Durga Puja marks the ten-day worship of the Hindu mother-goddess Durga. Durga appears in her divine incarnation as ‘Mahishahuramardini’ – a goddess created by the gods to kill the demon, Mahishasura. This image of the demon-slaying goddess is coupled in Bengal with her image as divine mother and daughter, who descends annually from her husband Shiva’s home in the Himalayas to her parents’ home on earth, accompanied by her four children, Ganesh, Kartick, Lakshmi and Saraswati. The worship of the goddess begins with the inaugural day of Mahalaya, when the clay images have life invoked in them through the painting of the eyes, and ends on the tenth day of Bijoya Dashami, when the images are immersed in the river. Durga Puja is the best instance of the public performance of religion and art in the city. It witnesses a celebration of craftsmanship, cross-cultural transactions and cross-community revelry. The manner in which the festival is enmeshed in a web of competition and consumption, accelerated by the winning of accolades, secures its secular identity, embedding it in the contemporary global cultures of touring, spectacle, and entertainment. The exemplary character of Durga Puja lies in its ability to not temporally bound itself to the ritual occasion. Its dynamism lies in it being a constantly mutating event – in its fusion of tradition with changing tastes and popular cultures, and in the adaptation of the iconographies of Durga and the styles of her temporary abodes to cater to new regimes of art production.

India 2021

Uzbek bread, or non, holds a central place in the daily life, rituals, and celebrations of Uzbek society. The traditions surrounding bread-making, serving, and consumption are deeply symbolic, embodying values of hospitality, respect, and community unity. The preparation of traditional breads such as tandir non, patir, and katlama involves specific artisanal skills passed down through generations. These breads are baked in a tandir oven using time-honored techniques, often accompanied by rituals that bless the dough and honor the process. Bread plays an essential role in social ceremonies such as weddings, funerals, and festivals, where it serves as a symbol of life, prosperity, and hospitality. Special customs govern how bread is presented and shared, reflecting its sacred status within Uzbek culture.

Cradle making, locally known as “beshik yasash”, is a time-honored traditional craft in Uzbekistan that embodies the values of family care, craftsmanship, and cultural continuity. The beshik (Uzbek cradle) is a specially designed wooden cradle used for infants, known for its ergonomic function, practical hygiene system, and symbolic meaning. Beshiks are handcrafted from locally sourced wood and decorated with national ornaments, carvings, and sometimes painted motifs. Cradle making is typically performed by skilled artisans (beshiksoz ustalar), using inherited knowledge and hand tools. The cradle is closely associated with the “beshik-to‘y”, a ceremonial event that celebrates a newborn’s integration into the family and community. It includes rituals, songs, blessings, and gift-giving. This tradition reinforces social bonds and transmits moral and spiritual values to the next generation.

Sericulture, the traditional art of silk production, holds a significant place in Uzbekistan’s cultural and economic heritage. This tradition encompasses the cultivation of mulberry trees, rearing of silkworms, harvesting cocoons, and spinning silk threads, which are then woven into exquisite textiles. Uzbek sericulture is deeply intertwined with community life and seasonal cycles. Knowledge and skills have been transmitted through generations, often within families and artisan guilds, preserving ancient techniques alongside innovations. The process is accompanied by rituals and ceremonies that express respect for nature and the silk-producing creatures. Silk products from Uzbekistan are celebrated not only for their beauty but also as symbols of craftsmanship, social status, and cultural identity. Sericulture traditions continue to thrive in regions historically known for silk production, contributing to local economies and cultural tourism.

