Starting with ritual observances which involve singing and dancing in the temples of Manipur, Sankirtana encompasses an array of arts performed also in the home and the street to mark occasions of religious import and stages in the life of the Vaishnava people inhabiting the Manipur plains. The theology and lore of Krishna is central to these performances, but they assimilate in their rendering formal features carried over from music and dance in Manipur’s pre-Vaishnavite past. The core of Sankirtana practice is to be found in the temple, where it narrates through song and dance the lives and deeds of the Lord. These are typically presented in the round, in a hall (Mandapa) attached to the temple before devotees. The main repertoire consists of Nata Pala, which is performed all over the Manipur valley. The Ariba Pala and Manohar Sai Pala, less often in evidence today, are also temple-centred. Outside the temple, Sankirtana assumes forms such as the Holi Pala celebrating the festival of colours in springtime or Shayan performed in the winter months. Khubak Eshei is celebrated within the temple during the rains, marking the chariot festival of the Lord. In the setting of the home, Sankirtana is offered as prayer at all life-cycle ceremonies, such as the ear-piercing ritual (for both males and females in childhood), the donning of the sacred thread (for adolescent males), marriage, and the rites of passage at death. Thus pervading the life of the Manipuri Vaishnava, Sankirtana is regarded as the visible manifestation of God.

India 2013

Knowledge of the Kyrgyz concerning treatment and use of medicinal plants is distinguished by depth and diversity. It contains knowledge and practice about harvesting, drying, and storing medicinal plants, and their use in traditional medicine. Different tinctures, decoctions, ointments, and powders made of plants for treatment purposes are used today in traditional medicine to treat bleedings, heart deceases, kinks, scabs. Except plants, natural objects, minerals, and animal limbs are used in traditional medicine. The so called psychological treatment methods such as spells and exorcisms were used in the past, to which the Kyrgyz, rarely, but still resort to nowadays.

The traditional art of whistling calls for human teeth and lips to function as the music instrument and the mouth cavity to function as a sound box. Whistling is classified into the following three types: tooth whistle, lip whistle and palate whistle. The reasons Mongolians whistle is greatly dependant on the season, time, location, and context due to that from ancient times Mongols have considered whistling as a call for wind. Mongols whistle the short and long songs, and melodies in hot days of summer and autumn season while herding livestock and during the labor for relaxing. Before mentioned, Mongols believe that the whistle can bring the deity of wind, therefore they do whistle while harvesting the grain for blowing the skin of grain.

The new ger warming feast is conducted when the marriage ceremony carried out or when some families renew their gers. The new ger warming feast starts as soon as the new ger is erected and the head of the family ties a khadag (sacred scarf) to the toono (crown of the ger). During the ger-warming feast the words of blessing are uttered and milk is sprinkled upon the crown, uni and khana (latticed wall of ger). When the blessing ceremony is over, the best pieces of meat are offered to the fire. Four pieces of cheese are placed in four directions under the vault of the ger. This type of custom of blessing a new ger is linked to ancient fire-worship practices.

Noken is a knotted net bag or woven bag made from wood fibre or leaves, sometimes coloured and decorated. Noken is a traditional handcraft of all communities of Papua and West Papua Provinces, Indonesia. The day-to-day function of large size noken is for carrying plantation produce, catch from the sea or lake, wood, babies, small animals, shopping, etc., and for hanging at home to store things. Small size noken is for carrying personal effects such as betel nut, food, books, etc. Noken may be used to cover the head or body. For nearly all (275/311) respondents, noken is an accessory to their traditional dress, and according to most (290/311) is used in traditional ceremonies or celebrations, such as marriage proposals, marriage ceremonies, initiation of children, appointment of community leaders, welcoming guests and for keeping sacred heirlooms.. Among mountain communities, noken had been given along with other presentations to make peace between disputing parties. Drs. H. Rahimin Katjong, Deputy Governor of West Papua, recalled wearing a small noken containing betel nut etc at the time of his appointment as a traditional community leader at Fak Fak, West Papua. Nearly all (276/311) respondents explained that noken is used by all age groups, and most (282/311) observed that noken is used by both sexes. As soon as babies learn to walk, their mothers give them a small noken containing food such as sweet potatoes, thus instilling the habit of carrying one’s own needs, which may also be used to help others, inside a noken which is always close at hand. Three quarters of respondents (235/311) said that noken is generally made by women-- ”the Mamas of Papua”--usually adults according to most respondents (250/311). Women thus play a special role in safeguarding noken culture. At Epouto village in Paniai District, we found male orchid-noken craftsmen. Asmat community men also make noken. Most craftspersons make noken in their spare time from agriculture, fishing, and household duties, though some make noken full time. Noken making goes on yearround, but will increase in times leading up to traditional festivals. The method of making noken varies between communities. A basic outline is as follows. Branches or stems or bark of certain small trees or shrubs are cut, sometimes heated over a fire, and soaked in water for some days. After soaking, only wood fibre remains. The Dani/Hugula in Wamena peel bark from sticks of certain trees and then beat the sticks till only fibres remain. The wood fibre is dried, and then spun with the palm of the hand on the thigh of the craftsperson to make a strong thread or string, which is sometimes coloured using natural dyes. This string is knotted by hand to make net bags with various patterns and sizes. The same technique is used to make vests, hats, belts, etc.. In Paniai District we find noken interwoven with special decoration made from fibres from yellow, brown and black. orchid stems. Besides knotting, there are communities which make noken by weaving tree bark, wood fibre, pandan leaf, young sago leaf, or grass from swamps. Some select grasses with contrasting colours (Inanwatan, Metemani, Kais and Kokoda (Imeko) communities). Maybrat community craftspersons colour the fibres with natural colours. The fibres, leaves or grass are woven in various attractive patterns with symbolic meanings. To make noken requires great manual skill, care, artistic sense and inner satisfaction. Craftspersons often make noken while singing traditional songs of Papua. To become proficient in making noken takes up to several months of informal training. A skilled noken craftsperson will be much appreciated within her (or his) community. The diversity of making, wearing and use of noken continues to develop and be recreated as the response of the people of Papua to nature and their environment.

