Denoting ""carpet-washing ceremony"" (qāli""carpet""-šuyān""washing ceremony""), Qālišuyān manifests as a huge gathering in Ardehāl, at a 800m-long site, between Emāmzāde Soltān Ali ebn Mohammad Bāqer Mausoleum (abbreviated as Soltān Ali) and the holy stream beside Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum yard, where a holy carpet is washed as part of a live ritualistic procedure. Unlike the majority of Iranian rituals that follow a rotating lunar calendar, Qālišuyān is attended according to a fixed solar-agricultural calendar, requiring it around the nearest Friday to the 17th day of the month of Mehr (October 8th), called Jom'e-ye Qāli (""carpet Friday""). Thousands of people of Fin and Xāve constitute the practitioners; a greater crowd attends as witnesses. On Jom'e-ye Qāli morning, the people of Xāve gather at Soltān Ali to sprinkle rose-flower on a donated carpet they select. Having done the wrapping rituals, they, then, deliver it to the people of Fin outside. Holding neatly cut and beautifully decorated wooden sticks, the people of Fin run to take the lead in getting a grasp of the carpet, and carrying it to the running water, cleaned of pollutions and mixed with rose-water. A corner of the carpet is rinsed; the rest is covered with drops sprinkled with the sticks. The carpet is, then, returned to the mausoleum and delivered to the servants inside. The rituals are to express love and loyalty toward Soltān Ali, who is claimed to have been martyred in the same place and carried to his resting place on a carpet, instead of a shroud. Asserted, mainly, through oral history, Soltān Ali enjoyed a holy stance among the people of Kāšān and Fin of 1,300 years ago, who depended on his spiritual guidance. He was, finally, murdered by jealous governors. The story continues that the corpse was found, three days later, by the people of Fin who carried it in a carpet to the stream of Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum, Ardehāl, where the people of Xāve joined in washing and burying him. The present-day carpet-washing rituals are to commemorate the sad burial. A number of peripheral activities have emerged alongside Qālišuyān, too: - J ār: Oral proclamation of the ""carpet-Friday"" date by an elder; - Donated food: Distributed by witnessing people - Ta'ziye and other ritualistic performing arts: Performed peripheral to the main rituals; - Gatherings of people on the site, which last for several days.

Iran 2012

Falak is a traditional folklore music genre of the Tajik people. Falak means «heaven, fortune or universe». The structure of Falak is most often in one section and can form an interlude within a performance. The quatrains or couplet sung by the falak-singers are emotionally expressive and are rich with the philosophy and expressions of destitution of human life.

Tajikistan 2021

Abi (Grandma) and Meme (Grandpa) is a native story about the local deity of a Durung Chiwog under Yangnyer Gewog in Trashigang. Durung is one of the farthest chiwog (Community) under the gewog (block) and is a native place and origin of the story. There are different information regarding the origin of Abi and Meme as a local deity of the community. One of source tells that Abi Sangay Lhamo and Meme Gempola were believed to be from Demkhar Village, a village located downhill of gewog centre under Darjeling chewog. Whereas another source states that Meme Gempola was from Demkhar and Abi was from Narang under monger gewog today. However, another oral transmission also states that Meme and Abi were from Zhangzhung, Tibet and they descended to the Durung due to internal conflict with the leader of Zhangzhung. Today, people also believe that the great grandparents of Abi and Meme must have moved and settled from Tibet creating the confusion to these days that Abi and Meme were from Zhangzhung (Tibet). One source emphasize that they had a daughter called Sangay Dema and she went to Woongkhar, a village at Drametse and got married there. Later, Abi and Meme went to her place to attend the death rituals of their late grandchild. Another source also states that Abi and Meme went there to attend death rituals of their relatives. While returning back after attending the rituals, they spend night beneath the cave at Dochurkhaktang near Sengderi, located at downstream between Durung and Narang. At night, the flood washed Abi and Meme from the place killing them on the way. Therefore, it is believed that both are born to Donesphu (large stone) as deity in the place presently below Durung village. It is believed that they protect and have control of land from Boe-Lhasa to Jagar-Dorjiden. Moreover, one of the religious texts (Soelkha text) states that Abi and Meme have control of land and people from Lha (Deity) Wogmay till Jagar Dorjiden.

