Young animals are castrated at the beginning of summer. The methods to castrate animals differ depending upon the flock or herd. The general ceremony of castration is the same. For instance, in order to castrate flocks, a felt rug or piece of quilted felt is stretched out at the western part of a ger. There is a support piece of the ger that is placed at the right of felt rug facing to the north. On the western side of the man doing the castration, a small sack of millet and a pail of water blended with a bit of milk are also placed. An arrow is set lengthwise on the top of pail. Beside them juniper needles are burnt in an incense-burner. After man did castration, he says as “be lighter than feather and faster than arrow, blood must be dried in time and healing comes in time, khurai khurai khurai, dur dur suukhaa”.

Mongols love their animals and look after them as because the animals are the main source of their life. Mongols have a custom and tradition to make animals sacred and entrust the stars, fire, Buddha and stone cairns to protect them, as because the animals are the main source of life. The animal consecration is a one form of a practice of worshipping by offering their loved animals to the gods, deities and nymphs of mountains and waters. For instance, a white or brown horse is offered for the sky, red goat for the Damjindorlig deity, and a blackish colored animal for the Gombo deity. The blessed animals are forbidden to be ridden, beaten, cursed, stabbed, or sold.

The art of traditional paper making in Bhutan stems from an age-old handicraft tradition whose history can be traced back to the eight century during the reign of Gyelpo Khikhar Rhathor in Bumthang?, used by monasteries for woodblock and manuscript and also for writing prayer books, says Mr. Gonpola , the only Desho paper manufacturer in Bumdeling, Tashiyangtse. It is said that Mr. Tsheten Dorji from Yangtse, Who was Dzongsungpa (Care taker) then, was trained at Bumthang. It is he who actually brought the idea of making Deysho paper to Tashiyangtse. Mr. Tsheten Dorji had trained Mr. Gonpola and a few other friends at Rigsum Gonpa in and around 1971. Daphne bholua is a deciduous and evergreen shrubs in the family Thymelaeaceae, native to Asia, Europe and North Africa. It grows at an altitude of 1700-3500m in the Himalayas and neighboring mountain ranges. It is found in pastures and grassy glades and reaches a height of about 2.5m, however some specimens reach 4m. Daphne bholua has leathery leaves and pink- white flowers with strong fragrance. In Bhutan it is used for making hand-made paper ‘deysho’. Another species of Daphne ‘Edgeworthia gardneri’ (Deykhar) is also used for making desho paper in some part of Bhutan. It is found commonly in southern part of the country. However in Bumdeling, Daphne bholua ‘Deynag’ is widely used for making Deysho paper. Daphne ‘Deynag’ can be abundantly found in places like Tarphel, Cheng, Longkhar, Sanyne, Ngalingmang, Phanteng.

The Neypo ritual is a seasonal offering performed across Bhutan to appease local deities, Ney village in Lhuentse to the northeast is one of many villages to perform this ritual. Neypo literally means "Zhidag", a category of deity who protects the area under their control or certain parts of the valley. The identity of the protector figure varies from region to region, as does the ritual. In Ney village, the Neypo ritual is performed every year on the 15th day of the third lunar month of the Bhutanese calendar. The ritual is performed in their Lhakhang, temple, in order to appease the local deity Zhidag Drakpa Gyalpo with offerings. In return, the community asks for his protection of their farms from wild animals. The Zhidag is believed to dwell below the village in a dense forest on the left side of Kurichu. Zhidag Drakpa Gyalpo has a grim appearance with a black face, dark clothes, and a reindeer mount with ten horns. He has one face and two hands; in his right hand he holds a flaming sword and in his left hand he holds a robe or Zhagpa sling. Within a single second he could cover the distance between any two places. Eighth century tantric master Guru Rinpoche (Skt. Padmasambhava) bound Drakpa Gyalpo by oath and made him the protector of the East Gate of the hidden land Baeyul Khempajong, and sworn to be the Dharma protector in the region. During the Neypo ritual, the entrance to the dense forest is sealed off for people which will last for a whole season, which is called Rigya lungya dam or Ridam. Ridam is a common practice of mountain closure in which the path to the Zhidag Phodrang, deity’s abode, and the surrounding dense forest are closed to human access from spring to autumn until the rice harvest. During this period, people are generally not allowed to enter the area to collect natural resources or visit any place in the area. After performing rituals, no one is allowed to go there unless except for exceptional occasions. This restriction applies to outsiders as well as people from the village.