Indonesia 2012

Syair is a form of traditional Malay poetry that is made up of four-line stanzas or quatrains. The syair can be a narrative poem, a didactic poem, a poem used to convey ideas on religion or philosophy, or even one to describe a historical event. The word syair is derived from the Arabic word shi’r, a term that covers all genres of Arabic/Islamic poetry. However, the Malay form which goes by the name syair is somewhat different and not modelled on Arabic poetry or on any of the genres of Perso-Arab poetry. The earliest known record of syair is from the work of Hamzah Fansuri, a famous Malay poet in the 17th century.The most famous syair is a 1847 poem by Raja Pengiran Indera Mahkota Shahbandar: Syair Rakis. It is considered to be the passage to modern Malaysian literature. Many characteristics of the Malay syair have become standard items in handbooks and textbooks concerned with classical Malay literature. These works uniformly agree that the syair consists of a series of quatrains containing an ongoing story. The final syllable of each line (kerat) within a stanza (bait or rangkap or untai) rhymes with every other final syllable of that stanza (aaaa, bbbb, .... ). Furthermore, the line generally consists of four words with a more or less definable caesura (jeda) after the second word. Syair has a continuous story throughout the quatrain and between quatrains.

A story has it that Neypo (A Local Deity) was originated from Tshokar and Tshonag at Singye Dzong. In olden days khando Machig Labdon stole a son (Sasung) from Tibet and brought to Bhutan to make him the guardian deity of Bhutan. When they reached Tshonag at Singye Dzong, Khando told his son not to open his eyes but the son was eager to know why his mother did not allow him to open his eyes; hiding he opened his eyes and he saw a huge Snake (neypo) in front of him and he got shocked and died on the spot. Khando really got angry and she chased the Neypo from Tshonag; Neypo fled toward south and he reached at a place called Tsango, there he told villagers, “I will look after your wellbeing, if you offer me one people in a year. Villagers did not agree and they said “we will give one sheep every year instead of people; Neypo thought it won’t be sufficient to fill his stomach, so he disagreed and he fled towards south and reached Khoma, and the same thing he told to people of Khoma but there people offered one ox in a year, still then he was not satisfied, he ran down and reached Thingling where Neypo said “I will look after your village wellbeing, what will you give me in return?’’ People replied, we will give a hen every year; Neypo compared three offerings of the people and the best offering was made by Khoma people, so he agreed to settle in Khoma. This is how Neypo Invocation ritual came into existence.

Alla (Lullaby) is a song performed by a mother or babysitter when pumping a child; a special lyrical genre popular in folk poetry. It is one of the oldest genres of folklore.

Overlooking a small perennial spring amidst a wooded hill is the seat of the Sapta Devi, “replica of seven goddesses” under a big rock beside a tree on the slope of the hill. In Lhotsamkha (Southern Bhutanese language), they are regarded as the Sapta Devi – “Seven goddesses” the protecting deity of the village. As per the present elderly village folks, one of the main stone replicas was dug out and was originated at same place, which is regarded as main deity was dug out by the local shaman “Paus”. A few meters below there is a pond of the deity. In the past, people used to collect water from the pond for domestic use. The origin of the identification of the sacred site dates back to the first settlement in 1940sas no villagers exactly know the date when they knew about the deity. According to the folks, herders and people collecting water from the pond used to see images of little girl vanishing into the bushes usually in the morning and evening. Even some people fell ill after they saw the image of the spirit. Upon consulting the shaman, they said that they were possessed by the deity residing above the spring. So, a group of shamans performed rites in the month of May in 1966, and identified the exact location and dug out the stone’s replica of the deity. People say that the stone replica was unearthed by the shamans after they knew about the location. The shamans also fixed a day for the ceremony to be performed during new moon in the month of May every year. The community thereafter started celebrating the day annually and performed the rites on the new moon day in May. Although the people observe the day annually, people visit the seat of the local deity whenever the village is in grip of pandemic or natural calamities. They make offerings of local products, incense and new pieces of different colored clothes. The past practice of killing animals as offering is no more in practice. Instead, Brahmins (one of the Hindhu casts) recite Holy Scriptures to please the goddess. The rice mixed with butter is offered in the sacrificial fire. All the people in the village take part in the ceremony to pray and ward off any disaster or natural calamities in the village.

