The term Si has dual connotation of referring to the Calligraphy pen as well as to the specific bamboo from which pen is crafted. According to Lopen (master) Wangdi Gyeltshen, a renown calligrapher of Central Monastic Body said that, there is also another reed locally called Tshi-nag (a reed with dark colour at its internode) which is available from Wangdi-tse monastery area in Thimphu. Actually, there is no specific origin of the Si as it came to exist simultaneously with the writing culture in Bhutan. Colloquially, all pens used for writing purposes are called as Myu-gu, which the name derived from its raw material Myug-ma (bamboo or reed). That is why any pen used for writing available in the market today, irrespective of what it is made of are commonly called Myu-gu (literally means reed pen). As there are different types of My-gu, thus, apart from the aforementioned Si, the pens are made from a wild fern called Kyer-ma is called Kyer-myug, and the ones made of quill is dro-myug, the nib made from metal is chag-myug. Similarly, sol-myug made from dead amber or charcoal, a talc stone is cut like a pencil for use -do-myug, the chalk comes in packets and used for educational purposes in schools is sa-myug. There are also pir-myug (brush pen) and lastly, the zha-myug, the lead pencil. Regarding the raw material; in Bhutan, Si is traditionally found at Chagdana in Toepai Gewog (Block) in Punakha, and near the Nag-tshang (Manor) at Drametse. It is also found in Kheng region of Zhemgang and at the Yarphel village of Trashi Yangtse district. Si is highly valued as being blessed by superior beings like Lord Manju Shri, Guru Rinpoche, the five classes of dakinis and the Dharma Lord Drukpa Kunleg (4155-1529). Si grows as big as normal bamboo, with short culm or internode, narrow lacuna and thick culm wall. They grow in heights of more than five arm-span. Both the plant and its leaves are generally yellowish. In ancient times, a writing pen was mainly a painting brush in China and in India it was made from the quill (moulted flight feather) of a peacock or other large bird. It is explained that the pen used traditionally in Tibet and Bhutan was made from the plant species called Si, which has thick nodes and grows mainly at lower altitudes. It is obvious that, if writing tradition is gradually disappearing, both the art of making Si as well as its usage is an inevitable element to be gone together. Due to the booming computing technologies and automatic printing machines, the writing along with Si related practices are being gradually driven out of its existence however, realizing its importance and for its revival, His Majesty’s Golden Scriptures Project and other similar projects being initiated by some individual Spiritual masters had help in revitalization of such tradition as well as involving calligrapher to carry on the writing and Si making culture amidst the emerging sophisticated technologies.

Turkish coffee culture and tradition goes back to the 16th century when coffee started to be served at coffeehouses in Istanbul. The tradition has two distinguished aspects which make its taste unique and provide means toward socialization. As a beverage Turkish coffee carries special preparation and brewing techniques. It is one of the oldest coffee making methods still in use. The traditional techniques used in preparing coffee led to development of special tools and silverware such as like the boiling pot (cezve), coffee cup (fincan), mortars which have artistic value. Turkish Coffee leaves a long lasting taste at someone’s palate due to its preparation techniques which require time and its freshness. It is softer, more aromatic and more concentrated than other types of coffee. It is easy to distinguish from other coffees with its aroma, ground and foam peculiar to it. Turkish Coffee is not only a beverage but also a communal practice that brings together cultural spaces, social values and beliefs within a context of socialization process. Its role socialization can be traced back to opening of the first coffeehouses with its noticeable decorations in Istanbul. Coffee houses were then, and still are the places where people drink coffee, converse, share news, read books and socialize. The tradition itself is a symbol of hospitality, friendship, delicacy, and entertainment. All these are reflected in the famous Turkish proverb “the memory of a cup of coffee lasts for forty years.” This saying represents how important and profound coffee is in Turkish culture.

