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bhutan
ICH Elements 135
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Rigma Chudruk Cham: Dance of the Sixteen Wisdom Goddesses
Rigma Chudruk Cham is a pacifying dance, performed solely by monks wearing exquisite costumes to represent the sixteen goddesses that make various offerings to enlightened beings. Generally, the dance has two types: Rigma Chudruk Cham and Rigma Chudruk Nga Cham. Though the costumes are identical, these dances can be easily differentiated by the instruments they use. The first Rigma Chudruk Cham performs with Drilbu, bell, and Daru or Damaru, a small two-headed drum. The latter dance exclusively plays Nga drums with Ne-tok, drum-stick. The dance is known by various names across different Buddhist traditions: Rigma Chudruk Cham; Khandro-mai Cham Dance of Dakinis; Zhe-wai Cham pacifying dance; Dorji Lhamo chudruk sixteen Vajra Dakinis; Choe-pai Lhamo Chudruk Sixteen Offering Goddesses; and Dodyon-gi Lhamo Chudruk Sixteen Pleasurable Goddesses. The sixteen goddesses not only bestow wisdom but also entertain and bring enjoyable offerings to the enlightened spiritual beings. These goddesses are generally classified into three groups: Outer, Inner, Secret Offering Goddesses. The first group consists of four members: 1. Gegmo-ma, Skt. Lasya, Goddess of Grace 2. Threngwa-ma, Skt. Mala, Garland Goddess 3. Lu-ma, Skt. Gita, Singer 4. Gar-ma, Skt. Nirti, Dancer The second group has also four members: 1. Meto-ma, skt. Pushpe, Flower Offering Goddess 2. Dhugpe-ma, Skt. Dhupa, Incense Offering Goddess 3. Nangsel-ma, Skt. Aloka, Lamp offering Goddess 4. Drichab-ma, Perfume Offering Goddess The third group has five goddesses: 1. Piwang-ma, Violin player 2. Lingbu-ma, flute player 3. Ngadum-ma, Drum player 4. Zanga-ma, Skt. Muranyyaze, Clay-drum player 5. Zuk Dorji-ma, Skt. Vajra Dakini, Vajra Form Goddess The last group has three. 1. Ro Dorj- ma, Taste Vajra Goddess 2. Rek-ja Dorji ma, Feeling Vajra Goddess 3. Choying Dorji ma, Skt. Dharmadatu Vajra Dakini, Vajra Goddess of unfabricated awareness.
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Gesar epic tradition
The Gesar epic recounts the sacred deeds of the hero King Gesar, while unfolding a broad spectrum of oral genres, embedded hundreds of myth, legend, folktale, ballad, and proverb in narrative framework of “beads on a string,” namely “Gesar Epic Cycle,” demonstrating the sheer monumentality and vitality of verbal arts. So far we found the earliest manuscript is The Battle Between Vjang Regality and Gling Regality, which dated to the 14th century, while the earliest Mongolian woodblock version titled “Geser Khan, Guardian Lord of the Ten Directions,” was published in Beijing in 1716. As of today, there are over 120 different oral cantos on record. Not counting the texts in prose, the portions in verse alone are total over one million lines excluding different variations, indicating that the living oral epic continues to expand. As the creators and inheritors of the heroic song, the Tibetan singers and storytellers are traditionally classified in several ways by how they learn and master the epic. In oral performances, they invoke a flexible genre of bcad-lhug-spel-ma, namely ‘prosimetrum,’ by melding concisely worded prose with lyrical verse and over 80 melodies of music in responding to different contexts. They often use a variety of skills that include gestures, facial expressions, postures, and verbal sound effects to enhance the singing artistry. Among their meaningful props, the hat, bronze mirror, and costume are shaped in special ways to symbolize the traditional cosmology and aesthetics. In Mongolian tradition however, the epic singing is handed down professionally from master to apprentice. Performances usually feature musical accompaniment by stringed instruments called the “horse head fiddle” (morin khuur) and the “four stringed spiked fiddle” (hugur). The two major singing styles, “improvised melodic singing” (holboga) and “musical storytelling” (bensen ulger), are combined with oral narratives, which highlight vocal singing with deep, broad, and melodious sounds skilfully utilized as needed. Gesar epic performances play important roles in rites of passage, festival ceremonies and religious rituals in communities concerned. For instance, when a child is born, passages about King Gesar’s descending to the world are sung. The epic also reflects Tibet’s native Bon religion, in respect to beliefs, rituals, theology, divination, and so on. Moreover, the epic singing itself usually accompanies with specific ritualized practices, for example, smoke offering, meditation devoting, and spirit possessed. Hence, the epic is not only the dominant means for communicating with the hero, gods, ancestors, and members of society, but also the major entertainment in rural communities. The epic performers have acted as traditional