Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

The term Tsan-choed means invoking or appeasing the deity and making various offerings in honor of the deity. Chubja Tsan-choed is an event celebrated by the communities of Bje-shigang, Damchena, Chubja-kha and Hungrel-kha. On this occasion, people from these communities pay their respects to the deity by making offerings to it, thus asking for further protection from the deity for the following year. Tsan is a local patron deity of a particular community who is worshipped by the people for their protection and welfare. These deities are often worshipped as Ke-lha (worshipped from birth as a protective deity) and Yue-lha (deity of a specific community). In addition to the specific dates designated to pacify the deity, people visit and offer prayers during illnesses, deaths, births, long journeys, or times of misfortune. The deity is also invoked by women who are barren and request the deity's blessing for a child. Often, after the woman becomes pregnant, the child relies on the deity for protection during its birth. Chubja Tsan (local deity), known as Tashi Pema/Pema Dendup, is considered deaf but endowed with the power to bestow worldly blessings. According to oral sources, the reason for his deafness was that Chubja Tsan and the Tsan of Zache-kha village had conflicts and quarreled long ago (the cause is not known). The Zache-kha Tsan hit the Chubja Tsan on his ear and made him deaf, while in return the Chubja Tsan hit the Zhache-kha Tsan on his eyes and made him blind. For this reason, even today, the people from Zhache-kha light a fire during the Tsan-choed (ritual to invoke the local deities), while the people from Chubja have to make loud "oooo" sounds in front of the Tsan's home. And the people of the two communities do not visit each other's Lhakhangs (temples). The timing of the Tsan-choed depends on the purpose of its patrons, but for Kay-lha it takes place twice a year; the first time immediately after the Paro Tshechu (Mask Dance Festival, which occurs in the third lunar month) and the second time during the autumn season. In the latter offering, a Phued (first share) of the harvest is usually offered to express gratitude for the blessing of a bountiful harvest while asking for his protection in the future.

The festival is held on the 5th and 6th of January at Hào Pagoda, associated with the merits of Buddha Emperor Trần Nhân Tông and three tutelary gods including layman Nguyễn Danh Quang, Nguyễn Danh Nguyên and Lý Đình Khuê. The villagers organized a procession of Saint tablets and offerings from the 5 villages to the pagoda, offering incense and worshiping the Ancestors. In the past, each family had a palanquin to receive communion. Nowadays, it is replaced by procession. The feast is elaborately prepared and presented with many regulations. Early in the morning of the 4th, dragon palanquins carried the conferments from Hào pagoda to Đụn communal house to hold the ceremony. On the 5th, the procession of ordained people returns to the pagoda and continues the ceremony. There are 16 men participating in the sacrificial team, distributed according to zodiac signs. Weeks of worship include offerings of flowers and incense and thanksgiving. On the 6th day, the village takes the conferred ordinations to the temple to worship the three tutelary gods to worship. In the procession, 8 people carrying swords and spears will dance movements according to martial arts positions, reenacting the story of three laymen who fought left and right, commanding soldiers to fight the Mongol invaders. Festival: The unique feature of the Festival is the swimming competition, associated with the anecdote of King Trần Nhân Tông stopping by to visit the pagoda on his way. In particular, the first and second-best swimming teams will participate in duck-catching and rice-cooking competitions on the river. The rice cooking contest took place enthusiastically amid the cheers of the audience: the contestant sat on a boat with a firewood stove cooking rice; Both keep the rice cooking fire and rice cooker safe and prevent other boats from cooking rice by splashing water, however, do not fall directly into the kitchen. The team wins when the stove does not collapse, the rice is cooked first, and it tastes better. The duck-catching game is also unique: the person who catches the duck still has to dive underwater, use their hands to dig out the duck's gizzard, and then hold the gizzard in their mouth before emerging.