Turkey 2013

"Xòe" means dancing with movements that symbolize human activities in ritual, culture, life and work. Xòe is performed at rituals, weddings, village festivals and community events. There are three main types of Xòe: ritual Xòe, circle Xòe, and presentational Xòe. Rituals Xòe and presentational Xòe are named after props used during particular dances, such as scarf Xòe, conical hat Xòe, fan Xòe, bamboo pole Xòe, music Xòe, stick Xòe, and flower Xòe. The most popular form is circle Xòe, wherein dancers form a circle in harmony with each other. The basic dance movements of Xòe include raising the hands up, opening the hands, lowering the hands, clasping the hands of the next person following rhythmic footsteps, slightly arching the chest and leaning backwards. The musical instruments of gourd lute (tính tẩu), shawm (kèn loa), mouth organ (khèn bè), drum, gong, cymbals, reed flute (pí pặp), bamboo-tube percussion (bẳng bu) and small round-shaped rattle are used to accompany dance, which follows rhythms in even meters (either 2/4 or 4/4). The typical melodies played on the instruments use the following intervals: major second, major and minor third, perfect fourth and perfect fifth. Dance movements, though simple, symbolize wishes for community members to have a good life and live in solidarity. Gentle dance moves blend with instrumental music, vocals, tight-fitting blouses, the jingling of silver jewelry hanging around the waists of Tai women and creates an art form imbued with the cultural identity of the Tai in the northwestern region of Viet Nam.

Viet Nam 2021

Aytim (Couplets) is a small form of performing art used mostly by mothers while speaking with babies. Couplets are quite important in bringing up good aesthetic taste in children, introducing them to good, real. This is like appeals to the baby in song form, which he will remember for life. Naturally, Aytim contributes to the formation of hearing, the recognition of sounds and rhythms. It also has a hidden connect with the mother's soul.

Bumchod is an important annual religious ritual that makes offerings to the local deities in the village communities of Jarey, Wayang, and Changkhala of Jarey Gewog within Lhuentse Dzongkhag. Held at Jarey Temple for one full day on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month every year, the event consists of ritual prayers to two local deities – Nep Drakpa Gyaltshen and Tsan Kyibu Lungtsan; as well as the protective deity Gonpo Mani. The ritual prayers give thanks to these deities for their ongoing blessing and for the good health, good harvest, prosperity, peace, and harmony in the community over the past year. Bumchod also seeks similar blessings in the coming year. This ceremony is part of a divine sanction that gives the community authority and power as long as the local residents make timely and sufficient offerings to appease the deities. The event brings all Jarey residents—regardless of social status, age, or gender—together to celebrate the shared history that the ritual constructs. It offers community members a break from the trials of farming activities and raises the sense of communal co-existence and harmony. Elaborate ritual activities like Bumchod requires the community to rally as sponsors and supporters for the success of the planned works. These Tsawa or hosts carry out the organization and coordination of Bumchod. In the past, this festival was conducted by Jarey Nagtshang alone, but later the Gulibee household became one of the sponsors as the ritual branched out from Jarey Nagtshang family; and further as Jabung Bardhangpa also became sponsor being Threlpa (a tax-paying household). Thus, these three households used to conduct the Bumchod ritual in turn. Later, new households proliferated in and around Jarey, and today all these households actively take part in the Bumchod as Tsawa and even some households from Wayang and Changkhala villages participate as Tsawa in turn. Different households from three main villages – Jarey, Changkhala and Wayang– form a broad Tsawa group which is sub-divided into four groups by household wise: first group consist of Jarey Nagtshang, Manchulung, Tsabgang, Artobee, two households from Mregdong and Umling; the second group consist of Gulibee, Tashiling, Kyiranag, Manbingla, two households from Korbee, Trinta zhing, Dunphog and Godpodung; third group consist of Gonpa, Bardhang, Thekarla, Kyerchemey, Khomdhang zhing; and the fourth group is some households from Changkhala and Wayang villages. The contributions of cash and kind are collected from each household in their turn as sponsors. The food provisions collected are rice, butter/oil, cheese, vegetables, local wine, etc. and cash amounting to about Nu. 3000/- is collected to meet expenses for Chagyeb (offering for ritual performers) and for whatever needs to be purchased. On the day of Bumchod, all necessary arrangements preparing in the kitchen and serving food to ritual performers and guests have to be made by the sponsor Tsawa. In case they have a shortage of manpower, they can hire people from other households. It is customary that at least a one member from each household who are not the day’s sponsor come to pay respect to Bumchod ritual as guests of the Tsawa, at which time they make some contributions like butter, cheese, local wine and then present them to the Bumchod Tsawa; and in response and gratitude the Tsawa members host them lunch and dinner. It is also customary that each household brings freshly fruiting crops like chili, maize, rice from their field and then offers it to the local deities in the temple.

