ALL
festival
ICH Elements 241
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Practices of Then by Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups in Viet Nam
Then a ritual practice indispensable in Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups' spiritual life, reflects concepts about human beings, natural world and the universe (the Earth realm, the 3-layer Heaven realm). Then ceremonies describe a journey in which Then Master (Male/Female) controls ghost soldiers travelling from the Earth realm to the Heaven realm, the residing place of the gods, to offer worshipping items and show their praying requests for peace, bad luck relief, illness treatment, good crops, new house inauguration, initiation/title-conferring ritual (cấp sắc), blessings and happy new year. Then Masters start the journey by singing and plucking the tính lute (two or three-string lute). Depending on worshipping purposes, Then Masters will arrange worshipping trays to pray different native Gods, among whom Ngoc Hoang is the highest God. Then Masters often use a summoning tablet, a seal, a demon-expelling sword, a yin and yang rod, a bell, a fan and items such as pork, chicken, wine, rice, fruits and votive papers to perform Then ceremonies in the believer’s house, outdoor or at Then altar of the Master’s house. While practising, Then Master wears ceremonial dress, sings the language of his ethnic group and plays the tính lute, shakes the chùm xóc nhạc (rattle-bells), waves a fan. In some ceremonies, a female dancing group will accompany. Then rituals performances express Tày, Nùng and Thái’s cultural identities, from customs to musical instruments, dance and music. Then is always transmitted orally while its rituals are being conducted, reflecting the succession between generations.
Viet Nam 2019 -
Khon, masked dance drama in Thailand
Khon is a highly-refined performing art that combines multiple artistic elements: musical, vocal, literary, dance, ritual and handicraft. It may have combined features of ancient genres: court ritual, martial art, and the shadow play. It tells the story of Ramakien – the localized Thai version of the Ramayana epic. Its many episodes depict the life of Rama, his journey in the forest, his love for his wife Sita, his army of monkeys, the fights with the army of Thosakan (Ravana), king of the giants, and his final victory. The dancers wear elaborately embroidered costumes. The giants and monkeys all wear masks that cover their entire head. The colours and shape of each mask are unique to each character. The drama is enacted through dancing, accompanied by a piphat classical xylophone ensemble, singing, and narration. Each major type of characters has a distinct mode of dance expression. The dance postures and movements, the music, and the repertoire have been handed down from generations since the 15th century. The masked dance performances form part of social practices such as royal cremation, cremation of high-ranking persons or revered monks, and celebration of sacred sites and temples. Dancers, musicians, craftsmen and other members of Khon community annually perform a ceremony to honour Khon masters of the past, teachers, and deities. During this ceremony, new members are initiated into the community. Khon performance is continually evolving with new interpretations, and the adoption of modern technology for stagecraft, whilst retaining its traditional intensive dance training and ritual.
Thailand 2018 -
Traditional skills of crafting and playing Dotār
The element is recognized as one of the main elements of cultural and social identity for the regions in which it is crafted and played. The bearers and practitioners are mostly farmers including men as crafters and players and women as players, and recently a number of them are young researchers of both genders. Its traditional knowledge of crafting and playing is informally transmitted through generations by the master-student method. This element is seen in local, oral and written literature (including local poems, proverbs, chants and lullabies) which constitute a part of nature, history, and background of the bearers. As this element is shared by a number of communities, groups and individuals, it brings mutual respect and understanding amongst the communities concerned. Dotār is a folkloric plucked-string musical instrument that has been played in social and cultural events/spaces such as weddings, parties, celebrations, ritual ceremonies etc. Dotār has a bowl which is pear-shaped and made of dried wood of dead mulberry tree and its neck is made of apricot or walnut wood. It has two strings traditionally made of silk which been replaced with metal wires nowadays. Some believe that one string is male and functions as accord and the other is female which plays the main melody. The crafters also repect nature as they use dead and dried wood for making Dotār. It is not in opposition toward the national and international instruments like Universal Human Rights Declaration, sustainable development , etc.
