqueness of Chinese culture, has been playing an important role in promoting people’s healthcare with its steady rate of development and systematized theories inherited in history.

China 2010

Koto Tisi (wild beans) is a traditional method of making wild beans edible. It is local knowledge that helps people to survive in times of poverty, especially in dry weather where there is no food available to meet the need. Habitually, people collect the wild beans on its harvest time and normally people make the Koto Tisi in long dry season where food is hard to find in many regions of the country.

Bumchod is an important annual religious ritual that makes offerings to the local deities in the village communities of Jarey, Wayang, and Changkhala of Jarey Gewog within Lhuentse Dzongkhag. Held at Jarey Temple for one full day on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month every year, the event consists of ritual prayers to two local deities – Nep Drakpa Gyaltshen and Tsan Kyibu Lungtsan; as well as the protective deity Gonpo Mani. The ritual prayers give thanks to these deities for their ongoing blessing and for the good health, good harvest, prosperity, peace, and harmony in the community over the past year. Bumchod also seeks similar blessings in the coming year. This ceremony is part of a divine sanction that gives the community authority and power as long as the local residents make timely and sufficient offerings to appease the deities. The event brings all Jarey residents—regardless of social status, age, or gender—together to celebrate the shared history that the ritual constructs. It offers community members a break from the trials of farming activities and raises the sense of communal co-existence and harmony. Elaborate ritual activities like Bumchod requires the community to rally as sponsors and supporters for the success of the planned works. These Tsawa or hosts carry out the organization and coordination of Bumchod. In the past, this festival was conducted by Jarey Nagtshang alone, but later the Gulibee household became one of the sponsors as the ritual branched out from Jarey Nagtshang family; and further as Jabung Bardhangpa also became sponsor being Threlpa (a tax-paying household). Thus, these three households used to conduct the Bumchod ritual in turn. Later, new households proliferated in and around Jarey, and today all these households actively take part in the Bumchod as Tsawa and even some households from Wayang and Changkhala villages participate as Tsawa in turn. Different households from three main villages – Jarey, Changkhala and Wayang– form a broad Tsawa group which is sub-divided into four groups by household wise: first group consist of Jarey Nagtshang, Manchulung, Tsabgang, Artobee, two households from Mregdong and Umling; the second group consist of Gulibee, Tashiling, Kyiranag, Manbingla, two households from Korbee, Trinta zhing, Dunphog and Godpodung; third group consist of Gonpa, Bardhang, Thekarla, Kyerchemey, Khomdhang zhing; and the fourth group is some households from Changkhala and Wayang villages. The contributions of cash and kind are collected from each household in their turn as sponsors. The food provisions collected are rice, butter/oil, cheese, vegetables, local wine, etc. and cash amounting to about Nu. 3000/- is collected to meet expenses for Chagyeb (offering for ritual performers) and for whatever needs to be purchased. On the day of Bumchod, all necessary arrangements preparing in the kitchen and serving food to ritual performers and guests have to be made by the sponsor Tsawa. In case they have a shortage of manpower, they can hire people from other households. It is customary that at least a one member from each household who are not the day’s sponsor come to pay respect to Bumchod ritual as guests of the Tsawa, at which time they make some contributions like butter, cheese, local wine and then present them to the Bumchod Tsawa; and in response and gratitude the Tsawa members host them lunch and dinner. It is also customary that each household brings freshly fruiting crops like chili, maize, rice from their field and then offers it to the local deities in the temple.