ALL
food culture
ICH Elements 21
-
Kimjang, making and sharing kimchi in the Republic of Korea
Inscribed in 2013 (8.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity As the temperature falls in late autumn, the topic of choice for most Koreans is kimjang, making a large quantity of kimchi to sustain them through the country’s long and harsh winter. Kimchi, a categorical name for Korean-style preserved vegetables seasoned with local spices and fermented seafood, was recorded as part of Korean diet as early as 760 years ago. Kimchi has been an essential part of Korean meal across class and regional differences. The most humble meal consists of cooked rice and kimchi, but even the most luxurious banquet is not complete without kimchi. Kimjang incorporates Koreans' understanding of their natural environment, and closely reflects their regional ecosystems. Over time, Koreans have developed methods that best fit their specific natural conditions. Kimjang is thus deeply rooted in the natural milieu of Korean habitats. Preparation for kimjang follows a yearly seasonal cycle. In spring, households secure shrimp, anchovy, and other seafood for salting and fermenting. In summer, they purchase sea salt to be stored for up to two or three years, to let the bitter taste of brine out. In late summer, red chili peppers are dried and ground into powder. In late autumn housewives carefully monitor weather forecasts to determine the optimal date for kimjang: it is important to choose the right temperature for the kimchi to acquire the best taste through storing it in cool and stable conditions. In the custom of exchanging kimchi among households after kimjang, innovative skills and creative ideas are shared and accumulated.
South Korea 2013 -
Flatbread making and sharing culture: Lavash, Katyrma, Jupka, Yufka
The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented with the names Lavash-Katyrma-Jupka-Yufka, is a set of traditional knowledge, views, skills and rituals related to preparation, baking, storing, using and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey and is transmitted from generations to generations. Flatbread tradition is a symbol of shared cultural identity and serves expression of mutual respect among communities. The five countries share a number of common features, skills and knowledge related to preparation and use of the flatbread. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. The dough is rolled by hand or using a dough roller into round or oval shape. In Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey and some communities of Kyrgyzstan, flatbread is baked in earthen or stone ovens called “tandyr” or “tanūr” buried into the ground. Some communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Turkey bake the flatbread (yufka or lavash) on a metal plate known as “sac” (“saj” or “sāj”) over the fire. Communities in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners. The preparation of flatbread involves traditional practices based on collective labour and sharing within family and neighbourhood. As expression of social solidarity in rural areas, families prepare and bake flatbread together with their neighbours, especially as a preparation for winter. The flatbread is baked both at homes by family members and flatbread bakers, who learn the practice through a master-apprentice relationship. The flatbread preparation bears a great variety of social and cultural functions for its communities in terms of its usage at special occasions and its relation to transition between seasons. Communities of five countries consider flatbread preparation places sacred. In Kazakhstan, communities believe preparing flatbread at funerals helps the deceased get protection from the burning Sun, while waiting for decision of the God. To wish prosperity and wealth to newly-married couple, in Azerbaijani and Iranian weddings the flatbread lavash is often put on shoulders of the bride, while in Turkish weddings dried flatbread yufka is crumbled over the head of the bride. In Kyrgyzstan, tradition bearers believe that flatbread helps sick people. In some religious ceremonies and traditional weddings in Iran flatbread is served as a component of the sacred offering. During the preparation of flatbread, it is shared with all passers-by as a sign of hospitality. Flatbread culture is expression of belonging to common cultural roots. It reinforces cultural links and serves as marker of hospitality, conviviality and friendliness within the societies of five countries.