Jhakri or Dhami is a local name for the person who does the traditional ritual to cure the patient. During ancient times, in the absence of medical science, people used to treat the patient through traditional therapy by performing a ritual known as Chhimta, Jhakri. The history of becoming a Jhakri is related to the story of Lord Shiva and his wife Parvati. Goddess Sati took birth on earth as the daughter of King Himavat and Queen Mena. Narad Muni, (a storyteller who carries news and enlightening wisdom) came to look at the baby and declared she is destined to marry Shiva. While growing up, she would lose herself thinking about Lord Shiva. So when Parvati was of marriageable age, she went to the Himalayas to perform penance and appease Lord Shiva and marry him. Lord Shiva was impressed by her devotion and knew about her desire, and he married her. After living together for years, one day Lord Shiva was seriously ill and couldn't be cured for so long. Gradually Lord Shiva came to know that the main cause was because of Parvati. She is believed to be witchcraft (Sondray in Dzongkha and Bogshi in Lhotshamkha). Then Lord Shiva shared with his in-law. His in-law conveyed the idea that her soul/mind will become cleansed if the witchcraft gets out of her soul. The situation was unfathomable to solve, in the course of time Lord Shiva and his in-law tried with an idea to cease the witchcraft of Parvati. One day Parvati was stirring over something out of her attention. Suddenly, his in-law shouted in front of her and said PHAAT!!! Perceptibly, she was horrified by sound and her witchcraft dissipated. So it is said that the evolution of Jhakri started from that moment. So this story was shared by most of the interviewees. Moreover, it has another continuous story to be shared as per Mr. Singh Bir Pradhan, a senior citizen of Dzomling chiwog. Once there came a person called Jangali (another name for Jhakri) to meet Lord Shiva who was seriously ill for so long. So Jangali sat to the right of Lord Shiva and Parvati to the left. Jangali came with the Tiger grass (Botanical name: Thysanolaena latifolia) to treat Shiva by using the leaves. The treatment was akin to showing the magic. Jangali swallowed that leaf in his mouth and showed it from his bottom. Then Parvati was asked to swallow the tiger grass leaf. As she swallowed the leaf, it stuck halfway down her throat, and was finding it difficult to swallow completely. Then the Jangali asked her to cough out the leaf with full force. When Parvati coughed out with full force the leaf came out and along with it witched. As a result, the leaf left a mark on Parvati’s teeth. So this is a story regarding the evolution of Jhakri. To become a Jhakri is not the core profession of a person who can endure or learn it. Rather it's the prophecy given by Lord Shiva who has the virtue to treat people whenever they are sick. When a person who is destined to be a Jhakri, is born with the wisdom of Jhakri, he usually suffers from various illnesses at a young age. The symptoms include frequent stomach ache, headache, dizziness, back pain, and shivering body which cannot be controlled. In a few cases, the person destined to be a Jhakri even has hallucinations. They will not know the causes yet the illness continues for three to four years. According to Mr. Manbir Khadal, 65-year-old Jhakri said that if a person is destined to be a Jhakri, he behaves very strangely even when in the mother’s womb. He also added that Manbir’s mother had experienced extensive fetal movement and unusual shivering from the premature baby. The divination of a Jhakri will be only born to the person who stays clean, mentally pure, and physically healthy. It sometimes can be related to a person reincarnated as a great lama or Truelku in Buddhism since Jhakri will also be able to predict the past life of a person. Mr. Manbir Khadal also says that with time Jhakri is rarely born. “The current Jhakris’ are all born before 1990. Some of them already immigrated to other countries after the 1990s problem in southern Bhutan”. Locals shared the importance of having Dhami in their locality because if the patient is sick for a long duration, they get other ways of treating when hospital medicine does not cure them. So, the practice of the Jhakri ritual is still believed and endured by the people across the country as per Deo Maya, the wife of Dhami Manbir Khadal. She says that if a person is suffering from dizziness, and back pain when they are grieved by the local deities/divinity, and if the illness is caused by the evil spirits, they instantly come to visit her husband to do the ritual. Mr. Manbir Khadal had been living in his current village, that is lower Dzomling, for his entire life and his parents too. After he was recognized as a Jhakri, he treated countless patients from different parts of our country. From this we can conclude that the people balance their beliefs in both medical science and spiritual therapy. He said, “A few weeks ago, a quadriplegia (paralyzed from the waist down) girl with her family came to do the Jhakri ritual at my house. When she was coming down towards my house, her guardian was carrying her on his back. After doing the Jhakri ritual, she was alright and able to walk without support.” which means we can say that people still believe in the traditional healing therapy practice in this modern world.