Iran 2019 -
Âşıklık (minstrelsy) tradition
Âşıklık tradition is a multi faceted art form which includes the oral tradition, music and narrative telling. Performers of this art go through a years-long apprenticeship under the guidance of master âşıks. Âşıks have formed a distinguished style in Turkish Literature through the numerous literary works both in verse and prose; which has come to be acknowledged as the tradition “Âşık Style”. This tradition encompasses saz playing, âşık tunes, improvisations, repartee, and narrative telling with love as its main theme. Although there are various views about the origin and the formation of Âşıklık Tradition, it is widely accepted that the roots of the tradition lie in pre-Islamic and early Islamic Turkish epic narrators which are called “Ozan” or “Baksı”. Âşıklık Tradition emerged as a result of the changing political, social, cultural and economic conditions in the 16th century. Most renowned representatives of the tradition are Karacaoğlan, Köroğlu, Kazak Abdal, Pir Sultan Abdal, Ercişli Emrah, Gevheri, Âşık Ömer, Levni, Kul Himmet, Dadaloğlu, Dertli, Ruhsati, Bayburtlu Zihni, Âşık Şenlik, Âşık Sümmani, Âşık Mahsunî Şerif, Âşık Veysel, Davut Sulari, Âşık Murat Çobanoğlu ve Âşık Yaşar Reyhanî. Âşıklık tradition is transmitted from masters to apprentices through training and education similar to other oral, auditory, visual and material-based fields of Turkish culture. This transmission is completely actualized through oral channels. Âşıklık Tradition has a social side to it, in the sense some of the motifs of the poems and tales told by Âşıks are the problems of the society and âşıks themselves are perceived as enlightening and guiding figures. Poems of this tradition are written in syllabic meter, blending into a unified meaning in quatrains and gaining rhythm with rhymes. Works of Âşıks are combinations of music and poetry. Saz is an integral part of the tradition. Saz instruments played by âşıks are made of chestnut and mulberry trees. They generally have six, eight or twelve strings. Saz is usually played with a kind of plectrum called “tezene”. Âşıks of our times perform their arts in festivals, festivities, weddings, âşık coffee houses and Cem rituals. In traditional weddings, as important performing venues for âşıks, they not only entertain the public but also fulfill their teaching and guiding roles through anecdotes and tales. Âşıklık tradition is still very much alive in cities like Kars, Erzurum and Kayseri, where âşıks also perform in âşık coffee houses. Alevi-Bektaşi rituals are other gatherings where âşıks, known as “zakirs”, recite poems reflecting the beliefs and world-views of Alevi-Bektaşi philosophy. In addition to their usual performing venues, various activities and festivals organized by NGOs and local governments are emerging as new occasions for âşıks to perform their arts. Some of the most essential concepts in Âşıklık Tradition are mentioned below. Master/Apprentice Discipline: Âşıklık tradition is not only based on singing, reciting or playing an instrument but it is also a training-based tradition. The âşıks are, in general, trained by a master grasping the know-how of his master’s art, utterances and poems. Once they become masters in their arts, they start training apprentices on their own and thus the tradition is preserved. Drinking Bade: A youth destined to be an âşık would have a dream in which he is offered with a goblet of bade by a wise spiritual leader (Pir) or by his beloved. From that moment on, the young man wakes up divinely inspired to make verses, sing songs and recite poems. Choosing The Mâhlas (Pseudonym): Mâhlas is the pseudonym which the poet uses instead of his real name. The âşıks utter their pseudonyms in the final quatrain, which the âşıks call “introducing oneself” or “recognition”. Riddle: Riddle is a poetry genre in which the name of a person, being or thing is concealed. The tradition of singing the favorite riddles and unraveling those has been preserved up to date among the âşıks as a masterly skill. If there is no response for the riddle, the âşık himself unravels it. Repartee/Improvisation: Repartee is acknowledged as a cultural value, a figure of speech and pun as regards to oral tradition. This art has a function of teach and delight. During the challenging performance between the âşıks, beginning with a verbal dueling part, they compete with each other on the aptness, humor and beauty of the poetry and improvisation using alternating lines and improvising witty jibes in front of an audience. Leb-değmez: Verses with a needle between the lips: This is a style of reciting poems avoiding the consonants like “B, P, M, V, F”, pronounced by teeth and lips, to perform the masterly skills of the âşıks. The âşıks put a needle between their lips in that style of reciting poems. Folk Tales: Developed and preserved thanks to the master/apprentice discipline of the âşıks, also known as “narrators”, “Folk Tale” is a genre encompassing narrative style, poetry and music.