Uzbekistan 2022

Sacred texts representing the spirit, philosophy and teachings of the Buddha are chanted by the monks (Lamas) in the monasteries and villages of the Ladakh region. Buddhism in Ladakh has two sects: Mahayana - that follows the Sutra (treatise) tradition, based on the teachings of Budhha delivered in the form of public discourse; and Vajrayana - that follows a highly esoteric tradition based on the principles espoused by the Tantra practices. There are four major sects of Buddhism in Ladakh namely Nyngma, Kagyud, Shakya and Geluk. Each of these sects has several forms of chanting practised on diverse occasions as annual festivals; agrarian, life cycle healing rituals; for general well being, and to attain Buddhahood. Vajrayana Buddhism stresses the visualisation and recitation of Mantra through the practice of chanting. The chanting of Mantras is an integral part of Buddhist life in Ladakh. Buddhist Chanting is primarily practised in a group, by the monks. It is practised everyday in the monastic assembly hall as a prayer to the deities for world peace, and for personal growth of the practitioner. The villagers also patronise this tradition; they invite the monks to their homes for chanting on various occasions, such as family functions and important days in the agrarian calendar. In fact, on any given day, sounds of chanting can be heard in the villages all over Ladakh. It is a part of Ladakh’s daily life and cultural heritage. Monasteries work as the repository of knowledge and tradition, and as a channel for continuation and preservation of chanting. Buddhist chanting is highly evolved and stylised. The young monks are trained under strict and rigorous supervision of senior monks. Chanting texts are recited frequently till they are committed to memory. Thus chanting as a tradition is passed on from generation to generation as an oral practice and knowledge. The senior monks train young acolytes in the correct use of hand gestures ('mudra') that is an integral part of most chanting traditions. Bells, hand drums, flutes and the trumpets are usually used as accompaniments during chanting. They lend musicality and rhythm to the chanting. The four sects of Vajrayana Buddhism have their own different styles of chanting. Chanting styles can vary from one monastery to another, even if they belong to the same sect. In some sects, chanting is also accompanied with dance ('cham'), which is practised in the monastic courtyard. The Cham chantings of Hemis and Phyang, though they belong to the same sect of Kargyudpa, have entirely different chanting styles. The seven forms of chanting included in the dossier represent the diversity of the tradition practised in the Ladakh region. 1. Shargangrima - It is one of the most popular chanting of Gelukpa Sect. This is a eulogy recited by the Lamas as well as by the lay people in honour of Je Tzongkhapa who founded the Gelukpa sect in the 14th and 15th century. In Sargangrima, the chanters address Je Tzongkhapa as the second Budhha and celebrate him as the Son of the eastern province. 2. Nashthan Phyagzod -This chant uses musical instruments and 'mudras' (hand gestures) during chanting. It is a prayer for the 16 disciples or Arhats of the Budhha. Nashthan Phyagzod is chanted by the Lamas for all sects. The Arhats are the direct successors of the Buddha, the bearers of His teachings. The chant is a prayer to the Arhats to stay eternally on the earth for the sake of Dharma. At the end of each stanza, the chanters play drums, blow on a long flute and beat cymbals, providing a musical rhythm to the chanting. The monks symbolically offer music, dance, incense, flowers, lamps and food through 'mudras.' 3. Kunrig – This chant stresses on the internal visualisations by monks through repetitive chanting and 'mudras.' 4. Rigmachutuk – This chanting is performed by monks who dance in the courtyard of the monastery, wearing copper masks, silk robes and special shoes. It is based on two tantric texts. Rigmachutuk are the 16 fairy maidens or 'dakinis' who escort the titular Guru Padmasambhava in his Dharma missions. It is also performed during the funeral procession of senior monks. 5. Guru Mantra - This Mantra is recited by all followers of Mahayana tradition in Ladakh. This text is seen engraved on stones and metals and inscribed in flags and clothes all over this region. It is believed that this Mantra purifies the human beings of their sins. 6. Chod - It is a secret practice that is usually performed in the cemeteries. Chod requires great concentration and high meditative qualities. In this, the performer visualises that his consciousness has separated from his body, and has transformed into a deity. 7. Guhyasamaj Tantra – This chanting includes 'mudras' through which the monks emulate different missions of the Buddha. These chanting rites are performed all over Ladakh in various monasteries and villages. The nomination contains audio-visual documentation of performances conducted in strict adherence to scriptural guidelines, and under the guidance by the chief Lamas in the following monasteries. Thiksay Monastery Spituk Monastery Matho Monastery Hemis Monastery Phyang Monastery