Azerbaijan,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2016 -
Pyongyang Raengmyon custom
It is a customary social and cultural practice related with Pyongyang Raengmyon (cold noodle), on various meaningful occasions such as weddings, birthdays and holidays. Pyongyang Raengmyon is served in a brass bowl. The main ingredient is buckwheat regarded as conducive to health. The noodle strips are topped by trimmings of meats, Kimchi, vegetables, fruits and garnishing. Cool meat stock or Tongchimi (watery radish Kimchi) juice is poured around noodle strips to finish the preparation. There are certain knowledge and skills related to Raengmyon's taste and form. A historical record praising noodle in the 12th century reflects its development well before that time. Pyongyang Raengmyon is a special folk food deeply rooted in the life of Pyongyangites expressing long life, happiness, hospitality, convivial and friendly atmosphere. A day before Jongwoldaeborum (one of Korean folk holidays in winter), family members or neighbourhood would together enjoy noodles hoping their life to be as long as the noodle strips. At celebrations like birthdays and weddings, Pyongyangites serve it to elders, relatives, neighbours and friends coming with blessings, and share happy and delightful moments of life in a convivial and friendly atmosphere, fostering respect, intimacy and harmonious unity. Housewives make Raengmyon with great pleasure and devotion. To have some liquor before Raengmyon is a customary practice even set as a phrase "Sonjuhumyon". Expressing the common wish and aspiration of people, today, the element is practised and spreading beyond special occasions and regional differences along with establishment of scores of Pyongyang Raengmyon restaurants like Okryu Restaurant.
North Korea 2022 -
Customs and rituals related to marriage
Soiko saluu Soiko saluu is an engagement ritual when the young man’s parents and relatives pay visit to the young lady’s house to make a proposal. The groom’s family gives engagement earrings to the bride and bride price to her family called kalyn. Bride price is considered as a gratitude to her parents for raising a woman who will become a wife and mother of future husband’s children. The bride’s side prepares dowry, which includes various household items needed for a newly formed family. It includes felt carpets, cushions, matrasses, etc. Kyz uzatuu Kyz uzatuu is a ritual of seeing off a bride when groom’s party comes to take her to the groom’s house. This ritual takes place before the wedding ceremony. This ritual is conducted by bride’s family and friends. There is also a ritual called arkan tartuu. When the groom’s party is coming to take away the bride, bride’s friends pull the rope across the rope, thus, symbolically blocking the way to the bride’s house. The groom’s party gives gifts and money to people holding ropes, thus, earning a right to pass forward. Nike kyiyuu Nike kyiyuu is the main wedding ceremony. A cup of water is prepared for this ritual. Some sugar is added to water and sometimes a silver coin is placed at the bottom of the cup. After reciting verses from Quran, the newly-wed couple drinks water from the cup. The meaning of sharing water is that a couple agrees to live through thick and thin, life’s ups and downs together. When drinking water, the bride and groom make a wish to be pure as water and live long and happily. By adding sugar, they wish to have a sweet life and coin stands for prosperity. Water is a symbol of purity, eternity and sacredness; that is why it is used in a wedding ceremony. Kyrgyz wedding feasts are big. The number of guests vary depending on family’s income. Nowadays, wedding is done in various styles but all of them have abovementioned traditional rituals. Otko kirgizuu According to Kyrgyz traditions, a newly-wed bride cannot go visit houses of grooms neighbors, relatives and friends. That is why the latter invite the newly-wed bride and her husband to their house. This ritual is called otko kirgizuu. The purpose of this ritual is to get acquainted with a new daughter-in-law. A daughter-in-law can go to this ritual with her husband, mother-in-law or other close relatives. When a bride enters the house, she is supposed to bow to the hosts. The newly-wed bride helps pouring tea and serving food as if she was in her house. The hosts give her their blessings and a gift such as dish set, garment, etc. Only after that, a newly-wed bride can freely come to this house and help around during feasts and rituals. After some time after wedding, the newly-wed bride goes to visit her own family. This visit is called torkuloo. She does not go home on her own but rather with her husband and parents-in-law. There are smaller rituals done within this big ritual. This is considered as otko kirgizuu for the newly-wed groom. Despite the changes happening in a modern society, every custom and a ritual reflects the essence of Kyrgyz people and their culture. These rituals highlight the sanctity of family values and transmitted from generation to generation without coming at odds with current worldviews of Kyrgyz people.