Overlooking a small perennial spring amidst a wooded hill is the seat of the Sapta Devi, “replica of seven goddesses” under a big rock beside a tree on the slope of the hill. In Lhotsamkha (Southern Bhutanese language), they are regarded as the Sapta Devi – “Seven goddesses” the protecting deity of the village. As per the present elderly village folks, one of the main stone replicas was dug out and was originated at same place, which is regarded as main deity was dug out by the local shaman “Paus”. A few meters below there is a pond of the deity. In the past, people used to collect water from the pond for domestic use. The origin of the identification of the sacred site dates back to the first settlement in 1940sas no villagers exactly know the date when they knew about the deity. According to the folks, herders and people collecting water from the pond used to see images of little girl vanishing into the bushes usually in the morning and evening. Even some people fell ill after they saw the image of the spirit. Upon consulting the shaman, they said that they were possessed by the deity residing above the spring. So, a group of shamans performed rites in the month of May in 1966, and identified the exact location and dug out the stone’s replica of the deity. People say that the stone replica was unearthed by the shamans after they knew about the location. The shamans also fixed a day for the ceremony to be performed during new moon in the month of May every year. The community thereafter started celebrating the day annually and performed the rites on the new moon day in May. Although the people observe the day annually, people visit the seat of the local deity whenever the village is in grip of pandemic or natural calamities. They make offerings of local products, incense and new pieces of different colored clothes. The past practice of killing animals as offering is no more in practice. Instead, Brahmins (one of the Hindhu casts) recite Holy Scriptures to please the goddess. The rice mixed with butter is offered in the sacrificial fire. All the people in the village take part in the ceremony to pray and ward off any disaster or natural calamities in the village.

“Yaldā/Chella” is an ancient celebration whereby the brilliance of the sun along with the warmth of life are cherished. This event coincides with an increase in day-length in the region The winter solstice in the Northern Hemisphere corresponds to Dey 1st (December 22nd) in the Iranian calendar and Ghovs 30th (December 21st) in the Afghans calender . On the occasion of the last night of autumn, families get together. This family reunion often takes place at the houses of elders where people meet around a table called “Yaldā/Chella Night Sofrah”. “Yaldā/Chella Night Sofrah” consists of a lamp that symbolizes light, water that represents cleanliness, red fruits such as pomegranates, watermelons, beetroots, jujube and red and green grapes that demonstrate warmth along with serving broth (Ash), sweets, dried fruits and nuts special to this occasion, all set on “Yaldā/Chella Night Sofrah” and consumed during the nightly gathering. The Sofrah usually comes in red and is traditionally spread on the floor or on Korsi/chairs. The red color used in various components of the Sofrah refer to the reddish sky after the dusk and before the dawn. This feature showcases the relationship between this celebration with the ancient rituals of a Mithraism, i.e. worshiping the goddess of the sun. In Afghanistan, people believe that the devil invades houses at this night and they set fire at their houses to prevent entrance of evil and ugliness (embodied as the devil) to their houses. The type of activities in this celebration ranges from reciting poems, storytelling, reciting Hafiz's poems or referring to them for pleasane omens, reciting verses from the epic poetic masterpiece of Shahnameh, listening to or playing music, singing and giving gifts to new in-laws/brides and children, indoor games and enjoying “Yaldā/Chella Night Sofrah” goodies and items. Women play a key role in this ceremony. Children are also considered as the future bearers/practitioners of the element. The elders are valued as its bearers. While observing “Yaldā/Chella” items such as cultural identity, attention to nature, and respect for women, friendship, hospitality, cultural diversity and peaceful coexistence are manifested and respected.