India 2012

Literally the word Ta’azyeh means “mourning”, and figuratively it refers to a kind of ritual and religious theatre based on religious events, historical and mythical stories, and Iranian folk tales, and there are four basic elements in it: poem, music, song and motion. Ta’azyeh is a type of theatre with many different characters, each of which having its own features, differences, colors, clothes, tools and requirements. It is performed in the form of symbols, conventions, codes and signs which are known by Iranian spectators, and on a stage which is placed in the centre without any lighting and decoration. The place where a Ta’azyeh is performed is called Tekyeh. Apart from some feel-good Ta’azyehs, the main subject of most of them is the conflict between “good” and “evil” and the source of Ta’azyeh scripts has often been the event of Karbala where the third Imam of Shiites, Imam Hussein, and his family were killed after a strong resistance in a battle between seventy two members of the “good” and twenty thousand members of the “evil” army in the Moharram month of the year 60 in the lunar Hegira calendar (a Muslim system of dividing the year of 354 days into 12 months and starting to count the years from the Hegira i.e. the migration of Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in AD 622). It is lunar because it is based on the movement of moon around the earth. This calendar is used in Arab countries. There is also a solar type of Hegira calendar based on the movement of earth around the sun which is officially used in Iran). Therefore, this theatre is performed in Moharram more than other months of the year in Tekyehs, streets, and in the garden of houses. Performing Ta’azyeh has a prominent role in the Iranian vulgar culture, literature and art. The concept and the performance style of Ta’azyeh leads to the maintenance of spiritual values, altruism and friendship. It motivates the religious emotions of the masses, purifies the soul, inspires the audience to ethics and a sense of resistance against oppression, and creates cooperation and sympathy among the performers and the spectators. Taazyieh preserves the old traditions, the national culture and the mythology of Iran, and plays a major role in preserving other types of art as well. Its effect on the audience is so great that many of the proverbs of ordinary people are taken from this type of theatre. Moreover, because of its flexibility, it has been able to adjust itself with different cultures of Iranian tribes; therefore, Ta’azyeh has become the common language of different tribes and has been prominent in creating “unity” among them and helping them communicate and share creativities. Ta’azyeh performers are divided into two main groups: agreeing performers (the Good forces) and disagreeing performers (the Evil forces). Agreeing characters wear green, white and blue costumes as a symbol of goodness and peace and sing Iranian folk songs. Disagreeing characters on the other hand wear red, orange and bright colors as a symbol of cruelty and brutality and speak aggressively in a declamatory style. Music is used in two forms: with songs and with musical instruments. Moeen-ol-boka, the director of Ta’azyeh, who has complete knowledge of music, poetry and all the techniques of Ta’azyeh, is actively present on the stage. Women are less involved in Taazyieh and the roles of women are also played by men drawing a veil over their faces. Each Ta’azyeh script has its own subject and requires its own special tools, costumes, conventions, symbols and music. Observing the rules of performance, the audience also cooperates in some scenes by chorusing the song or the poem. There are even some people who have taken vows of food (taking a vow to give food to people, especially poor people is very common in Iran) who serve the spectators during the play and fulfill their vows. Business people and official fraternities and small public groups called “religious groups”, the number of which reaches three thousand, attempt to perform Ta’azyeh in many areas and provide the tools and costumes, and also decorate the area where Ta’azyeh is going to be performed. In general, all the script writers, actors, spectators, and sponsors of this ritual play are from the people in the street who have different jobs during the year and perform this theatre only to reap otherworldly rewards. Taazyieh has also caused many skills to develop. For instance: calligraphy artists by writing Ta’azyeh scripts, musicians by holding classes of singing and playing instruments, painters by painting the events on large curtains, “curtain narrators” by narrating the stories painted on the curtains with a good voice for people, poets by composing new poems for the dirges in the intervals of Ta’azyeh, industrial workshops by making different tools and instruments used in Ta’azyeh, tailoring and handicraft workshops by making different costumes and masks and accessories for Ta’azyeh, cultural institutes by making films of Ta’azyeh and making them readily accessible to the public, documentarists by making documentaries about Ta’azyeh and preparing them to be shown on TV, each help develop a special skill through Ta’azyeh.