Turkey 2009 -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011 -
Arirang, lyrical folk song in the Republic of Korea
Inscribed in 2012 (7.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Nearly every Korean knows and enjoys singing Arirang, which is not just one song but a variety of local versions handed down throughout Korea. Experts estimate the total number of folk songs carrying the title ""Arirang"" at some 3,600 variations belonging to about 60 versions. Arirang is essentially a simple song, consisting of the universal refrain Arirang, arirang, arariyo, and lyrics that have developed differently from region to region. The most typical lines express a universal sentiment: Arirang, arirang, arariyo; Over the Arirang hill you go. (refrain) Leaving me, my love, you'd go lame before three miles. (lyrics) The lyrics were not created by any particular individual, but an outcome of collective contributions made by ordinary Koreans through generations. They convey joys and sorrows of common people arising from love, parting with the beloved, troublesome in-laws, or national struggle against foreign invaders. Affection for Arirang is evident throughout today's ultra-modern Korean culture, well beyond the realm of traditional music. Arirang has been rearranged into modern ballads, rock 'n roll and hip-hop, as well as symphonic pieces, appealing to a wide array of audiences and striking a chord with Koreans; it is often described as their unofficial national anthem. Olympic champion Kim Yu-na skated to an Arirang theme, ""Homage to Korea,"" at the 2011 World Figure Skating Championships. Arirang is also one of the most recognized cultural symbols and is widely used as a theme for movies, dramas and soap operas, and names of commodities, restaurants, and broadcasting companies.
South Korea 2012 -
Falconry, a living human heritage
Falconry is the traditional art and practice of keeping, training and flying falcons to take quarry in its natural state, and has been practised for more than 4000 years. It is one of the oldest relationships between human and bird. It probably evolved in the steppes of Asia, and spread via cultural and trade links to other countries, first to Europe, North Africa and East Asia and later in the 16th century to the rest of the world. The practice of falconry in early and medieval periods of history is documented in many parts of the world. The falcon and her prey have evolved together over millions of years; their interaction is an age-old drama. The falconer’s task is to bring the actors together on nature’s stage. Falconry as intangible cultural heritage is integrated into communities as a social recreational practice and a means of connecting with nature. Originally a way of obtaining food, falconry has acquired other values over the centuries, and is identified with camaraderie, sharing, and expressions of freedom. Nowadays falconry is practised by people of all ages in local communities in more than eighty countries. Falconry expresses itself in multiple cultural domains, in particular ‘social practices, rituals and festive events’, as well as ‘knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe’. These include traditional skills, traditional knowledge about the biology and behaviour of birds and the environment, the making of traditional falconry equipment, as well as linguistic and artistic expressions found in idioms, painting, sculpture, poetry, rituals and music. Falconry has its own set of culturally-shaped traditions and ethics; while falconers come from different backgrounds, they share universal values, traditions and practices. Falconry is transmitted from generation to generation as a cultural tradition by a variety of means, such as mentoring, learning within families, or formalized training in clubs and schools. The process of transmitting falconry heritage activates not only the historical memory of the falconry community but also enriches its cultural identity. In recent times falconry has seen a renaissance. Falconry provides modern man with links to nature and strengthens local identities. It is an important cultural symbol in many countries. The modern practice of falconry aims at safeguarding not only falcons, quarry, and habitats but also the practice itself as a living cultural tradition.