Afghanistan,Iran 2022

The Traditional Coaxing ritual expresses the peculiar relationship between a man and animal. The ritual comes under the domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” and in cases where there is participation in the ritual by a singer and musician, or by a few musicians, it might also come under the domain of “performing art”. While elsewhere spring is a pleasant season for peasants, it isn’t convenient for Mongolian herdsmen. The mother animals give birth to their young in a harsh and dusty spring, so there is a big risk of losing a mother or a baby animal. Mongols have a variety of rituals relating to husbandry in traditional Mongolian society. One of them is a chanting ritual for a new-born baby animal and its mother. To chant is to stimulate, through the use of special words and melody, the adopting of a baby animal to a mother. There are different gestures, melodies and chanting techniques for the five types of livestock in Mongolia. Coaxing (khuuslukh) a camel is a ritual for a mother who rejects her baby; or for adopting an orphan baby to another female who has lost her baby, because only a suckling mother will have milk in harsh spring time. For the nomadic Mongols the camel milk has been not only the source of food and drinks in the severe Gobi Desert conditions, but also the basic means of preventing illness or for healing diseases. Therefore, the coaxing rituals originated from the everyday occurrence of the herdsmen and became one of the important elements of Mongolian folk knowledge and ritual. The performance of the ritual continues for a few hours at early morning or at twilight and requires a high skill of handling camels and a singing talent or skill for playing on a musical instrument such as the horse head fiddle or flute. Most herdswomen engage in techniques and methods of coaxing, but these techniques and methods aren’t enough sometimes, for performing the ritual successfully. If there isn’t a singer or musician in the family, the owner of the camels will invite a coaxer or a few masters in coaxing and players of a musical instrument, from another place. In this case, the coaxing ritual will compose of a small performance by several actors: a singer along with a horse head fiddle, flute or mouth-orlgan players. A mother is tied close to the calf, nearby to a yurt. A singer will begin gently their monotone song ""khuus"", ""khuus"" with a horse head fiddle or without any musical instrument. A mother will bite, savage or spit and show her ignorance to a calf at the beginning of the ritual. The coaxer can change their melody, depending on the mother’s behavioural reaction. Most musicians will perform the ritual traditional Mongolian -sad stories about camels- songs such as “Unchin tsagaan botgo”, “Goviin undur” etc. The musician performs his play with different sounds of walking, running and bellowing of a camel and absorbs words into poems, songs and epochs. When a mother camel is being coaxed into accepting a rejected or an orphan calf, it is said to break into tears at the gentle sound of ""khuus"" and the enchanting melody of the horse head fiddle sung and played by someone skilled in the art of casting spells on animals. In some cases, to perform the ritual more effectively herdsmen use additional techniques such as skinning a dead calf and covering the orphan camel calf with the hide, tying a mother together with a baby quite a far distance from the ger camp for the whole night, or soaking the calf in salt, saltpetre or in the mother’s milk. Also it was common to place the ankle bone of a wild sheep (there is a myth that wild ewes never reject their babies) around the neck of a mother or a calf. But nowadays it is very hard to find these anklebones, as wild sheep are enlisted to the endangered-species list. There is also an exotic remedy in the coaxing ritual where the mother is led to a ger at twilight and shown the fire inside. (A camel can’t enter a ger, because of its size.) All participants in the ritual wear good clothes, remain attentive and focused, using their own psychic vision and imagination in the coaxing process, because the participants express their gratitude to gods of the camels, mountains and waters within the ritual. After finishing the ritual a coaxer or small group of masters will be honoured guests of the family. A person, who had performed coaxing rituals prosperously, will be invited again and again by the families in need of the ritual. When, where, how many times they have been invited - is the main criteria for evaluating the talent of a cultural bearer of this ritual. The evaluation is a prerequisite to their popularity in a society. The coaxing ritual has been transmitted from generations to generations and been enriched by the exchange of camel herding knowledge between the herders of Umnugovi, Bayankhongor, Dundgovi provinces, which are the main territories of Mongolia’s Bactrian camel population. “We should not forget this ritual while we are herding camels, because in both the animal and the human - it transcends genre to become a deeply affecting allegory about the importance of patience and acceptance in so many relationships” that is the conception of elders, the cultural bearers’ communities and camel herders. The knowledge and skills relating to the ritual’s transmission occurs from parents and elders to youth, in home tutoring: Elders with long experience of herding, herdswomen with singing talent and the talented musicians, who can influence the camel’s behaviour, are the main actors of the coaxing ritual. The ritual acts as a symbolic medium for creating and maintaining the social ties of individual nomadic families and dependencies to the community, because it is one part of the traditional intangible cultural heritage of the relationship between man and livestock.