Chun-di-ru is an indigenous song of Choekhorling community that is revered as part of the cultural identity of the south-eastern Bhutanese community. Oral tradition traces the practice to the establishment of monarchy system in Bhutan. Since the content of the lyrics praises he ornaments worn by Azhi (Queen) Sonam Tshotsho. Sources recollect that the song was said to originate from either Bumthang or Trongsa, then the capital city of Bhutan in early 1900s. The song is similar to a Zhung-dra (an indigenous folk song) which is normally danced in a standing position with women forming a single row, though men can also participate in the dance if they choose. While there is no specific platform to showcase the song, locals say it is performed in all community ceremonies as well as for visiting guests. The song had been neither documented nor the lyrics written down until recently. The tradition has been transmitted orally, making it an endangered cultural element since elders have witnessed youth paying less interest and rarely participating. The song is listed as a performing art. Chondi-ru is one of few indigenous songs that represents and identity of Choekhorling community within Choekhorling Gewog (block), Nganglam Dungkhag, in Pemagatshel Dzongkhag (district) of southeast Bhutan. The song has a historical connection passed down as orally from forefathers to the present generation. According to oral accounts, the song originated from Bumthang or Trongsa during the First King Ugyen Wangchuck’s reign. Supposedly, the song composed by Armo (maid) Her Majesty’s attendant who offered her baby to Her Majesty by praising her splendid ornaments she was wearing. Since then, the song was preformed and sung widely by the attendants, as well as by business men and commoners. Tax collectors and traders are assumed to have carried the existence of the song and its performance to communities. The song has since completely disappeared from folk recollections of Bumthang and Trongsa. Judging by the song’s lyric and comparing it to other songs of various nearby communities: of Trashigang district and Martshala under Samdrub Chholing Dungkhag, Samdrupjongkhar district; the Chundri-ru lyric has a mixture of classical Bhutanese language Dzongkha, and some typical Tshangla language terms used for ornaments, the tune is quite distinctive as well. Besides the Chundi-ru song, there are also a few old songs which fall under the classification of Boe-dra (folk song) and Zhung-dra (the indigenous folk song) of spiritual, enjoyment, praise and romantic content.