Overlooking a small perennial spring amidst a wooded hill is the seat of the Sapta Devi, “replica of seven goddesses” under a big rock beside a tree on the slope of the hill. In Lhotsamkha (Southern Bhutanese language), they are regarded as the Sapta Devi – “Seven goddesses” the protecting deity of the village. As per the present elderly village folks, one of the main stone replicas was dug out and was originated at same place, which is regarded as main deity was dug out by the local shaman “Paus”. A few meters below there is a pond of the deity. In the past, people used to collect water from the pond for domestic use. The origin of the identification of the sacred site dates back to the first settlement in 1940sas no villagers exactly know the date when they knew about the deity. According to the folks, herders and people collecting water from the pond used to see images of little girl vanishing into the bushes usually in the morning and evening. Even some people fell ill after they saw the image of the spirit. Upon consulting the shaman, they said that they were possessed by the deity residing above the spring. So, a group of shamans performed rites in the month of May in 1966, and identified the exact location and dug out the stone’s replica of the deity. People say that the stone replica was unearthed by the shamans after they knew about the location. The shamans also fixed a day for the ceremony to be performed during new moon in the month of May every year. The community thereafter started celebrating the day annually and performed the rites on the new moon day in May. Although the people observe the day annually, people visit the seat of the local deity whenever the village is in grip of pandemic or natural calamities. They make offerings of local products, incense and new pieces of different colored clothes. The past practice of killing animals as offering is no more in practice. Instead, Brahmins (one of the Hindhu casts) recite Holy Scriptures to please the goddess. The rice mixed with butter is offered in the sacrificial fire. All the people in the village take part in the ceremony to pray and ward off any disaster or natural calamities in the village.