Iran 2010

"Ordination” is a part of rite of passage, meaning a transition of a teenage boy to a man "adolescence." In a traditional society, women and men are separated when they are in puberty. Young women are in rite of passage called Chol Mlub while men are in pagodas ordinated as monks. Women role is to take care of household chores and men explore or trade, so they can have enough basic knowledge. Therefore, in Khmer language, people say “Buos Rean” meaning to send boys to learn lifelong skills as well. Ordination ceremony are seen in many districts and regions across the country, and here are examples of locals who perform the ordination ceremony at Wat Athvar, Wat Angkor Mol and Wat Svay Leu in the Angkor area of Siem Reap province. Ordination ceremony at the Angkor area is celebrated by retaining many ancient traditions, and it is very solemn, as many villagers attend, sometimes in dozens, and with the participation of many close relatives. In that ceremony, there are accessories for the venerable person, and the main accessories that cannot be missed are srey ban rice, rice soul, Angkor Reab. Tver tmenh tools, Popil, monk bowl, coconut slator and monk robe. Apart from this, there must be Chum for maker, musician and Khgner. Ordination can be divided into two stages. In the early stages, all the young men put on make-up and costumes in a way that they are monk nor ordinary men; men nor women and not even called them as human but a dragon (Neak in Khmer language), that is why the ceremony is called dragon ordination or (Buos Neak). During the make-up, people use turmeric powder, powder and jewelry, to transform young men to girls. In some areas, the make-up is done at the ceremony house before going to the pagoda, but in other places, such as the locals around Athvar pagoda, Angkor area, Siem Reap province, they do make up and put on costumes at pagoda. From the evening of the first day, a priest (Achar in Khmer language) and the relatives of the dragon perform a blessing ceremony to worship the Preah Ratanatray - the next task is to summon the dragon's soul and tie hand for dragon. At this point, the Achar opens a sutra called "Dragon's Soul" to read (in some areas, the dragon's soul summon ends at dawn, along with the "Sucking the dragon’s soul”. The end of this task is to rotate Popil for the dragon. Then the Achar performed Angkor Reab, measuring the flat rice using the traditional scale, with a clock, a ship, and letting all the dragons lie on the flat rice prepared by the Acha. In the early morning, the dragon has to search the flat rice which he slept on. Then the Achar prepares for teeth cleaning ceremony for the dragon. At around 7 or 8 in the morning, they started the dragon procession by leaving the pagoda and passing through the town before returning to the pagoda. Sometimes they come together and pay homage to Angkor Wat three times before going to the pagoda. During this procession (except during the procession in AngkorWat) Dragons highly praised because all people, young and old, all travel on foot, and dragons usually ride horses or even elephants. If there is a shortage of horses, the dragon is allowed to sit on a bicycle with his grandmother or sister walking in front of him. For villagers who live far from pagoda, as in the case of Svay Leu villagers, the dragon procession is carried by a bullock cart decorated with colorful flowers, and the locals can ride a bullock cart. A dragon, however, the seat of the dragon is still supreme. The procession is accompanied by Pin Peat or Chai Yam music. Before entering the pagoda, all the dragons have to do the work of “worshiping the sun at the gate of the pagoda. At Angkor Mol pagoda, the sun worship is done in front of the temple. At the end of the task, they offered three rounds of prayers to the temple. What is interesting at Angkor Mol pagoda is that when marching to the temple, the dragon rides his brother or sister. At the end of the procession, the dragon enters the temple to perform the last important task called "Oub Bacheer” which is the transition from a dragon to a monk. A monk who performs this task is called "Oub Bacheer” is a monk who has been ordinated for at least 10 years and has a deep dharma discipline. During the task, Neak has to memorize some dharma in order to reply to the monk. Last of all, is “Teak Kor Neak” it is when the dragon had to change his clothes and take off his jewelry and take over the robe of Chipor, and leave his life in this world and his home to start a monkhood in a pagoda. As already mentioned above, ordination at this time is a stage to practice self-discipline and learn various skills before living in society and starting a family. Therefore, the Cambodian society values man who was ordinated as a monk and they want him to be their son-in-law because they understand that the man is educated and skillful.