educators who enable people understanding genealogy and history, astronomy and geography, zoology and botany, arts and crafts, medicine and treatment through their storytelling. Concrete narratives focusing on origins of nature and universe are incorporated in numerous episodes called Ode, such as Ode to Mountain, Ode to Sword, etc., revealing that the epic itself a continuum of experiential knowledge in response to their environment, their interaction with nature, universe, and history. As a Tibetan proverb goes, “On every person’s lips there is a canto of King Gesar.” It has been a constant inspiration for other art forms, including traditional forms such as Thangka painting, Tibetan opera, and Cham masked dance, as well as contemporary arts, which provides peoples and young generations a sense of cultural identity and historical continuity, while reflecting credit on the common cultural legacy, shared by generations, serves as a really all-embracing encyclopedia for the general public.
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Tshig tsug-ni: Setting of Joint Disorders
Ap (Sr. citizen) Thukten from Eusa is well-known (locally) for fixing the broken legs and dislocated joints in the village. He has been practicing for more than 40 years. Bhutanese people in the past have to travel as far as Tibet to learn, and get trained on healing of joint disorder. Nevertheless, few people in the community still possess the skills of healing, and one of them was the father of Ap Thukten from whom he inherited the knowledge on healing. He was a self-taught man who observed, and learnt the skills when his father was healing the joint disorders of the people in the community. Currently, he treats 10-15 people annually, and his services are always appreciated. He happily renders the service for free, as a form of kindness, where he heartily contributes to the benefit of the people. The healer said that it is easier to treat younger people than the older ones. It takes less time for the children to recover from the treatment, unlike the adults who takes more time (even a year) for the severe injury. Whenever patients visit him, he used to find the possibility of the treatment by studying their age, nerves and identify the severity of the problems.
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Asanee: Wool Mat
Asanee is a wool mat made from sheep wool in its natural colour. The wool is either black or white in colour. The name has come into existence from the honorific term of Lhotshampa (Southern Bhutanese) dialect Asaan, Garaan, Garnus which means please sit down. Therefore, Asaan is a respectful term for sit and nee is a mat for sitting and Asanee is a sitting mat. The patterns are made depending on the availability of the colour of the wool. The most common pattern of the element is white background with black checks and at times the white background is bigger than the black checks. It is determined by the demand of the customers and the availability of the wool. It is rectangular in shape and used as cushion covers for diwan and sofas as well as sitting mat. The origin of the element has begun in the community of sheep bearers. The wool mat saw its existence when the economy of the community was at its minimal where they wove various products from wool for the exchange of clothes and other basic necessities of life. The community bartered the wool mat and wool blanket called Raree for basic needs like kitchen stuff and clothing. However, all the sheep rearing community did not weave the element and also they did not have the right to own and weave by certain community. The weaving of wool mat spread to those women who were interested to learn to supplement the economic status of the family. According to informant (Dil Maya Gurung), the culture of weaving Asanee had come from parts of Sikkim, However, not very sure to state the origin clearly. Knowledge of weaving Asanee has deteriorated due to the change in the life style of people as it messes up the room due to the split of the wool being carried out every corner of the house in the process of brushing, combing and spinning the wool. And the women of the day do not take interest in weaving due to long hectic yarning process. While working, the wool gets tangled with the clothes which makes untidy. More so, with the rapid economic development and changed in life styles under the dynamic leadership of our great monarchs, the sheep rearing has extinct and weaving of the element must have pass down to younger generations if the sheep rearing practice is there in Tsendagang community. The other reasons for not taking the weaving of element on board is the opening of doors to education where everyone has obtained education and decent jobs. Though weaving of Asaanee culture is not so vibrant as of today but every household have the mat which they usually use it when honourable guests visit their house.