a) Traditional handicraft techniques The old art of manufacturing the traditional Iranian floating vessel, called Lenj, has remained relatively unchanged. Lenjes are, mostly, made for their large cargo capacity. The Lenj-Bum was, once, the best ship for the Iranian sailors and navigators. Even now, it is still competing with rivals. But the gradual decrease in the number of the long voyages is limiting the popularity of the vessel. Lenj-Bum is capable of tolerating the storms. Originally, Lenjes were used in commercial travels to distant destinations, including India and Africa. Lenjes are composed of various parts, each made of special types of wood, depending on their function. Contemporarily, Lenjes are used, solely, for short journeys, fishing and pearl hunting. Older Lenjes were capable of travelling for, even, one year. The Persian sailors used to launch their commercial ships from the three ports of Loft, Kong and Lian, in Bushehr. The marine routes were, however, more varified, and would include travels to Basra in Iraq, or to the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf. Their main trades included dates, wood of Chandal, pottery, coconut and fruits. b) Knowledge and practices concerning the nature and the universe Before the introduction into the tradition of modern positioning systems, Iranian navigators could locate the ship according to the positions of the sun, the moon and the stars. An individual, called Moallem (“teacher; guide”), was responsible for the positioning jobs on the Lenj. Looking at the sun and the stars with his means, including the Persian astrolabe and sextant, at 6 AM and 6 PM, he could locate the Lenj on the sea. Navigation at night was the captain’s duty. He would order a Sokkāni (“helmsman”) to lead the ship into the direction of a specified star till the moment of sunrise. Compasses brougth more convenience for the navigators. They could define the routes more delicately, by utilizing a combination of astronomy and the newly introduced compass technology. The sailors started to record the stars’ specifications on the compasses. Using this combined method, they would define the route at night. The number of stars used as reference points was 17; they would be repeated in both northern abd southen directions round the compasses. The navigational knowledge and legacy is still passed on from fathers to sons. The Iranian navigators also had special formulae to measure the latitudes and longitudes, as well as the water depth. Sailors needed the wind in favour in their travels to the south; they would arrange for their voyages according to the seasonal winds that would blow every 6 months from north to south. They also attended to the particular winds of Persian Gulf to find a forecast for weather. Each wind had a native regional name. Knowing the wind route was not enough to trace the time of a pending storm; they also attended to the color of waters, the wave heights, or the nature of the blowing wind. c and d) Performing arts, Social practices and festivity events The majority of the Iranian inhabitants of the region earn their livelihood from the sea; consequently, the Persian Gulf continues to receive their respect. A number of traditional ceremonies and customs about Lenjes and the sea show their rooted symbiosis with nature. Nowruz-e-Sāyyad (Fisherman’s New Year) is one example. The celebration occurs late in the month of Tir (June 22nd), as a surviving traditional ceremony from the distant years. No fishing, no trades, and no sea journeys are allowed on this day. In the morning, the children colour animal foreheads, with red clay; and by sunset, all villagers gather on the seashore to play music or perform the proceedings of Shushî, an old traditional performing art, showing the sailors’ respect for the nature. Some people wear special clothes and masks, and try to represent sea-gulls. When the native music band plays Rezif (the sailors’ traditional music), suddenly, a number of men with fearful appearances come out of the sea, and pretend to attack the people. They are Shushi’s, the old demons who were asleep, and now the new years’ eve has awakend them. Interestingly, the people enter dialogues with these demons, and encourage them to join in the feast. Bādebān-Keshi (“setting the sail”) is another surviving ceremony. Long ago, when the ships were about to leave for long voyages, by the time the sailors were setting the sails, the music would accompany from the shore. The sailor’s families would bid farewell. Specific music and rhythms constitute inseparable parts of sailing on the Persian Gulf. In the past, the sailors sang special songs while they were working. In Hormozgan province, three such musical traditions are, still, attended by the locals: Livā, Rezif and Azvā. The singers describe a marine travel in their songs. Traditional bagpipes, named Neyanbān, accompany. The ritualistic performances are reminiscent of the jobs on the Lenjes. The movements resemble hoisting the ropes, rowing, holding in the fishing nets, and also separating and classifying the fish. e) Oral traditions and expressions, including languages as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage There are traditional sailing terminologies, stories and poems (Sharve) related to the nominated element in modern Iranian languages and dialects of the region. These linguistic varieties are representable as: 1.Lārestanî :(Aradi,Evazi,Bastaki,Banāruye-yi,Bikhe-yi,Khonji,Fedāghi,Fishvari,Gerāshi and Lāri) 2.Bashākerdî/Bashkardî :(Bandar-Abbāsi,Rudāni,Minābi and Hormozi) 3.Kumzārî :(Lāraki, …)