Mongolia 2015

New Year is often a time when people wish for prosperity and new beginnings. March 21 marks the start of the year in Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, India, Iran (Islamic Republic of), Iraq, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkey, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. It is referred to as Nauryz, Navruz, Nawrouz, Nevruz, Nooruz, Novruz, Nowrouz or Nowruz meaning ‘new day’ when a variety of rituals, ceremonies and other cultural events take place for a period of about two weeks. An important tradition practised during this time is the gathering around ‘the Table’, decorated with objects that symbolize purity, brightness, livelihood and wealth, to enjoy a special meal with loved ones. New clothes are worn and visits made to relatives, particularly the elderly and neighbours. Gifts are exchanged, especially for children, featuring objects made by artisans. There are also street performances of music and dance, public rituals involving water and fire, traditional sports and the making of handicrafts. These practices support cultural diversity and tolerance and contribute to building community solidarity and peace. They are transmitted from older to younger generations through observation and participation. Nauryz (Kazakh Nauryz, from Persian Nov Ruz – 'A new day') is the holiday of the New Year and the beginning of spring on the solar calendar from the astronomical Iranian and Turkic people. Nauryz is a national tradition, which has no direct relation to Islamic customs. It is celebrated on March 21, the day of spring equinox. Nomads believed that on this day - the starting point in the world update. Kazakhs call this day holy - "Ulustyng uly kuni" (The Great Day of the nation). According to the established belief on this day the people got rid of the winter hardships, happy for the safety of prosperous wealth - cattle. There are various rites, rituals and cultural activities carried out within each family and community. These forms and rituals handed down from generation to generation. In Kazakhstan Nauryz includes the following ceremonies and rituals: cult of the first herbs (there is a taboo to tear and crumple first grass); all dishes to be filled with milk at night; milk is also poured on the ground, this means a transition from red food ( meat) to white (dairy); cult of the rising sun (the birth of a new day). At Nauryz each family prepares ritual meal "nauryzdyk" («nauryzdyқ"), "Nauryz soup" («Nauryz kozhe") in the form of soup. It consists of seven traditional products. After tasting them, Kazakhs hoped to feed them for a whole year.

Kazakhstan 2016

The forest worshiping ceremony of the Red Yao people is held on the 2nd day of the second lunar month every year. This is a traditional ceremony with the participation of all people in the village after they have finished planting the crop. The master of ceremonies is the main shaman and 3 assistant shamans and assistants. Early in the morning of the 2nd day, priests and representatives of households bring offerings, necessary items, firewood, and fire to the sacred forest to perform the ceremony. Everyone cleans up the place where the worship ceremony is held. After that, the priests burned incense, offered offerings, and invited the forest god and other gods to receive the offerings. Offerings include 2 black pigs (each weighing about 30 kg), 3 roosters, wine (poured into five cups), incense, and paper. The worshiping ceremony is performed twice: raw worshiping and cooked worshiping. Before worshiping, the main shaman blows the conch and takes offering books to perform the rituals. The purpose of these rituals is to worship the gods, land gods, tree gods, mountain gods, stream gods, and forest gods, praying for people to be healthy, peaceful, and lush crops, for domestic animals to grow quickly. After the worshiping ceremony, all participants will receive blessings on the spot. All regulations on the protection of forbidden forests in particular and forest protection in general are announced to everyone by the shaman and village head so that they can clearly understand and convey to family members such as not being allowed to cut down trees or build trees. housing, hunting... in forbidden forests, we must be conscious of planting trees, preventing forest fires, and developing the forest economy. The humane meaning of the festival is to help educate the community about love for nature, respect, and preservation of their own living environment.

Nooruz is the New Year by solar calendar in Central, South and SouthWest Asia countries. March 21 marks the start of the year in Kyrgyzstan. Nooruz meaning ‘new day’ when a variety of rituals, ceremonies and other cultural events take place. An important tradition practiced during this time is the gathering around ‘the Table’, decorated with objects that symbolize purity, brightness, livelihood and wealth, to enjoy a special meal with loved ones. New clothes are worn and visits given to relatives, particularly the elderly and neighbors. Gifts are exchanged, especially for children, featuring objects made by artisans. There are also street performances of music and dance, public rituals involving water and fire, traditional sports and the making of handicrafts. These practices support cultural diversity and tolerance and contribute to building community solidarity and peace.