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Pangtse makhu: Extraction of Oil from Symplocos paniculata Fruits
The extraction and production of Pangtse Makhu were effectively practiced from the 1970s until 1990s, and have remained to be a part of an income source and source of oil until now to the people of Toed-Wang Gewog (block) under Punakha Dzongkhag (district). “As the plant is highly adaptable and grows naturally on barren, degraded land and dry areas but for better yield, the plant is also grown on the terraces,” said the villagers. But today it is said and observed by the grandparents in the community that because of the country’s speed of development and with advancements in technology and intellectual, the tradition of extracting Pangtse Makhu in the community has significantly declined over time due to the availability of cheaper imported refined oils in the markets. It is also said that during the olden days with abundant Pangtse Shing and with more extractors, people did not have to buy oil rather oil extracted from Toed-wang gewog was sent throughout the region. However, with an increased number of youths going to school and colleges during the harvesting and production time, and also with less market value over more hardships, it has been a challenge for the few people maintaining this practice in the locality to share the value to the younger generation. Today, the community is on verge of losing the tradition of extracting Pangtse oil because of its labor-intensive nature with a tedious and time-consuming procedure. And also, it’s because of people’s choice for the cheaper imported oil over the one that has been naturally extracted and produced which has a slightly higher price in the market. Despite the challenge, the local producers are looking forward to a government intervention in the conservation of the losing tradition.
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Enchorom: Warding-off Evils by Teens
Enchoro or Enchorom is a native festival of a Kalizingkha village under Tseza Gewog (block) in Dagana with unique lyrics and melodies. It is performed by the people of Kalizingkha particularly by the children (both boys and girls) aged below 12 on the 30th day of the 11th Bhutanese month every year. Even today, the festival is still vibrant and popular in the community without any major transformations. There are minor transformations in terms of the path followed by children from the starting point until the village temple (traditionally from school campus but now from the way which leads to Gophu Gonpa (monastery) from Dzong (Fortress) and the meals served during the three days celebration. However, owing to the current pandemic and the government policies, the community could not celebrate this festival for the past two years but the locals are now very much hopeful that everything will become normal again with the government's new normal policies. The origin of this festival remains unknown. The locals believed in performing this festival mainly to drive away the evil forces, diseases and misfortunes from their household and their community and to wish for a successful and prosperous year and good luck for the people living in the locality.