Iran 2011

Mongol Tuuli is an oral tradition comprising heroic epics that run from hundreds to thousands of lines and combine benedictions, eulogies, spells, idiomatic phrases, fairy tales, myths and folk songs. They are regarded as a living encyclopedia of Mongolian oral traditions and immortalize the heroic history of the Mongols. Epic performers are distinguished by their prodigious memory and skills, combining singing, vocal improvisation and musical composition coupled with theatrical elements. Epic lyrics are performed to musical accompaniment on instruments such as morin khuur and tovshuur. Epics are performed during social and public events, including state affairs, weddings, a child’s first haircut, naadam and worship of sacred sites. Epics evolved over many centuries, and reflect nomadic lifestyles, social behaviors, religion, mentalities and imagination. Epic performers cultivate epic traditions from generation to generation, learning, performing and transmitting techniques within kinship circles, from fathers to sons.

Mongolia 2009

Naqqāli is an Iranian traditional theatre form, having originated in ancient Iran. This dramatic performance concerns telling of a story, history or non-history based, in a variety of genres. It is done either in verse or prose and accompanied by gestures and movements appropriate to the event related. Iran enjoys a long tradition of Naqqāli. This tradition was called “Gowsān” during Parthians (3rd BC-3rd AD). “Gowsān”s (the reciters) acted as entertainers to both kings and ordinary people. Under the Sassanids (3rd-7th AD), Naqqāli was highly regarded at court, where it used to be called “Xonyāgari”. Following the collapse of the Sassanid, these reciters emmigrated to remote areas to keep the tradition alive. In ancient times, they used to recite narrative poems, play musical instruments, sing, and act. Naqqāli is the oldest form of dramatic performance in Iran. Historically, it has adopted itself with socio-political circumstances. Before the Sassanid(651 AD), Naqqāls were poets and musicians simultaneously. They recited stories along with playing instruments. Bārbad was the most renown Naqqāl of the Sassanid. During Ghaznavids(10th-12th AD), the Court banned musical Naqqāli. But the tradition survived in remote areas. Two important events occurred during the Safavid period (16th-18th AD): establishment of coffee-houses and applying “Parde”. Parde introduced a new style in Naqqāli, and coffee-houses became exclusive venues for Naqqāls for, at least, 300 years. Up to several decades ago, great coffee-houses hired Naqqāls. Unfortunately, the strong influence of western culture and break down of the old traditions caused a decline in popularity of coffee-houses; consequently, Naqqāl's lost their traditional audiences During the Islamic period, such reciters were known under various names; such names had their origin in the types of the repertory of the tales they recited. One example is, so called, “Shāhnāme-Xān”s, who were specialized in reciting tales from Shāhnāme, the great Persian epic by Ferdowsi. This naming style can still be traced. In addition to Persian literature, Naqqāls needed to be acquainted with expressions referring to the local culture, or the Iranian traditional/folk music. Thus, they functioned as both entertainers, and bearers of Persian literature and culture, while encouraging national cohesion. Nowadays, the language of recited narrations is not limited to Persian; these tales are allowed to be narrated in regional dialects or languages. Up to several years ago they were the most important guardians of folk-tales, ethnic- epics and Iranian folk music. Naqqāli requires considerable talent; no one can arrive at eminence in this line except men of cultivated taste and retentive memory. They must not only be acquainted with the best ancient and modern stories, but be able to change them in relation to new incidents, either heard or invented. They must also recollect the finest texts of poetry, which they may quote from. The audience are normally acquainted with the tale, so the Naqqāl requires the charm in his performance, an attractive voice quality, as well as skill in acting to captivate them. The Naqqāl is alone in performing a rich range of roles, such as those of kings, queens, warriors, princesses, beggars, etc, convincingly. He is even a master in producing sound effects, including horse galloping, fencing ,etc. Master Naqqāls, even, are well equipped with a knowledge of Iranian sports, while they recite skills in wrestling and fencing, among others. There are two groups of practitioners, the Professional and the Seasonal. They may perform in coffee-houses, tents of nomads, houses, and historical places like ancient caravanserais. The Professionals, who are few in number now, earn their living from Naqqāli; seasonals have other occupations, too. Nowadays, professional Naqqāls are mostly invited for official ceremonies sponsored by municipalities or governmental institutes. Seasonal Naqqāls mostly perform in regional ceremonies like wedding parties, or even mourning ceremonies. However, both groups have been invited for Iranian Ritual-Traditional Theatre Festivals since the very beginning of its establishment. Naqqāls, especially Morsheds (master Naqqāls), wear costumes reminiscent of Dervishes cloths. They may, even, use ancient helmets, or armoured jackets in the middle of the performance, to create a sense of reality for the battle scenes. Their multifunctional canes may represent a wide range of motifs, including a beautiful beloved, a horse, a sword, etc. “Parde”, used by some Naqqāls, is a painted curtain in the Coffee-House-Style. Having preserved all the logical, religious and traditional styles, it has flourished as a sign of respect for popular beliefs. The painters have been messengers of light and impossible dreams. Due to the fact that this unique theatrical performance always presents one of the deepest and genuine layers of the national Iranian culture, its protection will definitely serve to safeguard the national and historical roots of it. Besides, it can be a source of inspiration for literary figures and artists all around the world. Every form of art is a unique language faciliating peaceful communication among different cultures. In this regard, Naqqāli should be considered as an international heirtage in urgent need for safeguarding.