United Arab Emirates,Austria,Belgium,Czech Republic,Germany,Spain,France,Hungary,Italy,South Korea,Kazakhstan,Morocco,Mongolia,Pakistan,Portugal,Qatar,Saudi Arabia,Syria 2016 -
Daimokutate
Daimokutate is a performing art where young people read aloud in turn the lines for each character in a tale without background music. The repertoire of Daimokutate performed for the past one hundred years consists of two tales about the feud between the Genji and Heike clans which actually happened in Japan in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. These stories have eight and ten characters. Recently Daimokutate with fewer characters are often performed. The stage is installed outside the main hall of the Yahashira Shrine in the community; a wooden board of 1.8 meter squares with a straw-made mat on it is placed within an area of approximately 3.6 meters wide and 4.5 meters deep delineated with bamboo fences of approximately 1 meter in height. After seven o’clock in the evening, an old man guides to the stage young men singing in a line, wearing samurai clothes, and holding bows in their hands. They stand on the stage, leaving space between them, and face the centre with their backs toward the fence. When the old man calls the name of a character in a tale, the young man taking that role reads aloud a long script with a distinctive accent and intonation. No specific acting can be seen. Calling on the young men one by one, approximately twenty-six scripts are read aloud in turns. Then, one young man advances to the centre and rhythmically stamps his feet. Finally all say together the celebratory remarks, and they are guided again off the stage by the old man while singing in a line. It takes approximately one hour in total. Daimokutate is a performing art carried out by a person who takes the role of a specific character and simply reads aloud with almost no acting. Currently in Japan there are no performing arts similar to this. This performing art is important in that it reminds us of the image of performing arts existing in Japan from the twelfth to around the seventeenth centuries Daimokutate has been transmitted and performed for the public as part of the distinctive local culture by the people in the community for many years. Japan has no performing art similar to this. The more its value is recognized in the history of Japanese performing arts, the more fully the people of that community understand it as part of their own valuable culture. Designated by the Government in 1976 as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property, it is widely recognized as an element of important cultural heritage reflecting the shifts in the Japanese daily life style. From the seventeenth to the late nineteenth centuries, Daimokutate was transmitted by the twenty-two families in the Kami-fukawa community. The twenty-two families recognized the Yahashira Shrine as their guardian and constituted a community. The eldest son recognized as the heir of each family performed Daimokutate on the eve of the festivals of the Yahashira Shrine at the age of seventeen. Performing Daimokutate is a sign of formal admission to the community of the twenty-two families. Since the twentieth century, in addition to the twenty-two families, people who worship the Yahashira Shrine have also participated in the transmission and the public performance of Daimokutate. If there is no young man exactly seventeen years of age in the community, these days a senior young man assumes the role instead. Daimokutate constitutes of a long script with a kind of melody. Roles in the tale are assigned to young men in August, two months before the public performance, so that they can completely memorize their respective scripts; they practice under the instructions of former performers every Sunday. Every night from October 8th to 10th, they gather and practice intensively. On the morning of the performance day, they make the stage and prepare for the actual performance before the public at night. The community of Kami-fukawa which has transmitted Daimokutate is located deep in the mountains, and life was severe. Stronger solidarity and more mutual cooperation were required of this community than of other communities. Thus, Daimokutate is recognized to be indispensable for the local solidarity, and hence it has been transmitted from generation to generation to the present day, and performed every year. Members of the transmitting group and their local community recognize Daimokutate as part of their own excellent, distinctive culture, and take pride in it in relation to other groups and communities. Participation in the performance of Daimokutate once meant approval of admission to the community. Even today the transmission and the performance of Daimokutate allow the group and community to reconfirm their own identity, and reinforce their continuity. Daimokutate is a performing art transmitted down to today by ordinary Japanese for many years, and still performed, reflecting the Japanese sense of performing arts. The Japanese concept of confirmation of a community can be found in the background of the transmission and the performance of Daimokutate. Daimokutate mentioned above has a significant meaning in today’s Japan from a social and cultural viewpoint. The bearers continue their efforts to ensure that this inheritance from their ancestors is transmitted to the future.