Kyrgyzstan -
Tamzhing Phagla Chodpa: Annual Festival of Tamzhing Lhundrub Choeling Lhakhang
Local tradition maintains that Pema Lingpa was looking around Choekhor valley to find a suitable site for his temple when he saw a wild boar digging in the soil. He realized that it was a sign from the enlightened being Dorje Phagmo (deity Vajravarahi) meant to show him the appropriate site. Once the temple was built, during its consecration he instituted a festival dedicated to the guardian deities as a symbol of gratitude. Since the prophecy as well as the ground breaking for Tamzhing temple is believed to have been guided by Dorje Phagmo, the festival is dedicated to her and named Phagla Chodpa. Sherab Wangdi remembers that before the Lhalung Dratshang community arrived at Tamzhing, there were two different grand festivals at the temple, a drub held in the seventh lunar month and Phagla Chodpa in the eighth lunar month. The monthly rituals, the drub, and the mask dances were organized and performed by the Tamzhing drapa (Lay-monks), while the Phagla Chodpa had been coordinated by the late Lama Phuntsho, who traveled from Trongsa Samchoeling. Before Lama Phuntsho would arrive, the Tamzhing threlpa would construct a temporary residence above the temple. Each morning during the Phagla Chodpa, the mask dancers (champa) and female dancers (maniwa) received the lama in a chibdrel procession that moved toward the temple. Oral tradition maintains that ever since the Tamzhing Phagla Chodpa was founded, the mask dances have been performed by the Tamzhing drapas, while the threlpas have sponsored all the food and drinks from the rehearsal day until the last day of the festival. Initially, the Phagla Chodpa lasted only two days, excluding the mewang and chamjug. After Lama Phuntsho passed away, the Phagla Chodpa was not performed for nearly seven years (from 1972–1978) due to misunderstandings between the Tamzhing Choeje and the drapas. The drapas settled in other villages for a number of years. Apparently, after some time they came to decide that the festival is an important ancestral tradition to offer gratitude to the local deities. Thus, the drapas approached the late Lyonpo Tamzhing Jagar—then the Minister of Home and Culture—and made a collective pledge to revive the Phagla Chodpa. The minister appreciated their volunteerism and provided new costumes and some masks for the dances. Performances resumed in 1979, this time incorporating some mask dances performed by the Lhalung monastic community. The addition of Lhalung’s mask dances had the effect of extending the two-day-long festival to three days. Tradition maintains that Tamzhing Choeje has been coordinating Phagla Chodpa and sponsoring one meal during the first day of the festival, while the Tamzhing drapa shouldered responsibility of contributing mask dances, folk dances, and a collectively sponsored meal for the duration of the festival. If the tradition is correct, there has not been a significant change in organizing the Chodpa. In the recent past, at the urging of Sherab Wangdi, local residents made a collective agreement that every household would participate in and contribute to the Phagla Chodpa festival – irrespective of their status as drapa, zurpa or threlpa. Every household has to contribute a man capable of performing mask dances; if a suitable man wasn’t available, a woman has to join as either a maniwa(folk dancer), or as a drangzhapa or dronchongpa (receive guests and serve tea and drink). If there is no one available to volunteer, then that particular household has to be the tsawa (sponsor) for a specific day of the festival. A tshogpa, or village representative, is appointed to ensure the festival runs smoothly. The Chiwog Tshogpa acts as the chairperson while each village provides a reliable person to act as a representative for his/her respective community. Above all, Sherab Wangdi acts on behalf of Tamzhing Choeje in the role of president and oversees all activities related to the festival. On the ninth day of the eighth month which is the chamjug day, the drapa of Tamzhing village acts as the tsawa for the entire day, sponsoring everything from the early morning zheythug (porridge) until the group dinner. The responsibility then rotates: on the inaugural day (tsukton), Tamzhing Choeje is the sponsor, Kharsum and Konchogsum sponsor on the second day (barton), Tekarzhong sponsors on the concluding day (droeton), and on the thruesol day, Rerebi village is responsible. There are additional preparations to be completed before the chamjug. Each household has to send one person to help clean and prepare for the mewang. While the preparation in the shrine is done a day before the chamjug day, the final decoration and cleaning of the surrounding takes place on the thruesol day after lunch is served. a. Day One (9th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Chamjug and Mewang