Cambodians, as well as some other nations in the world, believe in "Acphek Tamacheat,’ "Supernatural" in English, or "Surnaturel" in French. It is believed that nature has a special and mysterious power that cannot be seen or explained. Around us, there are various kinds of in-humans such as ghosts, demons, and monsters ... who sometimes hurt people. Besides, those invisible inhuman, witchcraft can cause people to be in great pain, madness, delusion, or even death, so in order to escape or avoid those dark magics, one must find something to protect oneself and it is known as "Mun Keatha". Mun Keatha is a word for self-defense (can be Khmer or Pali) in times of emergency, such as during a war. As for those who know the magic, most of them are monks, priests or elders who have been ordained or through a family line. It is believed that the effective use of occultism depends on the obedience of each individual, for those who possess occultism also need to adhere to certain traditions. Keatha has more than that and there are so many types. Some Keathas can be recited with the mouth, while others can be ‘Saek’ or spread on things like oil, wax, perfume, etc… to apply on hair or body. Sometimes it is mixed with herbs or some plants and eaten to get the ingredients and magic into the body to heal from disease and have power. For example, Sbaek kong (can’t be hurt) is a combination of medicinal plants boiled together and is said to wake up the Keatha.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea The making of tteok, or Korean rice cakes, begins by steaming and pounding rice powder or flours made from other grains. Grain powders can be boiled or grilled to make tteok as well. There is a time-old tradition in Korea of making and sharing a variety of types of rice cakes on occasions that mark important moments in life, such as the 100th day after birth, first birthdays, weddings, funerals, and death anniversaries, as well as on seasonal and national holidays such as Seollal (Lunar New Year), Jeongwol Daeboreum (the fifteenth day of the first lunar month), Dano (the fifteenth day of the fifth lunar month), and Chuseok (the autumn harvest celebration). Rice cakes are one of the fundamental offerings at traditional rites held at community, familial, or individual levels. Contemporary Koreans still celebrate important events such as the opening of a business or a move to a new house with rice cakes, actively transmitting this long-standing practice of tteok making and sharing. Tteok making and sharing remains an important part of Korean culture. Tteok serve as a medium for promoting solidarity among community members and symbolize sharing and consideration for others. The rice cakes used for particular ceremonies carry unique cultural meanings. It is estimated that the rice cake-making tradition in Korea dates back to ancient times, given that there are Bronze and Iron Age archaeological sites that have produced tteok steamers. Various documents from the Three Kingdoms and Goryeo Dynasty periods detail the rice cake-making practices of the era. During the Joseon Dynasty, the grains and cooking methods involved in tteok making diversified thanks to advances in agriculture and cooking. The practice of presenting rice cakes on a ritual table became further popularized. Koreans of the Joseon era, particularly aristocrats and members of the royal family, enjoyed a broader range of rice cakes with improved flavors. Local tteok-making traditions reflect the agricultural characteristics of each region. For example, residents of Gangwon-do Province, known for its production of potatoes and corn, have long been making potato and corn tteok. Since the volcanic island of Jeju does not offer a favorable environment for rice cultivation, people on this southernmost island in Korea have focused on the production of other staples such as azuki beans, buckwheat, and millet. There is a variety of tteok from Jeju that use these as the main ingredients. Western foods that entered Korea after the opening of ports in the late 19th century changed traditional Korean culinary practices, including tteok-making traditions. The spread of commercial mills contributed to a separation between the producers of tteok and consumers. Despite these changes over time, the tradition of tteok making and sharing is still actively practiced across the country with wide local variations. The rice cake tradition has been designated as National Intangible Heritage based on the following considerations: It is a time-old tradition that has been transmitted across the Korean Peninsula; its long history is evidenced in written records that date as far back as to the Three Kingdoms period; it holds great potential for research in such disciplines as anthropology and food/nutrition; it has widespread and unique local variations; and it is practiced by a large and vibrant body of communities encompassing professional producers, research centers, and individual families. As rice cake making is practiced and enjoyed by the entire nation, this element has entered the national heritage list without recognizing any specific individuals or groups as official holders.