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Kharphu: The White God Ritual
Kharphu (The White God Ritual) is celebrated every year on fourth month of Bhutanese calendar. Though meaning of Kharphu cannot be stated clearly but village older bearer believes Kharphu means “white god ritual” where no animal sacrifices are made. There are two types of Kharphu namely Gudpa (Extended) and Chunku (Abridged) which are observed consecutively every year. During a larger kharphu, dish called pan is prepared and served, and is observed for 3 days, while in smaller Kharphu pan (Wild betel leave fried) serving is skipped and is observed for two days. The origin of Kharphu and its story is has been transmitted verbally from generation to generation. Ex.Tshogpa Lhalungla is a descendent of one of the host family, he shared that as per the story he received from the older people of village that when the people settled in Chali as per their karmic action, during those days no matter how much they work, the grains and cereals were not enough to feed their family, food they eat didn’t contain nutrition, cloth they wear don’t provide the warmth, even they can’t sleep soundly. Then people gathered to discuss over it. During meeting one the villager pointed out that we don’t have a god to guide and protect us, and this may be the reason we have been suffering. Then all the villagers agreed that then need a god. Among them there was a man named Sherub, who is farsighted, knowledgeable and reliable man. Then villagers insisted him to go and receive god. He denied, saying he is incapable for this task. He said this task can be only accomplished by Gomchen phawang (Bat). Then sherub went in all the direction in search of bat but met with gods of four directions but couldn’t find bat. Then one of the god from four direction prophesied that bet is inside their village only, inside a cave call Asi-kaure draphy (cave) which shadow falls in water and water splashes on the walls of cave. And this place is believed to be located at the bottom of Kongla bra (Kongla cliff) at the end of Chali and still there are many bats in it. Bat was brought to the village and at first, bat also denied the villagers request but towards end of the day bat accepted but he said gift has to be taken for sons and daughters of god. For sons they arranged three armful of arrows and for daughters three Urka (Lether sack) full of Bakur (square shaped bamboo container). Then, bat made his journey towards north. After a long journey bat reached Tsampa, place believed to be located in Tibet, where god Gung-Lha-Lhapsang Gyelpo resides. Finally he could meet the god and shared his reason for visit. God criticize him about his face, legs and wings, so, he can return him alone, but he changed every criticism in positive way by saying “my rat like face is to sing a song for god father and mother, my skinny leg is to perform dance in front of god father and mother, my lathery wings is to fan your god father and mother. Bad couldn’t send back with all the means and strategies of god, finally promised to send one of his children. Gunglha lhapsang Gelpo has four daughter and four sons. He told to send one the daughter to god mother and she said to god to send one of his son. God father and mother had a very hot discussion over it. And they decided to roll a die, and god father lose the game and had to send his son along with bat to bless Chalipas (Residents of Chali). Here at Chali goat was received by Sherub along with the villagers. Since then Sherub was known as Bonpo pa Sherub, since it was a Bon Lha (God of Bon religion).And his descendent has to perform Bonpo Wanboo (Shaman). And Bonpodpa Sherub became host along with another rich household. And currently there is four household descendent holding as host during Kharphu. But, with passing time and generation Bonpodpa Sherub’s descendent couldn’t shoulder the responsibilities of Wanbu and is appointed one of the interested and capable people from their village. There is no as such rule to appoint Wanbu. There is unique lyric and tune from journey of god’s son of including all the places where till Chali, different household visiting household lyrics and blessing, farewell lyric and unique tones.
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Troe-zo: Gold/Silversmithy
Gold and silver smithy or metal carving had flourished in the country for a long time as evident from the ornaments worn by women and religious artefacts in monasteries and temples. This art is still being practiced and transmitted. It is a highly specialized art form. A special class of craftsmen called Troe-ko make jewelry of gold and silver and other items such as swords, boxes, teapots, and various ornaments of silver, often thinly plated with gold. Traditional symbols such as the dragon and other beautiful motifs are engraved on the objects. Silverwork is also found on the pillars of temples, altar tables, jewelry and other religious items. Using precious stones and metals such as coral, turquoise, silver and gold, these artisans make brooches, necklaces, bracelets, earrings, rings, amulets with religious content, traditional vessels (Chaka and Trimi) for carrying the much-chewed beetle nut, ritual objects and much more.