In the morning of the ninth day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance performers gather at the temple courtyard with their belongings, including a mattress, pillow, blankets, plates and a mug. It is a customary that during the Chodpa both female dancers and mask dancers spend the night away from their families, sleeping instead in designated parts of the temple to maintain purity. After distributing the masks, garments, and necessary implements to the respective mask dancers, the group goes to the ground below the Konchogsum Lhakhang to prepare for the mewang, or Fire Blessing. A gate is made from fresh pine tree limbs and bunches of fresh juniper branches, and dried wood and bamboo is piled on both sides. Old bamboo baskets and mats are hung on the limbs to help spread the fire. Mantras and scriptures dedicated to the fire god are also inserted into the structure as they are believed to drive away any unseen evil spirits. The chamjug and Mewang programme ends with that last bey performance, which can take place as late as midnight. According to local oral tradition, the officiants used to visit every household in the villages after the Mewang. Since that was an exhausting event for the lama, gingpa, patselpas and monks, for the last five years they have conducted a performance in the ground instead so as not to exhaust the ritual specialists and dancers by keeping residents up all night, and lastly, to allow for devotees from outside Tamzhing to participate in the Fire Blessing. b. Day Two (10th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Tsukton (Initial day) The mask dances for the tsukton or the 10th day of the eighth lunar month are presented in the following order: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Lang Cham (Mask Dance of the two Oxen), performed by monks; - Phag Cham (Maks Dance of the Hog), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed by monks; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by monks; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by laymen; - Guru Tshengyed Cham (Dance of Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche), performed by monks; - Zhana Nga Cham (Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen. c. Day Three (11th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Barton On the 11th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance programme takes place as follows: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Two Stags), performed by monks; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Four Stags), performed by laymen; - Yoeluema or Zhauli (Dance of the Evil Spirit), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed bby laymen; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by laymen; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by monks; - Zhana Phur Cham (Vajrakila Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen; - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by laymen; - Shinje Cham (Mask Dance of Yama) performed by monks; - Tshangpai Ging Cham (Peling Tshangpai Ging), performed by laymen. d. Day Four (12th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Droeton On the 12th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances are conducted as follows: - Gadpo Gorcham (Dance of the Old man and Senior Atsara), perforemd by laymen; - Throzam Cham, performed by monks; - Shinje (Dance of Yama), performed by laymen; - Durdhag (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by monks; - Tangra Serkyem (Black Hat Dance Offering Serkyem to the Deities), performed by monks; - Sangye Lingpai Nga Cham (Drum Dance of Terton Sangye Lingpa), performed by laymen; - Chendren Ngama (Reception Dance), performed by monks; - Nodjin Tseumar (Processiona and Blessings from the Guardian Deity Teumar), conducted by monks; - Tenwang (Procession and Blessings) from the Buddha Amitayus image crafted by Pema Lingpa; - Pholey Moley (Dance of the Handsome Men and Charming Ladies), performed by laymen. e. Thruesol (13th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Informal Gathering On the 13th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances take place as follows: - Lhabsang and cleanup (Cleansing ritual) - Thruesol (spiritual sprinkling of water)
Bhutan -