Kyrgyzstan 2016

Dariganga people have this tradition of building open top kiln using mud and clay from the place where they moved and stayed in the new pasture. When building the kiln they put the cooking-pot (togoo) on the ground and took measures for the kiln. To build the kiln, the soil should be fewer stones and soft enough to dig. Once dug up the hole, stones removed from the soil, and soil mixed from lactic acid milk derived from the Eezgii . Additionally, the wet cow dung and clay usually mixed. The mixture of the soil and the lactic acid milk should be dry, if it’s too liquid then it is impossible to build a clay kiln. The role of the hole in the kiln is to set the fire with cow dung and collect the ashes inside.

The Lion Dancing of the Tày and Nùng people in Lang Son takes place during the Lunar New Year and some special occasions such as the rice-growing festival, Mid-Autumn Festival, groundbreaking ceremony, moving into a new house... The Lion Dancing has many meanings, not only expressing the spirit of martial arts, but also to ward off evil spirits and pray for a prosperous and happy life. The Lion Dancing in Lang Son has many different names suitable for the language and tone of each region such as: Ky Lan, Phu, Loong Phu, Phu Meo... The common name that is still used quite commonly today is the lion-cat dance. This is a unique folk art form of the Tay and Nung people (two ethnic groups accounting for over 80% of Lang Son's population) in the districts of Cao Loc, Loc Binh, Van Lang, Van Quan... According to the concept of the Tay and Nung people, the lion-cat is a sacred animal with both the characteristics of being strong like the king of the jungle and gentle and tame like a cat. To make a cat lion prop or head, from an available mold, the craftsman needs to skillfully apply glue to 2-3 layers of paper, then press it tightly into the mold. The dough is made from cassava so it is very durable and more durable than other types of glue. The round lion head, about 50cm in radius, is made of clay and then baked. Then, it is painted and decorated colorfully with fabric with the main colors being blue, red, black, yellow, white to make it stand out and create flexibility when dancing. Cat Lion Dance is a synthetic art form containing many elements: music, fine arts, dance... in which dance is the main one, but it is not separate from music and performance. The lion welcoming and returning ceremony takes place before and after the teams go dancing. A Lion Dance team has about 12 to 14 people, dancing lions and performing martial arts, acrobatics, high jumps... Props include: colorfully decorated lions, masks; drums, gongs or cymbals, cymbals; weapons: sticks, rulers, clubs, tridents, machetes... When dancing, the person wearing the lion head must perform "pounce" moves, undulating to the beat. The martial arts dance movements are both fast and flexible, combined with the bustling sound of drums and gongs, making the audience extremely excited and enthusiastic. Depending on the space, location, purpose, and requirements of the lion dance, there are many suitable dances such as: dance to greet the gods, worship ancestors, pray for luck, dance at the festival to go down to the fields, somersault through the ring of fire... The rituals, performances, and props in the Lion Dance express the feelings, aspirations, and talents of the indigenous Tay and Nung people, bringing profound aesthetic and humanistic values towards community cohesion to build a good life. With those characteristics and values, the Lion Dancing of the Tay and Nung ethnic groups in Lang Son province was included in the list of national intangible cultural heritage in 2017 by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism.