The World Nomad Games are the biggest international project held in the Kyrgyz Republic, a project initiated by the government in 2012 for the revival and preservation of the culture of nomadic civilization. The mission of the World Nomad Games covers the revival, development and preservation of the ethnosport and ethnoculture movement in the world, diversity and originality of the people of the world in order to foster a more tolerant and open relationship between people. The World Nomad Games consist of three main parts: •\tEthnoculture •\tEthnosport •\tScience The First World Nomad Games were held in Kyrgyzstan in 2014. 583 athletes from 19 countries participated in competitions held in 10 types of sports, plus an additional 1,200 participants in the cultural program. The Second World Nomad Games were held in Kyrgyzstan in 2016. 1,200 athletes from 62 countries participated in competitions in 26 types of ethnosports. The Third World Nomad Games were held in Kyrgyzstan in 2018. 1,500 athletes from 66 countries participated in competitions in 37 types of ethnosports.

Kyrgyzstan 2021

Needle grass (called chiy in Kyrgyz) is used for traditional handicrafts. Needle grass grows in all regions of Kyrgyzstan. Needle grass is harvested when it is ripe between 15 of August and 15 of September. If harvested too early, needle grass become fragile, if harvested too late, it becomes too stiff at the bottom. Needle grass is harvested with roots because the bottom part is the most durable and looks like a knot that prevents chiy from falling apart. Making such mats requires mastery and patience because a craftswoman needs to wrap every stem of thatch with different woolen thread. The threads must make a pattern at the end. This makes needle grass mat making especially challenging. •\tWhen harvested, needle grass is cleared of leafs and outer layer and then dried on a sun. Depending on a size of a future mat, needle grass is cut accordingly. •\tMats can be prepared manually or by using a special machine. Self-made weaving machine consist of two vertical poles with a hanger at the top. One perpendicular pole is put on top of those hangers. •\tThe perpendicular pole has notches to hang threads. Then, weaving threads are wrapped around two equally heavy stones. •\tStones are hang in such a way that they are located on a different side in relation to a perpendicular pole. •\tNeedle grass stems are a placed in such a way that top of one stem lies next to the bottom of another stem. A craftswomen takes stones and moves them back and forth in such a way that threads wrap each stem creating a pattern. •\tWhen weaving is done, the fluffy edges of needle grass are cut even. The bottom part of the mat is not cut. The edges of mats are strengthened by a zigzag weaving. There are needle grass mats both with and without ornament.

Lha-soel (Lha means local deity and soel means offerings) is the ritual performed annually seeking assistance and blessing from the local deities with the offering and recitation of religious scriptures. Unlike rituals in other places in western Bhutan depending on the need and purposes, the people of Bem si-si, under Toebesa Gewog (block) perform this Lha-soel annually mostly towards the end of the year beginning from October till December month with the presence of the entire family members. As far as history is concerned there is no exact date of origin of this ritual. However, the village households herein perform Lha-soel that is passed down from the forefathers. This ritual originated from the Bonism commonly known as Nak-choe (ritual requiring animal sacrifices) wherein animals such as pigs and oxen were slaughtered for the offering. However, on later dates as per respondents, with blessing and order from the 70th Je-Khenpo (Chief Abbot) Trulku Jigme Chhoeda (1955- ) to avoid killing animals for the purpose of the rituals. The locals in Bem si-si started to offer butter, cheese, and fruits unlike before who used to offer meat, lungs, and blood along with the ritual cakes. Oral traditions say that Lha-soel is considered the most festive occasion of an individual household to gather all the family members who are now in challenge due to expenditures and lack of manpower. However, people in villages believe that these ritual practices are embedded in the lifestyles and traditions for ensuring prosperity, wealth, and long life besides the adoption of it as a medium for the higher Buddhist spiritual message, thus, individual households never fail to perform despite the challenges. The challenges the Lha-soel undergo is accrued that the too many of the present generations are engaged in the schools, colleges, and universities and gives priority to the curriculum in schools that lacks the knowledge of this very ritual in particular. Therefore, the children, unlike in the past who resided in villages, knew and easily inherited the cultural and traditional legacies of their time which decline today. Even though the majority of the younger population resides in the urban areas, therefore, only the older people are left in the villages observing rituals on behalf of all the family members.