Tteok Mandeulgi(Tteok making and sharing)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea The making of tteok, or Korean rice cakes, begins by steaming and pounding rice powder or flours made from other grains. Grain powders can be boiled or grilled to make tteok as well. There is a time-old tradition in Korea of making and sharing a variety of types of rice cakes on occasions that mark important moments in life, such as the 100th day after birth, first birthdays, weddings, funerals, and death anniversaries, as well as on seasonal and national holidays such as Seollal (Lunar New Year), Jeongwol Daeboreum (the fifteenth day of the first lunar month), Dano (the fifteenth day of the fifth lunar month), and Chuseok (the autumn harvest celebration). Rice cakes are one of the fundamental offerings at traditional rites held at community, familial, or individual levels. Contemporary Koreans still celebrate important events such as the opening of a business or a move to a new house with rice cakes, actively transmitting this long-standing practice of tteok making and sharing. Tteok making and sharing remains an important part of Korean culture. Tteok serve as a medium for promoting solidarity among community members and symbolize sharing and consideration for others. The rice cakes used for particular ceremonies carry unique cultural meanings. It is estimated that the rice cake-making tradition in Korea dates back to ancient times, given that there are Bronze and Iron Age archaeological sites that have produced tteok steamers. Various documents from the Three Kingdoms and Goryeo Dynasty periods detail the rice cake-making practices of the era. During the Joseon Dynasty, the grains and cooking methods involved in tteok making diversified thanks to advances in agriculture and cooking. The practice of presenting rice cakes on a ritual table became further popularized. Koreans of the Joseon era, particularly aristocrats and members of the royal family, enjoyed a broader range of rice cakes with improved flavors. Local tteok-making traditions reflect the agricultural characteristics of each region. For example, residents of Gangwon-do Province, known for its production of potatoes and corn, have long been making potato and corn tteok. Since the volcanic island of Jeju does not offer a favorable environment for rice cultivation, people on this southernmost island in Korea have focused on the production of other staples such as azuki beans, buckwheat, and millet. There is a variety of tteok from Jeju that use these as the main ingredients. Western foods that entered Korea after the opening of ports in the late 19th century changed traditional Korean culinary practices, including tteok-making traditions. The spread of commercial mills contributed to a separation between the producers of tteok and consumers. Despite these changes over time, the tradition of tteok making and sharing is still actively practiced across the country with wide local variations. The rice cake tradition has been designated as National Intangible Heritage based on the following considerations: It is a time-old tradition that has been transmitted across the Korean Peninsula; its long history is evidenced in written records that date as far back as to the Three Kingdoms period; it holds great potential for research in such disciplines as anthropology and food/nutrition; it has widespread and unique local variations; and it is practiced by a large and vibrant body of communities encompassing professional producers, research centers, and individual families. As rice cake making is practiced and enjoyed by the entire nation, this element has entered the national heritage list without recognizing any specific individuals or groups as official holders.
South Korea -
Kazakh traditional art of Dombra Kuy
Traditional Kazakh dombra kuy (kaz 'kuy') - instrumental play performed on dombra - a traditional pear-shaped musical instrument with two strings and a long neck. The true meaning of kuy execution dates back to the sacred relationship with the Creator and the desire to establish the internal harmony of the individual. Kazakhs say 'Kuy - Tanyrdyn sybyry' ('Kuy - a whisper of Tengri'). Dombra had been hung on the wall of each nomad house (yurta) for the play before guests and home owners. The art of DombraKuy refers to a short solo composition performed on a traditional pear-shaped, long-necked, two-stringed, plucked musical instrument known as a dombra. The music aims to connect people to their historic roots and traditions through classical and improvised pieces that engage the audience at a spiritual and emotional level. Public engagement in the performance serves as one of the most important means of social communication between people and contributes to the transfer of knowledge and skills related to Kazakh culture. The music is usually accompanied by narrated stories and legends. It is traditionally performed at social gatherings, holidays and festive celebrations, amid a rich variety of food and musical entertainment. It serves as a vital social and cultural experience, strengthening people’s identity and promoting solidarity and mutual understanding in society. Aspiring and talented musicians are apprenticed to masters from the moment a child demonstrates an interest in the philosophy and virtuosity of traditional music and performance. Amateur musicians then apprentice themselves to other more experienced and talented performers from their region to increase their skills and repertoire.