Nub Tshona-patra literally means "The Great Lake in the West" and is beautifully situated between the ancient trade route of Haa and Tibet. From some sources, "Nub" may also be known as Nob, which means Norbu (precious treasures). Nub Tshona-patra is considered one of the most sacred and revered lakes in Bhutan. It is believed that the lake is so large that two types of vegetation grow on the lake. On the Tsho-gu (head of the lake) grow plants commonly known as Chukar meto (Rheum nobile), which grow only in mountainous regions such as Jomolhari, while on the Tsho-ju (tail of the lake) grow Dungshing plants (Abies densa), which grow in low regions such as the Haa Valley. Nub Tshona-patra is one of the holiest lakes in Bhutan and can be hiked from Haa on many different routes. The most common routes are from Kipri in Uesu gewog, from Karjena in Kartsho gewog via Changzur Nyela to Drakna Trashiding-kha Gonpa and also from Tokey in Bji gewog. Nub Tshona-patra can also be reached through Jula Pass, Talila Pass, from Miri Pun Suum and from Norbugang in Samar gewog. The river that flows through Dozam at the foot of Chana Dorje (Vajrapani bodhisattava) hill is fed by Lake Tshonapatra. This river feeds the Haa fishery at the foot of Chana Dorji hill. This river flows through Nakha Tashigang and Shubji in the Sangbay Gewog and joins the Amochu further downstream. The river from Baytsho also flows along this river. The sanctity of the lake brings about the fact that Terton (treasure revealer) Sherab Mebar (1267-1297?) came to Bhutan from Kham in Tibet in the 13th century at the age of thirteen, settled in Paro Pangbisa and established the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple as his seat. Even today, this two-story temple is considered very sacred. According to oral traditions, he was destined to recover treasures from a lake in western Bhutan. He was also destined to visit Bumthang and the Jawar Tsedrag Goenpa (temple). To find the treasures, Terton Sherab Mebar traveled to Haa. After finding the lake (now Nub Tshona-patra), he unveiled many treasures including gold, religious artifacts and religious instruments such as dung (trumpet), Nga (drum), Nge-tok (drumstick) and a pair of Rol-mo (cymbals), among others. Terton was prophesied to visit Nub Tshona-patra seven times. When Terton came across a huge lump of gold in Nub Tshona-patra, it turned into a giant frog as big as a hill and swallowed (and held) all the water of the lake in its mouth. He asked a carpenter to carve the gold nugget into a pillar to be used in Paro Dzong. The carpenter was instructed to take the splinters and fragments of the pillar as payment for his work. However, the carpenter tried to shear off too much of the column in order to receive his wages. The Terton feared that the column would be too short, and when he tried to talk to them about shearing too much out of concern, a drop of water fell out of his nose and spilled into the lake, drowning them all along with the gold. Some locals believe that those who cut off the gold pillar were his one hundred and five monk disciples from the village of Pangbisa, while others say that his team consisted of thirty-two strong men who were farmers and carpenters. The angry deity of the lake Tshodag/Tshomen (mermaid) sensed this and began to pursue the Terton. While he was running for his life, religious instruments such as cymbal, trumpet, drum, drumstick and a sickle fell from him, and lakes sprouted in the place where the treasures fell. Locals know these lakes as Drum Lake (Nga-tsho), Drum Lake (Dungtsho, in Jarey), Drumstick Lake (Ngetok-tsho), Cymbal Lake (Roel-tsho, in Rigona), and Sickle Lake (Zoutsho), which are now found in the Haa Shongana region (also known as Shokuna), including Nub Tshona-patra in Tshona Diga. Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho are located close to each other at Tsoo. Yak herders spend their summers in Tsoo. Locals believe that the Terton also spent time meditating (thukdam/tsham) in Yatokha, the area behind the hills of Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho, to see clear visions and find hidden treasures. Some sources say that the Terton also dropped other treasures such as religious artifacts and religious instruments made of gold, turquoise, silver, shells and a vase during his escape, which led to the formation of Ser-tsho, Yu-tsho, Ngyul-tsho, Dungkar-tsho and Bumpa-tsho (in Jarey Damshog). The terton Sherab Mebar turned into a bird and the angry deity into a falcon. When they reached Tergola (which means "gateway to hidden treasures," as it was believed that many treasures were hidden behind this mountain pass), the deity of the mountain (Tsan) negotiated peace between the Terton and the angry deity of the lake. Some consider this Tsan or Drak-tsen to be Ap Chungdu. Some sources also indicate that the negotiation actually took place in Lab-dza of Tshellu-tsho. It was agreed that both Terton and the deity would not enter their respective territories. Terton and the