The exact origin of the Khöömei art is unknown, but researchers suppose that it could have been developed in connection with argil (a throat timbre) epic telling vocal technique, shamanic calling and the play of the wooden tsuur flute. The history of Mongolian Khöömei dates back hundreds of years. The popularity of Khöömei among Mongolians has arisen as a result of close interaction between natural environment and human culture. Ethnomusicologists studying Khöömei mark it as an integral part in the ancient pastoralism that is still practiced today. This art has developed to mimic and imitate the sounds of animals, nature, wind and water. The wonder of the Khöömei art is its simultaneous melodies-overtone. In this way the Khöömei is a phenomenon which differentiates from other traditional arts based on human vocal organs. This is the reason of calling the Khöömei performer as “Human-Music” (Khun khugjim) which highlights its specificity from a “normal singer”. The meaning of Khöömei for its community is enormous. As the traditional art form, Khöömei is in close cohesion with the daily life of the Mongolian nomads. They perform Khöömei in the variety of social occasions ranged widely, from grand state ceremonies to the household festive events, associated with respective rituals, and customs. Khöömei is not only performed in social events, because Khöömei performance is often found during the herding, and even when lulling the baby, as well as in the evenings in the ger (Mongolian traditional yurt) in domestic context. Hence, Khöömei is an essential part of the identity, pride and continuity of Mongolian society. Therefore, it provides the concerned community with sense of unity and harmony, as well as continuous creativity. One of Khöömei’s social functions is that, it is used as a traditional pedagogic instrument in the social and art education and upbringing. This is because during the Khöömei transmission, a comprehensive knowledge, philosophy and wisdom on the correlation of human life and nature are transmitted at the same time. As an art form created and developed by the Mongolians, Tuvinians and other ethnic groups, and regarded as the classic art of nomadic civilization, Khöömei is one of the core performing arts that shape the Mongolian national arts in today’s Mongolia. Thus, it shows great influence on ensuring the visibility and enhancement of the living art of Mongolia. Khöömei is born by variety of ethnic groups as Khalkh, Bayad, Dörvöd, Uriankhai, Zakhchin, Tuva, Tsaatan in different locations, therefore there are a number of sub-classifications of Khöömei style, reflecting the special features and local flavors. This diversity is what constitutes the richness of Khöömei composition, and thus, each communities concerned are proud of their own unique styles and techniques while expressing themselves with such diversity. The governments of Mongolia, Russian Federation and PR China have been undertaking variety of measures for the effective enhancement and spread of Khöömei tradition, such as holding international meetings, workshops, competitions and performances on Khöömei. This shows the significance of Khöömei for the bearers and their will to safeguard, transmit and develop it in multinational level, which also promotes international interaction, mutual respect and intercultural dialogue. Researchers classify Khöömei’s vocalization into 2 styles: -The Kharkhiraa (deep Khöömei) vocal emission: The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, simultaneously pressing on his pharynx and abdomen, he produces a deep harmonic sound which vibrates one octave lower than the fundamental note produced. What you hear is in a very low-pitched register. The singer actually vibrates not only his vocal cords but also his arytenoid cartilage. It is this deep harmonic sound that is heard in the foreground and that characterizes the kharkhiraa style, although in some variants a melody of high-pitched harmonics can be heard above the fundamental sound. -The Isgeree Khöömei (whistled Khöömei) emission: Also called Nariin Khöömei, Uyangiin Khöömei, Altain shingen Khöömei. The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, still pressing simultaneously on his pharynx and abdomen he produces a harmonic sound, which vibrates several octaves above the fundamental sound. A melody of harmonics with a very high-pitched whistle can then be heard. In both cases, the harmonic melody is sung in the same fashion. The singer modulates his mouth cavity by opening and closing his lips or by moving his tongue backwards, sticking its tip on his palate, or else by moving the central part of his tongue from front to back, its tip against his bottom teeth. To this are added techniques aiming to enrich the tone colour and others of ornamental character. Moreover, all these techniques can be combined. Inside more than 20 techniques, we can find the Bagalzuuriin Khöömei (throat Khöömei) Tsuurai Khöömei (echo Khöömei) Khamriin Khöömei (nasal Khöömei) or Dangildakh Khöömei (syllabial Khöömei). The singers use the Shakhaa vocal emission to sing the magtaal praise songs with a throat timbre as well. It is necessary to intensifying and deepening the Khöömei research and studies particularly on the originality and authenticity of the heritage in order to identify and reveal the deeper form, techniques and specifications furthermore.

Mongolia 2010

Historically, livestock herding has been one of the main livelihoods of the Kyrgyz people. That is why leather crafting has become an important craft and many household items are made out of leather. The skin of such domestic and wild animals as cows, horses, camels, yaks, sheep, goats, foxes, otters, mountain goats and deer is used for leathercraft. Sheep and goat skin is most widely used due to their accessibility. Sheep leather is used for making shoes and cloths. In the context of nomadic and pastoral lifestyle, dishes made out of leather are still popular. The vessels for milk products such as sabaa, kookor, konok, konochok were made out of processed camel of cow skin. The vessels are smoked with juniper or pine branches before use. Cattle skin is used to make leather for some household items such as wooden chests for dishes and utensils, horse tack (stirrups, various strips, reigns and whips), etc. Both women and men are engaged in leather work. At the same time there is a clear separation in labor. E.g. only men slaughter and skin animals. Men also process leather for horse tack and other large things. Women process skin of smaller animals such as sheep and goats. Women make such household items as vessels for milk products, various bags, sacks and cup-holders. Kyrgyz people tried to decorate leather items just like any other household item. There were many ways to decorate leather items. E.g. cup-holders were decorated with silver clips or patterns were craved right on the surface of leather. Leather items were made in different shapes. E.g. kookor, a vessel for kymyz, was made in a shape of an anchor, cup holders were cylindrical or semi-spherical. Carving or stamping patterns on the leather surface looks very good because it livens up the monotonous surface and makes it more pleasing to eye.