Kazakhstan 2014 -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011 -
Drukor: Custom of Gathering Grains
Drukor and Tokor mean the same thing, that is, collection of bru (grain) or collection of to (food grains) by the people of Merak and Sakteng in Bhutan. These highlanders of the east use brukor while the highland settlers of the west use tokor. The highlanders fill their stores with various types of grains, mostly rice and maize. Some households even have grain stocks as old as 20 years as one does not need to worry about insects at high altitude. During the summer, the highlanders are busy tending their animals while farmers in the lower altitude villages are busy with crop farming, but during the autumn season when farmers harvest their crops, the highlanders come for brukor or tokor. They normally take loads of raw incense leaves, butter, dried cheese, fermented cheese, meat, hides, wool, and all sorts of animal products to exchange for grains. Normally their transactions are barter system, though cash transaction is also common in order to buy necessary items such as salt, sugar, and tealeaves that are imported from India. The highlanders transport these goods on horses, yaks, dzos, and oxen and also carry them on their own backs. The caravan will range from a few to over 20 pack animals walking in line along the tracks, halting at nights where there is enough grass and water for the animals. Over the years, this custom has led to a special bond between the highland dwellers and lowland farmers known as naep (host/guest). Following the harvest in winter, the highlanders visit the lower altitude for brukor and become the guests of the farmers, while in summer, the farmers visit the highland pastures in search of butter and cheese and become guests of highland hosts. In the central districts, the highlanders also take care of the flocks of sheep belonging to the low altitude farmers from April until the Blessed Rainy Day in the autumn, receiving a measure of grain for each animal by way of exchange. The highlanders store their grains with the host family until all of it has been carried up to their highland homes, which may take some months. They do this with complete trust that the quantity will remain correct, to the last grain. However, this tradition is now almost lost in some parts of the country, since the yak products are easily traded for cash in the urban centres where alternative accommodation is now easily found. Moreover, the modern market has everything that a highlander needs to buy with cash. The liberalisation of cordyceps collection has also increased the purchasing power of the highlanders. In the central districts, sheep culture has been now disappeared from the landscape.
Bhutan -
Cultural space and oral culture of the Semeiskie
The Semeiskie communities are formed by a group of so-called “Old Believers”, a confessional community originating from the time of the Instigation of the Russian Orthodox Church in the seventeenth century.Their history is marked by repression and exile. During the reign of Catherine the Great, believers in the “old system” from various regions of Russia had to move to the Transbaikal region in Siberia, where they still live today. In this remote area, they have preserved elements of their respective culture, forming a distinct group identity. The cultural space of the Semeiskie, east of Lake Baikal, represents a remnant of cultural expressions from pre-seventeenth century Russia. The community, totalling around 200,000 persons, speaks a south Russian dialect featuring borrowings from Bielorussian, Ukrainian and Bouryat. The Semeiskie still practised ancient orthodox rituals and perpetuate everyday activities mainly based on the cult of the family - the term Semeskie refers to “those who live as a family” - and strong moral principles. They are also characterized by their traditional dress, handicrafts, dwellings, paintings, ornaments and food as well as their music. Also noteworthy are their polyphonic choirs, which perform traditional songs at family celebrations and popular festivals. These songs are known as “drawl” singing and are rooted in the Russian liturgical music of the Middle Ages.