In all submitting states, sericulture and traditional production of silk for weaving includes series of practices traditional knowledge, skills and crafts of the communities concerned related to growing mulberry trees, breeding silkworms, producing silk threads, for weaving and other purposes. Farmers grow mulberry trees that provide leaves upon which the worms feed, then produce silkworm eggs and ensure care of the silkworm (feeding with mulberry leaves) from the egg stage until the completion of the cocoon (turning matured silkworms to cocoons). Communities then produce silk by reeling from the silk threads, weave silk fabrics and use the fabrics in crafts. Craftspeople of both genders produce raw silk by means of raising larvae, particularly those of the domesticated silkworm to form the cocoon within which the larvae develop. The silkworm builds its cocoon by surrounding itself with a long fibre or filament. Fed by fresh mulberry leaves, silkworms start to spin their silken cocoons after 26-28 days. The whole process begins in March to September depending on the climate. The cocoons are collected before pupa pierces its cocoon and then those collected cocoons are dried. Silk containing sericin is called “raw silk”. The gummy substance is usually retained until the yarn or fabric stage and is removed by boiling the silk in soap and water. Communities then bathe cocoons which then soften and allow for the peak of the thread to be obtained. In order to obtain raw silk, several cocoons that gave the threads are put on reeling process at the same time. In order to clean up and to dry, obtained raw silk is taken from reel and hanged on the reed. In the preparation for the weaving process, people twist threads and unwind warps. After drawing-in and wimple is made ready, the weaving process begins. In order to remove cerasine fabrics, woven with raw silk yarn, people boil the fabrics in water containing soap. After boiling process, communities color and trace the fabrics by using various traditional methods. Craftspeople use the silk threads to create various types of craft products, such as fabrics, carpets. The products of silk are very much appreciated within the communities, who use them at various social and cultural occasions, including weddings, funerals and family gatherings. Deeply rooted in the traditions of the Great Silk Road, sericulture and traditional production of silk for weaving are an expression of cultural identity, centuries-old traditions and a symbol of social cohesion. While the silk trade has been carried out throughout the centuries, it has allowed spreading the silk culture, health and science among communities of the submitting states. In all submitting states silk functions as the symbol of splendor, elegance and spring. In all submitting states, silk producers are mostly villagers and they work cooperatively and they have special ceremonies for silk when it is produced.

Afghanistan,Azerbaijan,Iran,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2022

The epic culture, folk tales and music of Korkyt Ata are based on twelve heroic legends, stories and tales and thirteen traditional musical compositions shared and transmitted across the generations through oral expressions, performing arts, cultural codes and musical compositions. Korkyt Ata appears in each story as a legendary figure and wise individual, a sage of minstrels whose words, music and expressions of wisdom relate to traditions of birth, marriage and death. In the musical compositions, the main intonations are reproduced using a musical instrument called the Kobyz through the sounds of nature, and imitation soundscapes are characteristic of this medium (such as the imitation of a wolf’s howl or a swan’s note). The musical compositions are all interconnected by the epic stories that accompany them. The element encompasses social, cultural and moral values such as heroism, dialogue, physical and spiritual wellness and unity as well as respect for nature, and contains profound knowledge about the history and culture of Turkic-speaking communities. It is practiced and sustained by the community concerned on a wide variety of occasions – from family events to national and international festivals – and is therefore well-rooted in society, serving as a connecting thread between generations.

Kazakhstan 2018

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea This element encompasses the entire process of making Korean sauces and pastes out of soybeans, including preparing the necessary ingredients, making the sauce, and fermenting it. It is known that soybean-based sauces and pastes have been made in Korea since at least the Three Kingdoms period. During the Joseon Dynasty, there was a designated place to store sauces and pastes for the royal family, and a court woman assigned to their management. This indicates how traditionally important sauces and pastes have been in Korean culinary culture. The Korean practice of sauce and paste making—spanning the steps including growing soybeans, making bricks of fermented soybeans (meju), soaking the crushed meju in brine, and fermenting it—is distinguished from soybean-based sauce-making traditions in China and Japan. Characteristics unique to the Korean practice include producing two types of sauce from the soybean base: The crushed meju soaked in brine is fermented and then separated into a solid (doenjang, or soybean paste) and a liquid (ganjang, or soybean sauce). In addition, soybean sauce from the previous year would be added to the brined meju to deepen the flavor. The sauce and paste making tradition has been designated as National Intangible Cultural Heritage for its time-honored history, potential for advancing studies of cooking methods and culinary culture, and close associations with Korea's housing culture, seasonal customs, folk beliefs, and traditional science. Active inter-generational transmission and nationwide participation is another important factor contributing to its heritage value. * As sauce and paste making is being actively practiced across the nation, no particular holder or holder groups have been recognized for this element.