Iran 2011

Tibetan opera, the most popular traditional opera of minority ethnic groups in China, is a comprehensive art combining folk song, dance, storytelling, chant, acrobatics and religious performance. Most popular in the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau in western China, the performance begins with a prayer ceremony, including the cleansing of the stage by hunters and blessings by the elder, and concludes with another blessing. The heart of the opera is a drama narrated by a single speaker and enacted by performers supported by groups of singers, dancers and acrobats. Actors wear traditional masks of a variety of shapes and colours that contrast with their simple makeup.

China 2009

Mongolian language belongs to the Altaic language family. It is an ancient and independent language with rich history of thousands of years which has been transmitted through generations to ours. Over 20 ethnic groups in Mongolia are divided in to 2 different language groups, for instance over 90 % of these 20 ethnic groups are speak in Khalkh, Bayad, Barga, Buriad, Dariganga, Darkhad, Dorvod, Zakhchin, Myagngad, Oold, Torguud, Uzemchin, Khamnigan. Kharchin, Khotgoid, Eljigen, Sartuul and Tsakhar dialects of Mongolian langugage group. The Kazakh, Uriankhai, Tuva and Khoton are classified into Turkic language group. The marvel of the Mongolian language is its phonemic, morphological and syntactic harmony, its flexibility, and its unusually rich lexicology. Mongols have created innumerable oral and intangible expressions in Mongolian language which manifested in the forms of folk literature, folklore, traditional performing arts, customs and practices.

Chali kha is a language spoken only by Chali Gewog (block) people and few older citizen of Tsakaling gewog under Mongar Dzongkhag (district). It is believed to be originated from sino-tibetan language as per the research published in Dzongkha grammar book on language. Gewog Mangmi (Community Representative) coined that till date Chali language haven’t transformed or influenced by other languages. They still speak in the same tone which was there during their grandparents time just new words were borrowed for new things and equipment’s which were not in their language. As per the recollecting of Memey (Grandpa) Tenzin Norbu who is 81 years of age, Chalipa (People of Chali) language hasn’t change in its tune and meaning of words till date. Chalipa language is a widely spoken language among the community for any type of functions, gathering or to communicate amongst themselves. Chali kha got the name from a place chali and the people from the Chali gewog are known as Chalipas. Though language is spoken only by 2,385 people in the world its status is still good and has preserved all the values in it.