Japan 2009 -
Sericulture and silk craftsmanship of China
Sericulture and Silk Craftsmanship refers to the craftsmanship applied in traditional sericulture, silk dyeing and weaving process, which has been handed down from generation to generation, and relevant folk-customs derived thereby. China’s sericulture and silk craftsmanship boasts a history of 5000 years. The silk fragments, preliminary loom and potteries decorated with silkworm patterns excavated from sites dating 4000 years ago in the Taihu Lake area; demonstrate the time-honoured history of the sericulture and silk production in the region. Alongside the historical process, traditional manufacturing craftsmanship develops, and the main elements include: Mulberry planting: including cultivation of mulberry seedling, mulberry trimming, and various methods of engraftment; Silkworm production: including the selection, hybridization, and breeding of silkworm eggs, incubation, instruments for silkworm rearing, control of the temperature and humidity, and frame mounting methods; Silk reeling: including sorting and stripping of cocoons, ways for preserving the cocoons such as drying and salting, temperature control and process for boiling the cocoons, facilities and techniques for silk reeling, etc; Silk floss making: including techniques of water rinsing and tearing; Weaving tools: including various looms such as treadle looms, multi-shaft and multi-treadle patterning looms, lesser draw looms, greater draw looms, etc, and arrangement of heddle drafts and programming of patterns on draw looms; Design and weaving of fabrics: including the design and weaving of various structures and patterns, such as the Shuanglin silk damask which is calendared by stamp rocks, the Hang gauze with warps crossed, the Shu silk with warp-faced patterns, the Song-style silk in lampas weave, and Kesi woven in tapestry structures.
China 2009 -
The tradition of long-term group hunting 'Salbuurun’
‘Salbuurun’ is a complex hunting game with golden eagles, ‘taigan’ dogs (the Kyrgyz breed of greyhounds) and bow. In the modern salbuurun, golden eagles participate in two exercises: ‘chyrga’ and ‘ondok’. In the first exercise, each berkutchi (eagle master) lets his eagle flying towards moulage, which is entailed by a galloping rider. The eagle has to reach and grasp it. Here, time and speed of the golden eagle are estimated. The golden eagle is seated at a distance of 200 meters in ‘ondok’ exercise. At the judge’s signal, the hunter holloes his eagle holding bait in his hands. Here, the arrival time of the eagle to his owner’s hand is estimated. ‘Taigan zharysh’ is a race organized for the greyhounds. Dog’s agility is determined by the speed of its run at a distance of 350 meters. Dogs chase the moulages that is entailed by the horse rider. ‘Zhaa atuu’ is shooting with a traditional bow (archery).
Kyrgyzstan -
Traditional knowledge in making Kyrgyz yurt ‘Boz ui’
The yurt is a nomadic dwelling used Kyrgyz people. It has a wooden circular frame covered with felt and braided with ropes, and can be easily assembled and dismantled within a short period of time. The bearers of yurt-making knowledge are craftspeople, both men and women, who produce yurts and their interior decorations. Yurts are made from natural and renewable raw materials. Men and their apprentices make the wooden frames by hand, along with wooden, leather, bone and metal details. Women make the interior decorations and exterior coverings, ornamented with traditional zoomorphic, vegetative or geometric patterns. All festivities, ceremonies, births, weddings and funeral rituals are held in a yurt.
Kyrgyzstan 2014 -
Pisa' Asin
Pisa' Asin is a traditional game of the Melanau community other than Pisa Tibow and is still favoured until now. The Pisa' Asin game is suitable to be played by children and often played during celebration festivals. Pisa' Asin is divided into two versions that is 'asin tu'u' and 'asin bibung'. In 'asin tu'u' the defending players can only catch players that are inside the playing court area only. They cannot catch players that play outside the playing court. In 'asin bibung', the gatuong (middle player) is allowed to chase players who play until they cross the end line of the playing court. But the positions of players who play cannot be out of the edge lines or the head line of the playing court. Players who run straight to the end of the playing court can be chased.
Malaysia