The Kalbelias are an itinerant community who ascribe their origin to Guru Kanni Pavji (one of the masters of the mystical Nath Sect) who granted them the gift of handling snakes. In traditional rural society, Kalbelia men would carry cobras in cane baskets from door to door in the village while their women would sing and dance and beg for alms. In so doing, they passed on mythological stories that revered the cobra and advocated non-killing of the reptile. So, if a snake inadvertently entered a home, then a Kalbelia would be hastily summoned to catch and take the serpent away through non-violent means, such as music, without killing it. Kalbelias have traditionally been a fringe group existing at the periphery of the mainstream society. Largely, the Kalbelias live in spaces outside the village where they reside in makeshift camps called 'deras.' With their belongings on the back of donkeys, and with a few hunting dogs of the 'Lohari' breed, the Kalbelias used to move their 'deras' from one place to another in a circuitous route repeated over time. With the experience and received wisdom of generations, the Kalbelias have acquired a unique understanding of the local flora and fauna, and are aware of herbal remedies for various diseases. This is also an alternative source of income for them. With the Wildlife Act in place, the Kalbelias have moved away from their traditional profession of snake handling. Now, their performing arts are a major source of income for them. Fortunately, their art forms have received widespread recognition within and outside India, and their economic status has improved. However, performance opportunities are sporadic and the whole community is not involved in it on regular basis. Hence, many members of the community work in the fields, or graze cattle to sustain themselves. Nonetheless the entire community is today known for its performing art tradition. The Kalbelias have a great tradition of song and dance which is a strong marker of their identity. Women sing and dance while the men play on musical instruments. The music and dance of the Kalbelia have a distinct relation to their earlier profession as snake charmers. The Poongi is the traditional wind instrument that the Kalbelia men play to a specific tune to capture snakes. Nowadays, women dancers try to replicate the rhythmic movements of a serpent’s body through their dance. Poongi, a two feet long wind instrument used by Kalbelia musicians, is unique to them. They make the 'poongi,' from locally grown gourds that impart a plaintive tonality to their music. Giving rhythm to the 'poongi' is the 'khanjari' - a percussion instrument made of wood and hide. Besides these, there are other instruments including the 'ghuralio' – similar to the harp but unique to the Kalbelias. When the Kalbelias go around the village from door to door, they sing from their wide repertoire of songs about the rites of passage in life. It is noteworthy that the highly entertaining Kalbelia songs also disseminate mythological knowledge to the people through stories. They have many traditional dances like the 'Loor', which is performed during the festival of Holi. During this joyous festival of colours, groups of Kalbelias perform in village squares and streets while playing with colours with the community. Moving from house to house, the Kalbelia men play the one-sided drum called the 'chang' or the 'daph'. Most of the 'Loor' dance songs are full of fun and gaiety. 'Matku' is yet another traditional dance performed by the Kalbelias routinely. In this dance, the dancer's upper torso is used more actively with flowing hand gestures. The men are traditionally attired in colourful ‘safas’ or turbans, white 'kurtas' and 'dhotis' (shirt and unstitched lower garment) and embroidered footwear called ‘mojdies.’ The women’s traditional costumes consist of a ‘ghaghra’ (pleated skirt) and a ‘choli’ (full-sleeved upper garment) that comes down till the knee. The ‘ghaghra’ or the pleated skirt is enlarged manifold by using eleven meters of cloth. The ‘ghaghra’ along with the upper garment called ‘jhumpher’ is richly embroidered with mirror work and embellished with silver thread. Other significant features of their make-up are the use of traditional tattoo designs and ‘kajal’ or kohl. Over a period of time, the Kalbelias have improvised on their costumes and jewellery. They have begun using new make-up techniques and have added more instruments to their music. Similarly Kalbelia jewellery has also undergone creative modification. They also use an embroidered colourful waistband called ‘patto’ decorated with small mirrors and cowry shells. There are colourful bangles, and ‘phoondi’ - tassels worn by women. This creative process of change has made the Kalbelia dance more vibrant and vigorous in its steps. The dancers have added many acrobatic features into their dance, like bending backwards to pick up a ring from the ground with their eyelids, and so on. Dancers spin in circles with swirling skirts to the beat of a percussion instrument, taking the dance to a crescendo.