Part of the Bon tradition that still exists in Bhutan is the practice of shamanism. Shamans are sought out in times of illness, misfortune, or for divination. The practice of shamanism is common in almost all regions and is referred to differently in each region. It is also distinguished by ethnic groups, which can be divided into three major regions. Shamanism in Bhutan, as in other parts of the world, is deeply rooted in religion and involves supernatural powers. Since the practice of shamanism is based on religion, the religious origin and affiliation of the practice of shamanism in western and eastern Bhutan is Buddhism, while in the south it is Hinduism. There are two types of Bon practices: Bonkar and Bon nag. While Bonkar does not require animal sacrifice, Bon nag requires blood and animal sacrifice. Bon nag is virtually non-existent in Bhutan now that Buddhism is widely practiced. Popular shamanistic practices in the east include Pawo (male medium), Pamo (female medium), and Jab (Possessor or a deity). Nel-jorm (term for Pawo and Pamo in the West), Terda (male medium), and Jomo (jab of the East) are practiced primarily in the West. In the south, Jak-ri/Dha-mi is practiced, which is further divided into four categories: Ban-jhak-ri (abduction by a wild shaman), Naag-mata (female shaman), Ghalley-pawo (practiced by the Ghalley caste), and Rai-pawo (practiced by the Rai caste). Pawo Tashi Penjor (60) from the Shaba Gewog (block) under Paro Dzongkhag (district) has been a shaman for almost 21 years and is a well-known figure in the Gewog. His services are also sought by people from other Dzongkhags. During the Thangka Bonko, the Pawo asks the deity for help for the welfare of the community and for peace and prosperity. A shaman does not become a shaman by choice or interest. It is not necessarily hereditary. It depends on the choice of the deity or god. Before a person is identified as a shaman, he or she falls seriously ill and is confirmed by a divination from a lamb. After that, the person dedicates himself to a Yidam (protective deity) who is able to guide the person to a good Pawo. Pawo Tashi Penjor also became a shaman at the age of thirty and continues to assist the community with psychological and healing tasks. According to him, people continue to seek the help of shamans while seeking the assistance of technology and science. The amount people offer him does not deter him, whether it is small or large, because he only wants to help people. People seek the help of a shaman in times of illness, misfortune, or accidents that are beyond the control of medicine or other forms of intervention. A shaman acts as a medium between the people and the spirits or gods. He invokes the god or spirit, finds the causes of the illness and misfortune, and makes predictions about the actions or solutions. On such occasions, shamans are either invited to their homes, or they are performed only at the shaman's place. It is also performed during local village festivals or events such as Bon-kor, when the intervention of the Pawo or Nel-jorm is required. In such cases, the shamans help the village or community by predicting unforeseen mishaps or epidemics and suggesting appropriate solutions. On such occasions, shamanism is performed in a common place, either in a village Lhakhang (temple) or in a designated open space where local festivals are held.

Jato is a grinding stone made from hard stones mined from the river valleys. Not all stones can be used in making the element. There are two types of grinding stones. The best quality granite is called Kuring (black hard stone). The grinding stone for maize is usually big and rough and grinding stone for millet is smooth. The grinding stone for millet can be any hard big in size stones. Grinding stone for maize is obtained from the cliff of the river valley. It is a thick circular flat stone where the lower part of the element is usually bigger than the upper part. The inside surface is rough to grind maize while the Jato for grinding millet has smooth surface inside and the shapes are similar yet the size is usually smaller than the grinding stone for maize. The use of Jato dates back to time immemorial. People in the villages used the element in grinding maize and millet. It was also used for bartering essentials items when economic status was so limited. They made the element depending on the order of the customers then and now it has declined due to the emergence of electronic machines/varying gadgets.

The people of Drangmaling-Nangar village in Tsamang Gewog, Mongar Dzongkhag in the eastern district gather every two years to perform Khar-phued. Literally, dairy product; milk, curd, cheese, butter, etc. were used as offerings. In other words, Kar means "wheat", Phued means "offering" - it is the offering of the first wheat harvest. Kharphu is a Bon ritual festival used to pay homage to local deities and ensure the well-being of the community, its households, livestock and crops. Kharphu is celebrated from the 26th day of the fourth month to the 2nd day of the fifth month according to the Bhutanese calendar. The village elders trace the origin of this ancient festival to the days of the creation of earth and sky (sachag namchag), as they do not know the exact century of origin or when it was held. The program and its components have been entirely preserved and passed down through oral tradition. This includes the ritual nightly exchange of songs that extends throughout the week. Apparently, this festival is in great danger of being lost in the modern cultural landscape.