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Birth Ceremony of Lhop Communities
Beyond the daily harmonic life of the Lhop’s society, there lies an undisputed belief and idea on birth and death. Lhops have their own ways of interpreting the physiological and morphological processes of birth, growth, aging and death as it unfolds to them. As the child grows, she or he crosses different stages with status and roles and responsibilities in the community. They get educated in life skills and rituals of life. Their departure or separation is also honored with elaborate rituals. It is considered as a taboo for Lhops to accept a child from a female who has no approved partner in the community or outside mates from the community. Ideally, it is the cross-cousins only who can give birth to a legitimate child in the society, though marriages between different clans are now accepted. However, marrying out of the community continues to be strongly discouraged. From the moment cross-cousins partners are born in the family, their marital and issues are thereon legitimate in the community, and so is their new born child. Lhops has well and predetermined destined relationships when it comes to the copulation between male and female. Lhops believe that the copulation between male and female produces a child in which male contributes bone and female contributes flesh, but it does not mean that any male can impregnate a female, and be the father or husband of someone else. Cross cousins are referred to as Lhir-ra and Lhi-met, laterally meaning male and female seedling (Lhi- seedling, met- female, ra-male). They believe that the human body as a combination of flesh (sa) and bone (ruish).They believe that the male is like that of a seed (lhi) and rain (wai), while the female is like that of land or soil (boh) that holds the seed and rain water together to allow germination and growth, so as in the combination of bone from a male, and flesh from the female, that give rise to an individual. Cross cousins undergo an educational process of identifying their mates and their families. They slowly start to develop a mindset and behavior towards their growing age and body. Once they reach a mature age, they are encouraged to execute the marital rules and take up roles in the community. Male partners take residence in the wife’s households, and it is a matter of pride for the female to conceive and have him in her house.
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Foods of Lhop Communities
Just like any other communities, the livelihood of Lhops also started with hunting and gathering activities. In the past, Lhops gathered wild edible plants like Burr (Kochu or Colocasia) or Lohbol (Tapoica), and hunted as well as fished. With the recent developments in the community, Lhops have adopted agriculture as their source of food and nutrition, and with the passage of time, agriculture has become a way of life for subsistence and commercial means.
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Nyeldrum and Keytoen: Pregnancy and Baby Shower
According to our conventional wisdom, once a woman stops menstruating, and starts vomiting in the morning as well as experiencing loss of appetite, she is pregnant. Henceforth, she avoids doing any heavy work, and elders and experienced people advise her on the dos and don’ts of birthing-related subjects. Although pregnancy was socially acceptable for a woman who had a husband, there was a social stigma against unmarried pregnant women. Not only did people gossip behind their backs, but some communities even ostracised them on the pretext that their pregnancy outside marriage would cause accident or disaster to the people, animals and community, especially if they happened to pass through any restricted areas such as ladam or ridam (restriction of mountains and forests near the community and believing these sites as the abode of local deities. Restrictions these sites starts from the sowing of seeds in the field and until the harvest). Although no nasty actions are taken against unwedded pregnant women these days, they are still the subject of gossip, and social stigmatisation persists, though perhaps to a lesser degree now than is mirrored in the well-known traditional saying: "If the bastard is faced to the rocky cliff, the cliff breaks down; and, And if the bastard is faced towards the lake, the lake dries up." Although due date for the birth could not be predicted precisely, impending birth is determined based on the size of the abdomen and frequency and intensity of labour pains. As soon as childbirth seems imminent, the woman readies herself by preparing ara (distilled wine) or changkyoe (fermented rice) as well as stocking up with other nutritious foods such as meat, egg and fish. She also avoids crossing the tethers of horses, as it is believed that this will delay birth, since pregnancy in mares lasts about a year. Besides, roaming or journeying at night is strictly forbidden. When it is time, a few elderly women will be called to assist the pregnant woman, as it is also believed that it will be easy to give birth if there is an experienced woman nearby. According to the Eastern Bhutanese belief, if the woman is in protracted