India 2010

The materials and techniques used to produce high-quality, lightweight ramie textiles known as Ojiya-chijimi and Echigo-jofu, has been developed under its distinctive climatic conditions and transmitted from generations to generations in the long history of the community. After World War II, under the influence of a rapidly-changing society, it fell into a decline. With a strong determination to protect their own cultural heritage, however, the people concerned with textiles and weavings joined forces and reconstructed its base for the conservation and transmission of this intangible cultural heritage themselves. It has been rooted in the community as its cultural identity. In 1955 “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” was designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property, and “Association for the conservation of techniques for Echigo-jofu, Ojiya-chijimi-fu,” founded by the community, was recognized as the Holding Group of this technique. This Association strongly recognizes “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” as its own cultural heritage and makes every effort to preserve and transmit them. Ojiya-chijimi and Echigo-jofu has a long history. Ramie weaving began in ancient times around Uonuma region in Niigata Prefecture, and we have a remains presumably dated back to the eighth century. In the seventeenth century it was dedicated to Tokugawa Shogunate. As suitable to the hot and humid summer of Japan, clothes made of ramie weaving have been a favourite of many people in various classes for centuries. Thus, those textiles have been constantly produced as a cultural pride for the people of the community, and its producing technique has been transmitted from generations to generations until today. The production area is such a heavy snowfall area as closed by snow during a half of a year, and hence its production technique makes a good use of its distinctive nature and climate. The yukizarashi method is well-known as a unique part of the production process, in which the woven textile is spread on the snow, and bleached by the ozone released as the snow evaporates. The traditional ikat (kasuri) designs are made from threads that were tied before dyeing. They feature various colours in geometric patterns or abstract patterns of plants, or combinations of these. These traditional patterns are still being used by people today, who bring a contemporary sense to the traditional designs. Thus, the community has inherited the traditional producing technique of “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” and constantly recreated this intangible cultural heritage by production with the specific technique. Sophisticated manufacturing of those textiles, process with traditional tools and distinctive utilization of snow are required for the designation as important intangible cultural heritage in this case. It is needless to say that the people of this Association shall fully understand the meaning of their own intangible cultural heritage, cooperate each other and respect mutual skills. Because they are determined to transmit to the next generation what they have inherited from the ancestors, they make every effort to widely disseminate it and hold a workshop for it. The community has constantly recreated a sense of identity and continuity through the conservation and transmission of this important intangible cultural property. The making of “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” is a complex, detailed process. The process must meet specific conditions in order to qualify for Important Intangible Cultural Property status. These conditions have been carried on and transmitted by the Association and the people involved up to the present. ▶Conditions of Designation -TEUMI (Hand-twisted ramie thread) Ramie fibers are split by fingernail and shredded into very fine threads. Further manipulated and moistened by the hands and mouths of threadmakers, the ends of each strand are twisted together to form a continuous thread. An additional tight twisting of the weft threads gives Ojiya-chijimi its characteristic crepe texture. This work takes place during cold winter months when the humidity from snow keeps the ramie threads pliable. -TEKUBIRI (Hand-tied ikat (kasuri) threads) Skeins of ramie thread are bound with cotton thread in a predetermined pattern before being immersed in a dye vat. This method of hand-tying is known as tekubiri. The bound areas resist the dye. When untied, placed on a loom, and woven into a fabric, the kasuri pattern emerges. -IZARIBATA (Use of a body-tension loom) Utilizing a simple body-tension loom (izaribata), the weaver sits on a wooden plank raised slightly off the floor with her legs outstretched underneath the loom. Her foot is slipped into a sling that manipulates a bent, wood lever attached to string heddles. A cloth beam (chimaki) is then placed against the weaver’s abdomen and secured by a strap that is brought around the small of the back. In this position the loom becomes an integrated extension of the weaver’s body. She can achieve subtle adjustments to warp tension by simply shifting her weight. An extremely high degree of skill is required to weave ramie thread as fine as human hair without the thread breaking. -YUMOMI, ASHIBUMI (The SHIBOTORI finishing method) The woven cloth is soaked in hot water and rubbed to remove any starch (yumomi). Afterwards, the cloth is soaked again in hot water and washed by trampling or massaging it with one’s feet (ashibumi). This process softens out the creases in jofu cloth and gives chijimi cloth its beautiful crepe-like texture. -YUKIZARASHI (Snow bleached) Wet lengths of ramie cloth are placed on top of snow-covered fields. For ten to twenty days the textiles are exposed to the bleaching properties of sunlight, which is intensified by the white snow. The cloth is further lightened by the penetration of ozone ions from the melting snow.