Mongolians revere certain parts of bones of their domestic livestock animals and use them in their religious rites, plays and traditional games. One such popular team-based game is knucklebone shooting. Players flick thirty domino-like marble tablets on a smooth wooden surface towards a target of sheep knuckle-bones, aiming to knock them into a target zone. Each shooter possesses their own (arrow, chair, etc.) adjusted shooting tools and instruments especially made by hand and wear costumes embossed with distinguished characteristics depending on their rank and merits. All the equipment is made by traditional craftsmen. Its technique demands high levels of endurance and accuracy. Singers communicate their opinions to the shooters by singing traditional Knucklebone Shooting melodies and songs. Each competition's opening and closing ceremony has several specific rituals. National competitions tournaments involve 400-600 shooters; there are 30 or more competitions per year. Shooters build their own communities depending on their interest and affinity. This community is recognized as part of the cultural heritage. According to established rules teams consist of six to eight men, among which one or two have to be youngsters. Team members are tied by unbreakable internal bonds and follow clear ethical rules of mutual respect and dignity. A senior member who possesses well ethical and traditional knowledge and experiences will become the team leader. The Association is the principle representatives of bearers, preserving and promoting this heritage and ensuring continuous training and transmission of knowledge from senior to younger shooters.

Mongolia 2014

The forest worshiping ceremony of the Red Yao people is held on the 2nd day of the second lunar month every year. This is a traditional ceremony with the participation of all people in the village after they have finished planting the crop. The master of ceremonies is the main shaman and 3 assistant shamans and assistants. Early in the morning of the 2nd day, priests and representatives of households bring offerings, necessary items, firewood, and fire to the sacred forest to perform the ceremony. Everyone cleans up the place where the worship ceremony is held. After that, the priests burned incense, offered offerings, and invited the forest god and other gods to receive the offerings. Offerings include 2 black pigs (each weighing about 30 kg), 3 roosters, wine (poured into five cups), incense, and paper. The worshiping ceremony is performed twice: raw worshiping and cooked worshiping. Before worshiping, the main shaman blows the conch and takes offering books to perform the rituals. The purpose of these rituals is to worship the gods, land gods, tree gods, mountain gods, stream gods, and forest gods, praying for people to be healthy, peaceful, and lush crops, for domestic animals to grow quickly. After the worshiping ceremony, all participants will receive blessings on the spot. All regulations on the protection of forbidden forests in particular and forest protection in general are announced to everyone by the shaman and village head so that they can clearly understand and convey to family members such as not being allowed to cut down trees or build trees. housing, hunting... in forbidden forests, we must be conscious of planting trees, preventing forest fires, and developing the forest economy. The humane meaning of the festival is to help educate the community about love for nature, respect, and preservation of their own living environment.

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.

Nomadic Mongols, while moving from place to place tending to their domestic animals in the severe continental climate of Central Asia with four different seasons, have created and practiced the peculiar way of traditional medicine and treatment of various illnesses. The methods of treatments experienced for centuries which derived from their simple lives, later have recognized as the traditional medicine. There are many traditional methods of treating illnesses including bleeding and lancing wounds, cauterizing wounds, puncturing with a needle to cure a disease, massaging, and treating by unorthodox means. In the west these methods are famous as “Five oriental treatment methods”. Medical herbs, limbs of animals, and minerals are used as natural forms of medical treatment individually or sometimes mixed with each other.