labour, various methods are followed to aid her in delivering the baby, such as: opening a container of fermented rice (Changkoe or phafin, also known as buchang) and serving it to her; a family member going to a cross-section of paths and stamping the ground hard three times, collecting the dust from that spot, and then rubbing it on the abdomen of the expectant woman; or her brother (phuga ajang) dresses up and covers his body with a lhiu (rain coat made from yak hair) and then, carrying a quiver and holding a bow in his right hand, he jumps across the abdomen of his sister who is lying on the bed. These are some of the popular practices claimed to have saved pregnant women from suffering further. After delivery, the child is picked up by the kindest and most gentle person present, as it is again believed that the new-born will take on the character of the person who first picks the baby up. Once the child has been picked up, its umbilical cord is cut with a sharp knife or a scissor. The child is washed with lukewarm water and welcomed by inserting a piece of butter in the mouth, placing another piece on the head, and uttering many good wishes and prayers for his/her long life. While the child is being washed, the mother awaits expulsion of the placenta. The placenta is buried in the ground, placing the umbilical cord towards the surface. However, in some cases the placenta is taken to a river and pressed under a heavy stone with the umbilical cord turned upstream. Either way, if the umbilical cord is not placed correctly, it is believed that the child will vomit. After washing, the baby is allowed to suckle at the mother’s breast either before or after expulsion of placenta, and following that ara and nutritious foods are given to the mother. However, if placental expulsion does not occur, a rundi (kind of flat rope made from bamboo, used when carrying loads on the back in Tshangla Community) is cut in half and burned. The ash is given to the mother to eat. In some cases, the cast off skin of a snake (buesop) is fed to the woman. People believe that these practices will help the body expel the retained placenta. As the birth of a child is considered impure, outsiders will avoid visiting the family for three days after the birth. After three days, where possible, a lama or tsip (astrologer, or lama who knows astrology) is invited to the house to perform a purification ritual called lhabsang and define the child’s horoscope and bestow a name. Following this, well-wishers and neighbours will visit, bringing a ceremonial scarf and a pitcher of ara, a small amount of dried meats, eggs or anything else that is considered valuable to the weak and recuperating mother. The next very important function for a child is the first cutting of hair, which can be done at any suitable time after the hair is long enough. The practice is that the first haircut is done by a brother of the child’s mother, or in some cases (for example if she has no brother), it may be done by a lama.
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Jakar Tshechu: Annual Festival of Jakar Dzong
Jakar Tshechu is a recent introduction, as noted above. It was established in 1994 on the 4th day of the sixth lunar month through the initiative of Dzongdag Dasho Pema Dorje and Thrimpon Dasho Sangay Rinzin. In the beginning, the mask dances were performed by Trongsa Rabdey as the dzong had no permanent monks. The duration of the tshechu was initially only one day long. Later, during the time of Dzongdag Nyima Tshering, it was extended to four days, running through the 8th to 11th days of the ninth lunar month. Given their prominence and importance, usually the annual district tshechu are sponsored and coordinated by the respective District administrations. Similarly, Jakar Tshechu is organized by the Bumthang District Administration in collaboration with the Jakar Rabdey. While at many festivals the local residents provide contributions, at Jakar Tshechu all the expenses are borne by the District Administration rather than by the locals. As the sponsor, the District Administration documents all expenditures for the duration of the tshechu, which includes meals for all participants, mask dancers and folk dancers, as well as their wages. Preparations for the festival are intense and involve significant manpower, financial resources and planning. Preparations begin well in advance, with the lam and dratshang overseeing the preparations for rituals and practice sessions for the mask dances. The dzongkhag takes on administrative responsibilities and plans the budget. A week before the festival, the dzongkhag staff prepare the performance area in the dzong courtyard. The district administration selects around thirty-two mask dancers, between ages of eighteen and forty-two, from the four gewogs. In addition, a troupe of approximately eleven folk dancers is chosen from each gewog to perform in between the mask dances. The troupes rotate each year, with each group performing every four years. The folk dancers and the mask dancers begin practicing about a month before the tshechu. On the 7th day of the ninth lunar month, dancers hold a rehearsal session, which is called chamjug. These rehearsals