Japan 2009

Integrating singing, reciting, dancing and martial arts performing, Peking Opera is a comprehensive performing art of traditional opera. In mid 19th Century, having incorporated elements of various opera forms from both northern and southern China, Peking Opera came into being. It was first created by civilians. Its development was then greatly promoted by the royal family, and reached its peak in the capital city of Beijing. Peking Opera is the most widespread and influential among over 300 opera forms in China. Hence it is also called the “National Opera”. Beijing dialect is used in the singing and reciting of Peking Opera where rhyme is of great importance. There is also a strict set of rules and forms of libretto composition. Peking Opera is based on Xipi tune and Erhuang tune. Xipi tune is applied to express passion, joy and ecstasy, whereas Erhuang tune is used to depict sadness and grief. Music (singing) plays a key role in setting the pace of the show, creating a proper atmosphere, shaping the characters, and smoothing the progress of the story. Traditional musical instruments are used in Peking Opera shows, where the drummer plays the role of a conductor and the “Jinghu” player acts as the first violinist in an orchestra. Strings and pipes, such as Jinghu, Yueqin and Sanxian, are known for their tender and melodious sounds, which are called “Wen Yue”, or civilian music. Whereas percussions including Bangu and Daluo make brisk and powerful beats, which are called “Wu Yue”, or military music. Singing and dancing are equally important to the performance of Peking Opera, which is characterized by its formularized and symbolic style. Performers have to follow the established format of movements of hands, eyes, body, and feet. Peking Opera only requires simple stage settings and props, following the principle of abstract presentation of big items (for example houses and walls are not necessary on stage) and specific presentation of small items (tables, chairs, cups and saucers, for instance, are used as props on stage). The exquisite and skilful acting of the performers can also help to unfold a virtual yet vivid stage setting to the audience. The costume and headdress in Peking Opera are flamboyant. The facial make-up is exaggerative and delicate. The lively opera face shows the character’s personality and social identity with concise symbols, colours and patterns, expressing the traditional Chinese aesthetic ideals. The storylines of Peking Opera originate from history, anecdotes and folk legends. About 100 of more than 3,000 Peking Opera shows are still being performed frequently today, such as “The Twin Bliss of Dragon and Phoenix”, “The Tipsy Imperial Concubine”, and “The Orphan of Zhao”. Over the process of its transmission, over 30 schools of Peking Opera with different singing characteristics have been gradually developed. The most famous schools include the Mei School (founded by Mei Lanfang) and the Tan School (created by Tan Xinpei). The Mei School, a performance system named after Mei Lanfang, is regarded as a representative of China’s opera performance systems, and one of the three major opera performance systems of the world. Nowadays, it is mostly the practitioners of professional and amateur troupes who shoulder the mission of passing down Peking Opera. Beijing Peking Opera House, Tianjin Peking Opera House, and Shanghai Peking Opera House play the most significant role in the transmission and development of Peking Opera. Prestigious Peking Opera artists, such as Wang Jinlu, Tan Yuanshou, Mei Baojiu, Li Changchun, Zhao Baoxiu, not only inherit their respective schools in a creative way, but also shoulder the responsibility of training performers of a younger generation. The traditional performing art of Peking Opera is still well received by the public. In Beijing alone it attracts over one million audiences every year. Some Peking Opera fans can not only appreciate it, but also practice it. They are also making a special contribution to the survival and development of Peking Opera. Opera towers and guild halls dedicated to staging Peking Opera shows, such as Huguang Guild Hall in Beijing and Tianchan Yifu Stage in Shanghai, are important cultural venues for relative communities and their “spiritual wonderland”. The major mode of transmission of Peking Opera is to “conduct oral teaching and inspire true understanding of the trainee”. In the past, the master of an opera troupe applied such a method to train his disciples. Even today, this mode is still being extensively used in opera trainings. As an inheritor and practitioner, each Peking Opera performer has to go through a series of rigorous and systematic training at a young age. A trainee will gradually master basic skills including reciting, singing, dancing, and martial arts performing through taking oral instructions from the master, and observing the master’s behaviour. A performing artist of Peking Opera will need to constantly improve his or her artistic attainments through a long-term practice, so as to enrich and solidify the heritage. The representative bearers of Peking Opera typically have mastery of various forms of traditional Chinese culture, such as calligraphy and history, and they are very respected by the public. Peking Opera is unique in its perfect, romantic and abstract way of performing. It is the practitioners’ special expression of their feelings and aesthetic ideals. It is also an important symbol of Chinese cultural identity.