descendants of his followers would never set foot in Haa Shongana. Similarly, the lake deity agreed not to cross Tergola. Thus, all connections between the people of Haa Shongana and Paro Pangbisa were severed, even though these two places are considered to be close to each other. Even today, when the descendants of the Terton people in Pangbisa cross the Tergola Pass, it rains even when the weather is fine, and people die when they enter the Haa Shongana region. Animals also die when they cross the border, or if animals are traded between these two places, they do not survive. However, some of the locals believe that this border does not apply to livestock. To resolve the conflict between the two, the mountain deity erected five Do-tshams (boundary stones) between Gangche-la and Zou-tsho (Sickle Lake) to mark the border. It is believed that the boundary was initially marked with dried yak and sheep dung, which later turned into stones. The cairns are still preserved today. The Do-tshams are located in Ramzur, under the Uesu gewog. The stone mounds look as if they would collapse at any time. But if you actually touch them, it is not easy to dismantle them or break them into the ground. People say that stones and pebbles can be added to the piled up structures, but they should not be removed or disintegrated. When the Terton died, he left the only Rol-mo treasure (basin) and a Phurpai ku (three-sided ritual dagger statue) in the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. The Phurpa ku can be seen in this temple to this day as one of the Nangten (sacred religious objects). It is said that after the death of Terton, his Kudung (sacred body) was taken from Pangbisa to Rinpung Dzong (fortress). However, the people of Pangbisa wanted to reclaim the Kudung, and when they tried to steal the Kudung through the U-tse (central tower) of Rinpung Dzong, the "head" detached from the Kudung, and the headless Kudung was left in Rinpung Dzong, which later burned in a fire tragedy. Today, the skull of Terton is revered as one of the most important sacred relics of the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. In lieu of formal punishment, the people of Pangbisa had to cede the only treasure, the Rolmo, to the Rinpung Dzong. This cymbal can be visited today as one of the most important sacred relics of the Rinpung Dzong. The cymbal is shown to the public once a year, on the first day of Paro Tsechu, to give blessings, and it is also used to determine the timing of the mask dancers during Tsechu. The other cymbal that belongs to this treasure was newly made; therefore, this pair of cymbals sounds slightly different from the other normal pairs of cymbals. Some believe that the Nub Tshona-patra was originally located in the village of Sangbay Ama in the Sangbay gewog before it was settled in its present location. People say that a mermaid carried the lake in a dung-chung (slender container made of bamboo used to store salt) and planned to move the lake to another location because the lake's location was either dirty or it was time to move away from Sangbay Ama. On the way to the present location of the lake, the mermaid stopped for a night at a Norgi-jangsa (settlement of cattle herders). It is believed that the mermaid gave cattle to the Nublang cattle as a reward for the kindness shown to her by this local herdsman. Today, this particular breed of Tha-nor (low altitude cattle) exists only in the Sangbay gewog of Haa. Before the lake was built on the present site, the place was a Bjobi-lakha (nomadic settlement). The mermaid asked the shepherds to move their camp so that the lake could settle there. The mermaid found that even the next morning the shepherds had not moved away. So, the mermaid emptied the Dung-chung that contained the lake's water, drowning all the shepherds along with their camps. It is believed that some lucky people on a clear day can see the entire Nogi-jangsa, including dogs, yaks and people. Legend has it that once a woman from Tshaphel village was washing clothes on the lakeshore and polluted the lake. Nothing happened to her for five years. But in the sixth year, the lake "consumed" and she drowned along with her livestock and camp. To this day it is believed that at Nya-chhu, the source of Haa fishing, people come across pieces of clothing or Bjob's hat. It is believed that it is a bad sign to find such items. Locals also believe that whenever the waters of Lake Nyaku-na appear in Tshaphel, people either die or mysteriously disappear. It is believed that Dungkar Aekhil (a shell with a right head) appears to those who have good luck when visiting the lake. Lam Duetsi from Dumchog village in Uesu is said to have seen this shell while visiting the lake. Local people believe that a hundred cattle once drowned in the lake because the water of the lake appeared so calm that the cattle mistook the water of the lake for the ground. Later, about nine tethers that were used to tie the cattle were found at the water source that feeds the fishery in Haa.