are held in the courtyard of the dzong where the festival takes place and include the use of musical instruments, such as trumpets and clarinets. The practice continues for much of the day, from around 8:30 a.m. until around 3 p.m. The two chief mask dancers, one from the monastic community and the other from the District Administration, oversee the practice to ensure that everything is perfect. During rehearsal, the dancers don’t wear the costumes or masks and only the main mask dances are rehearsed. a. Day One: (8th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The main event begins on the 8th day of the ninth lunar month, when the monks get up around 1:30 a.m. to perform the Lama Gongdue ritual. Before dawn, the ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast and preparation for the mask dance performances. Around 8 a.m., the dzongkhag staff gathers at the dzong to receive dzongda and drangpon and then they all wait to receive lam. Then the lam accompanied by Dzongkhag Administration officials including dzongdag and drangpon, move in a chibdrel procession to the zigrekhang (spectators’ pavilion) to witness tshechu proceedings. The mask dance performances begin by 8:30 a.m. In 2015, the mask dances were performed in the following order: - Shinje Yab-yum Cham (Yamantaka Father and Mother Dance); - Yoeluema Cham (Dance of the Malevolent Spirit); - Peling Ging Sum (Dance of the Three Gings): Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance) and Nga Ging Cham (Drum Dance); - Kel Cham (Farewell Dance); - Pholey Moley (Dance of the Noblemen and the Charming Ladies); - Shawo Gangley Phap (the first episode of chasing the stag down the mountain). At the conclusion of the mask dances, the lam and the monks resume the feast offering ritual in the lhakhang from where they left off in morning. b. Day Two: (9th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The morning’s programme on the 9th day of the ninth lunar month is same as the day prior. The ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast, and then the day’s mask dances begin around 8:30 a.m. as follows: - Zhana Cham (Black Hat Dance); - Zhana Nga Cham (Black Hat Drum Dance); - Dramitse Nga Cham (Dance of the Drums from Dramitse); - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Lords of Cremation Grounds); - Ging Tsholing Cham (dance of the wrathful deities and the ging); - Shawa Shakhyi Thaley Tonpa (the second episode driving the stag out of low-lying jungles). As on the previous day, after mask dances, the monks and the lam resume conducting the ritual prayers in the lhakhang, starting from the tshog lhagma intermission and conclude the day’s programme. c. Day Three: (10th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The morning programme is same as days one and two. The ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast before the day’s mask dances begin. The day focuses on the judgment of the dead and depicts the consequences of karma on the afterlife, and people receive blessings from the Lord of Death. The mask dances are performed as follows: - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Lords of Cremation Grounds); - Tum-ngam Cham (Dance of the Terrifying Deities); - Shazam Cham (dance of the four stags); - Raksha Go Cham (Ox-headed Dance); - Raksha Mang Cham (Intermediate State Dance). As on the previous days, the Lam Neten and monks resume the ritual prayers from the tshog lhagma to conclude the day’s events. d. Day Four: (11th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): Thongdrol (giant tapestry) and Tenwang (blessing by sacred relics): The 11th day of the ninth lunar month is the last day of the tshechu, during which the thongdrol is unfurled and artefacts are displayed to the public, an act called tenwang. People gather in the dzong as early as 3 a.m. The main statue displayed for public blessing is a small statue of Yidam Thongwa Kundrol that Terton Pema Lingpa is said to have withdrawn from Mebartsho (the Burning Lake). The thongdrol was made in 2005 and shows Guru Tshengyed, the Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche. In front of the hanging thongdrol, mask dances – specifically Pacham, Dram-nyen Choeje, and Zhengzhi Pemi Cham – are performed to pay homage to Guru Rinpoche. The day’s mask dance programme is presented in following order: - Unfurling of Guru Tshengyed Thongdrol; - Zhengzhi Pemi Cham (Dance offering with recitation of prayers to Guru Rinpoche); - Bekor Cham (Ceremonial Dance of the Monks); - Pa Cham (Dance of Heroes); - Guru Tshengyed Cham (Dance of the Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche); - Rigma Chudrug (Dance of the Sixteen Wisdom Consorts); - Acho dang Phento (the story of the conversion of the hunter); - Atsara gi Lochoe (Atsara’s ritual) to mark the conclusion of tshechu. As on prior days, the events finish with the feast offering ritual in the lhakhang, though with additional rituals particular to the last day. Specifically, a torshag (cascading the ritualcakes) ritual followed by ngoedrub langwang (receive blessings) and trashi monlam (auspicious prayers), during which all participants gather and to offer collective dedications and auspicious prayers.
Bhutan