China 2010

The Custom of “Dismantling the Kitchen” is a passed down practice by women after giving birth to look after their health and to forgo the abstinence ties during the abstention period of 40 days or 44 days. The community calls it as abstinence or ‘heat one self’ (Berdiang) period which means the said women are to rest from doing their normal household chores that may affect their health. The period too can discipline the mothers by taking nutritional food and to manage one self so that to be continually healthy. According to the Terengganu community, the Berdiang is a process to heat the mother’s body, cleanse the dirty blood, stimulate blood flow and shrink the womb. The mother who has just given birth lie down on a sleeping bed of which underneath it is placed a heated stove filled with firewood and charcoal. This heat is needed to heat up the body, shrink the womb and to dispel dirty blood. The ingredients for this ceremony are rice flour, water, lime, raw thread and woven coconut leaves that are blessed before hand by the midwife. The flour is to heal any illness that might be inside the mother’s body. All these ingredients are used to bathe the mother, the baby and all the equipment used during the abstention period like the stove, sleeping bed and wrapping cloth. The sleeping bed and stove will then be dismantled after the ceremony. The next process is the Forgoing Ceremony that is to release the official tie between the mother and the midwife. The ingredients are woven coconut leaves and raw thread. The woven coconut leaves are placed on the mother’s head and then pulled accompanied with prayers and mantras. The raw thread are wrapped around the body from the head down to the feet and then removed from the body. The end of this ceremony marks the end of the official tie between the mother and the midwife. They have been released from the abstention period and given the ‘healer’ against any threats or evil ‘wind’. This custom is believed to avoid the mother from getting body illness or illness of the nerve in future. It is also believed that it can avoid disturbances from evil elements within the surrounding during abstinence that might return to disturb both mother and baby. This ceremony is indirectly giving the mother a chance to appreciate the midwife’s service in managing both mother and baby during the abstinence period. This custom can still be practiced even if the midwife was not the one receiving the baby and the mother did not undergo the heating up process. If the newly-given birth mother who is released from hospital requests the service of the midwife during the abstention period, then indirectly there established a tie between the mother and the midwife. As such, to release this official tie then the custom of ‘dismantling the kitchen’ needs to be conducted.

Like in many other countries, dozo (masonry or stonework) is an old craft that is still in practice throughout the country. The skills of Bhutanese masonry can be seen in fortresses, temples, monasteries, stupas and farmhouses. It required special skills to cut and polish stones into right shapes and sizes and was carried out under the strict supervision of the head carpenter, who also had the role of an architect. Stone masons use an axe like tool called dota. Stones of crude shapes and sizes are chiselled into right shapes according to the style of the structure. There are mainly five different types of stone shapes that the masons prepare for construction. They are jamdo- used as the foundation stones, zurdo (corner stone) used as the corners walls, tshigdo (flat stones) that are used in the middle, dotru (pebbles) used in between the two chiseled stones and dochal (flat stones) layed in the courtyards of the dzong and temples. A skilled mason would first lay the zurdo (corner stone) and position other stones towards its right and left. The masons used a measuring thread called thig to correctly align these stones. People from Rinchengang village in Wangdue Phodrang Dzongkhag are well known for their great masonry skills. Most villages in the western part of Bhutan use mud, instead of stones for house construction as mud houses are believed to keep the interior warm in winter and cool in summer. It also depended on the type of construction materials available. Some of the outstanding stone works are; a. Dzongs: Bhutan is dotted with these majestically erected fortresses that sit high on top of the hills often overlooking the valleys. The dzongs are located at strategic places. It has massive stone walls with large courtyards and beautiful woodwork on windows and cornices which are the most striking among the diverse architectural expressions of the country. These structures had served the purpose of defending the country against foreign invasions in the past. These magnificent structures are the true representation of our architectural uniqueness and the living testimony of our artistic skills. Dzongs are mostly rectangular and square structures while ta-dzong (watch towers) and Chu-dzong are mostly round cylindrical structures. Today, these dzong are the seat of administration and monastic body. b. Stupas: Choeten or stupas are literally translated as a vessel of worship or offering the most common feature on the Bhutanese landscape. It is believed that after the cremation of the Lord Buddha, his relics were divided among eight groups of claimants and that each of the claimants later erected a reliquary in which they preserved the relics. Thus, there are eight different types of choeten today (Choeten Degye). At that time, these structures were erected only to preserve the relics of sublime beings and assumed greater meaning and significance much later. Building a stupa came to be considered an act of great piety, earning merit for the actual builders as well as for those who supported the act. It is also a beautiful illustration of our masonry skills. A choeten requires a great deal of stonework, as it is built out of stones. We can also see prayer mantras carved on the stones. c. Long Prayer Walls: Long mani walls locally known as mani dang rim are the monuments from medieval Bhutan found along the main mule tracks displaying the mantra of Avalokiteshvara carved on slabs of slates. These elegant monuments were testimony to the richness of spiritual devotions as well as significant landmarks for travelers. They have survived extreme climatic conditions for many years. It is said that construction of Mani walls in the country had begun around 15th century during the time of Tertoen Pema Lingpa. However, most of the Mani walls were said to be constructed during the reign of the 4th Druk Desi Tenzin Rabgye (1638-96). Mani walls were largely constructed with locally available materials such as stones, a small quantity of timber and mud used as the mortar. Side plinth is raised from the ground and a wall is constructed at the height of about 6 feet and generally carved Mani slabs are placed on it either in single or double line from end to end. A timber superstructure is raised on the top with a wall height of one foot and is often roofed with flat stone slabs or slate. The middle and two ends are raised higher than the other parts with a particular architectural design. The center portion has a pocket for enshrining three deities of Manjushri (left), Avalokiteshvara (centre) and Vajrapani (right). The special place in the centre is made of timber and the deities are placed on the wall with a space in front for making butter lamp offerings or other offerings. d. Farm Houses: Bhutanese farmhouses are typically built out of mud and stone. A standard practice was to erect two-storied house although an ideal house had three main floors and an attic. The materials for the houses vary across the country depending on the climatic conditions and the topography of the places. For instance, Bago and Dag jar Zhikom (farmhouses made out of stones and wood) which are lightly decorated in traditional style are found in the southern and eastern parts of Bhutan. In central and western Bhutan, double storey houses with main walls made of stones and rammed earth while the inner partitions are made of bamboo mats are found. Houses in the cold places like Lingzhi and Laya, Merak and Sakteng are mostly built out of stonewall. e. Grinding Stones: Rangtha is a pair of round grinding stones that is maneuvered by the hands. This is usually found in places where stream water is not available in the vicinity. Chura is a bigger version of the rangtha which is powered by water. While the stone pair works on the same principle, the watermills are much bigger in size and often turn faster depending on the pace of the water flow. It is still being used in some rural villages. For example, in Bumthang it is mostly used for grinding wheat and buckwheat. f. Bridges: Stonework also finds its use in the construction of the traditional bridges, which were built out of wood and stones. The stone is used as the foundation (jamdo) for constructing all sorts of bridges like chazam (iron bridges), bazam (cantilever bridges) and tshazam (cane bridges which are no longer used).