Russian Federation 2008 -
Oku-noto no Aenokoto
“Oku-noto no Aenokoto” is an agricultural ritual transmitted from generation to generation in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Housu County, all of which are located on the Noto Peninsula on the Sea of Japan, in order to worship a deity of the rice field. As people in Suzu and Wajima Cities, and Noto and Anamizu Towns of Hosu County have long lived by rice-farming, the deity of the rice field is considered an important one who promises good growth and an abundant harvest of rice. This ritual is performed twice a year, after the rice harvest, and before planting, by each housemaster at his home. In December after the harvest, he welcomes the deity of the rice field from the rice field into his house and offers hospitality, giving thanks for the harvest in the course of a ritual. In February before planting, he offers hospitality and sees the deity off to the rice field, praying for an abundant harvest in the course of another ritual. Guessing from these performances, “Ae” (or “Aé”) can mean hospitality while “koto” a ritual. In December a housemaster begins to prepare food from early in the morning to welcome the deity, and puts straw bags containing seeds for the next spring in the toko no ma, a narrow space at the side of the room for flowers and calligraphy, or under the kami-dana, an inner shrine installed high on a wall. In the afternoon, he prepares a bath and pounds mochi, a ball-like rice cake. The deity of the rice field is said to get ready to leave the rice field when he hears the sound of mochi-pounding. In the evening the housemaster dresses himself up in kami-shimo, a formal Japanese garment, and goes to the rice field taking a kuwa (spade), a chochin (lantern), and a sensu (folding fan), with him in order to welcome the deity. In the rice field, he cultivates it with kuwa three times, speaks to the deity of the rice field with grateful remarks for its protection during that year. Then, he shows the deity the way to his home by lighting the way with the chochin or directing it with the sensu. His family is waiting for the deity at the gate. The housemaster shows the deity into a guest room, lets it rest a little, and then serves a bath for it. He helps it to wash as if it were actually in front of him in the bathroom, asking if the temperature of the water is comfortable. After the bath, he seats the deity on straw bags of seeds in the toko no ma or under the kami-dana, and offers it two meals. Because a deity of the rice field is sometimes regarded as consisting of a couple, two dinners are served. The menu is ama-zake, sweet sake as an aperitif brewed from new rice, a bifurcated radish, abundant steamed rice with red beans, mochi, and a whole fish, provided with chopsticks made from a chestnut tree. As it is said that the deity of the rice field has bad eyes, the housemaster describes each dish as he serves it. After dinner, he moves the straw bag of seeds to a higher position inside a box room or in an earthen-floor space. It is said that the deity of the rice field rests in this bag or inside the kami-dana until the following year. Then, families eat the dinner served to the deity. In February of the new year, the same ritual takes place again; a housemaster serves a bath for the deity, provides it with food, and sees it off to a rice field. In the rice field, a housemaster cultivates it with kuwa three times, with prayers for an abundant harvest in autumn. There are some differences in detailed contents or procedures from family to family, but we can find such common features as welcoming the deity of the rice field at an important stage of rice-growing, offering it hospitality, and finally seeing it off. By performing this ritual, the safety and sustainability of the rice cultivation in this area can be assured, and identity and continuity can be confirmed among the people of this area. It is unique among agricultural rituals of similar kinds throughout Japan in that the householder behaves as if an invisible deity of the rice field were actually there in the course of the ritual. This ritual is a typical agricultural ritual reflecting the underlying culture of everyday life of the Japanese who have been engaged in rice cultivation since ancient times.
Japan 2009 -
Traditional knowledge related to making of cereal beverages - ‘Bozo’, ‘Jarma’, ‘Maksym’
‘Bozo’ is a favorite beverage of the Kyrgyz. Usually, it is made from ground wheat, barley or corn. The basis of bozo is ‘ugut’ (malt). It is made from wheat, sometimes from a mixture of wheat with barley or millet. Preparation of bozo contains three stages. Firstly, ground cereal is poured with warm water and added some leaven. Then it is left to ferment in a warm place for a day. The second stage contains the process of cooking the fermented mass adding boiling water, constantly stirring during one or two hours. In the last stage, ‘ugut’, a bit of flour and leaven is added to the cooled mass, which is left in a warm place for a day. After the fermentation, the mass is diluted with water and filtered. ‘Jarma’ is an ancient beverage drank as a refreshing drink. It is thick and calorie-rich so that it is as good as food. People take it with them when going out to work on the fields. It is easy to make and both adults and children drink it with pleasure. Jarma is made out of talkan. Talkan is coarsely grinded barley or wheat. Barley or wheat is fried beforehand. After boiling enough talkan in water, jarma is cooled down. Then airan or grinded kurut is added. Jarma is made all year around either as a cold or hot dish or as a refreshing beverage. ‘Maksym’ is a traditional thick beverage, which is consumed in spring and summer seasons. It is very good for quenching thirst. It is also used as food, it is easy to make and nutritious. Farmers take it with them when going out to work in the fields. First, talkan is fried in a sheep fat until it turns golden-brown. The water is poured and boiled. Then, culture is added and is left for 7-8 hours for fermentation.
Kyrgyzstan