Mường Lò is an ancient land of the Thái people in the Northwest. Xòe dancing art creates the unique identity of the Thái people in this land. Six Xoè dances are considered the origin of the 36 Xoè dances passed down today in Mường Lò, including: Khắm khăn mơi hot pot dance (raising the towel to invite wine) shows cultural features in communication and behavior; The aluminum towel dance (toss the towel) is the most jubilant and exciting dance, often used when the harvest is abundant, at weddings, or when moving to a new house; The đổn hôn dance (forward and backward) shows solidarity. Life sometimes encounters difficulties and obstacles, but human will and love are always strong and steadfast; Phá xí dance (chop four): expressing the feelings of each individual, the solidarity of the community, always remembering each other, and moving towards the origin; Xoè chop four also carries the subtle and profound concept of the universe and philosophy of yin and yang and five elements of the ethnic group; The Khắm Khue dance (holding hands): is the most basic and primitive Xoè dance, expressing community cohesion in all circumstances; The rhythm of "ỏm lọm tốp mư" (circle of clapping hands) expresses attachment and sadness at parting. From 6 ancient Xoè dances, folk artists have developed 36 Xoè dances, bearing the shadow of daily activities. The participants dance hand in hand, shoulder to shoulder, each person following the other's footsteps. The movements and formation of spreading are very simple, the steps of the spreading circle are close to many human movements in work and daily activities. Xoè has 3 basic hand movements: Xé quánh (horizontal kick), Khua (turning the road), nhổm (toss), and 3 basic foot movements: Tin Khoang (horizontal kick), Tin xắp (chasing leg), Tin quệt (sagging feet). Musical instruments used in Xoè art include percussion (drums, gongs, mác hính,tăng bằng); wind instruments (panpipes and flutes such as pí pặp, pí ló). Xoè's appeal is its excitement, closeness, and passion like the breath of life. It does not distinguish between young or old, strangers or acquaintances. Everyone held each other's hands cordially. The venue for Xoè dancing is also very flexible.

Viet Nam 2021