Lozey (lyrical ballad or witty narratives) is a form of oral expression, appropriately described as one of the ornaments of speech. According to the accounts of elderly citizens in the western districts, the origin of Lozey goes back to the 12th century coinciding with the arrival of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo (1148-1251). Often known as Togden Phajo, he was a Tibetan saint whose life and deeds are closely linked with the initial spread of the Drukpa School of teachings in Bhutan in accordance with the prophesy of Tsangpa Gyare (11611211), the founder of the Drukpa Kagyud Lineage. Phajo Drugom Zhigpo was followed by numerous Tibetan scholars who disseminated the teachings of the Buddha. Amongst these realised beings Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) was the destined leader. He instituted the traditions based on the Buddhist values of Mi-choe tsangma chudrug (sixteen virtues for mundane practice) and reformed the old traditions, resulting in establishment of the dual system of government in Bhutan, whereby a temporal ruler coexists with the spiritual authority of the nation. Amongst those indigenous traditions, the songs Parshing mindru gyelmo and Zurchen gyi sheypa are the most popular in Bhutan and are sung especially during the construction of typical Bhutanese house made of rammed earth. These age old songs are solely sung by the people of central and western Bhutan. Parshing Mindru Gyelmo is an honorific name given to the wooden tools used for ramming earth, therefore the tools are respected and revered as an embodiment of Khandro Sonam Peldon, consort of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo. The song has many verses inviting the Parshing Mindru Gyelmo to visit from Tibet and concludes with propitious words of seeing her off back to Tibet during the consecration ceremony for the new house. Similarly, Zurchen gi sheypa (song sung during the installation of four phalluses on the four eaves of the house facing the four directions) is also sung on the day of the consecration ceremony. Two groups are formed for the singing of the songs, normally separate groups for males and females. There are often verbal skirmishes between the male and female groups. A quick-witted and verbally eloquent person may compose appropriate verses of response on the spot based on the nature of the opponents’ song. It is said that the verses of these songs are so long, “if sung till the end, it is believed that it could last for almost a day” as told by a few elderly citizens. There have been incidents in the past when the host family had to place a large Palla (bamboo container) of Ara (distilled home brew) down and request the verbally warring songsters to reconcile. However, these songs are actually a type of ballad or narrative poem to which a melody was added later. The recitation of Lozey is still widely practised in the western part of Bhutan and is regarded as an entertainment and enjoyment by one and old alike. There are variants of given names for Lozey, sometimes it is also written as Losel, but, there is no clue why, since both terms have their separate sets of definitions. According to Lopon Kunzang Thinley, chief researcher at KMT Press, Thimphu, Lozey is an art of speech which requires a unique skill in making rapid response. It requires constant flow like the hair on a horse’s neck, thus, the term ‘lo’ means statement and ‘ze’ refers to the neck hair, and in this context to the brilliance of the bantering back and forth. Lozey is defined as brilliant, intelligent, clever and bright. In both Dzongkha and Tibetan dictionaries, Lozey is defined as any prompt statement constructed in verse well decorated with rhetorical qualities of similes and metaphors according to the situation. Such qualities can only be attributed to intelligent, quick-thinking and witty persons. Lozey is of three kinds: popular lozey (which consist various subject and episodes occur depending on the moods and feelings), lojue lozey (a narrative, usually of epic dimension), and finally lozey labja (lozey associated with advice and guidance). Therefore, most often lozey dwells within these episodes; che toed (praising), nyen lu or zalu (romantic), dralu (odium), medlu (disgrace), trolu (joyful), cholu (sad), tse tshol (debating/challenging), trashi/monlu (supplication) and lozey labja (advice/guidance). Lozey labja is sometimes identical to kortam (innuendo or indirect statement). Lozey has no fixed length, but may be long or short, which entirely depends upon the depth of knowledge of a person, but generally the shortest will vary from three lines to fifteen. Short lozey are called lozey do thum while long ones are called lozey jun-ringm. However, loju lozey are historical accounts and regarded as the longest and some lojue lozey are accounts drawn from oral tradition of how the fortresses were constructed by Zhabdrung Nawang Namgyal. Lozey of each district has its own unique characteristics in style, language tone and recitation tune. Sometimes lozey can be used as means of debate or verbal skirmishes between people of different communities or villages, and between male and female. At least two participants are required for a lozey. After one has recited the initial verse, the other responds depending on the gist of the preceding verse. This is called Lozey khaejew (lozey competition) in Dzongkha. While reciting lozey, the rules are very simple. Depending on the type, if the opponent has good knowledge, he/she must respond with the same similes and metaphors that were used by the other. The challenge will continue until a winner or a draw is declared. In both cases, messages will be conveyed through eloquent usage of metaphors and symbols. The responses are never direct. Nevertheless, lozey can be used for both entertainment and wish-making in every aspect of life such as: Parshing gi she pa, Zurchen gi she pa, Dha she (description of Arrow), Gishey (description of Sword), Zo she (description of an Art), Shog da kuelwa (encouraging words while dragging large logs or boulders), Lang key (Praising words to the Oxen while ploughing), Che sho (making wishes while sowing seeds) and Bab she (wish-making while threshing rice) etc. A person who has the knowledge and skills is known as kham khe gyep (King of eloquence or an articulate person) in Dzongkha.

Tshar-zo, the age-old tradition of working with bamboo and cane is a popular art, spread and practiced throughout Bhutan. The availability of numerous species of bamboo and cane has enabled the Bhutanese to master the skill of weaving these raw materials into a variety of articles for various uses. Throughout Bhutan, the use of bamboo and cane products has always complemented the use of wooden items, forming an integral part of the lifestyle and economy of the people. Bhutanese farmers weave a variety of functional bamboo and cane articles used for a variety of domestic, agricultural and commercial purposes. Bamboo (Neomicrocalamus andropogonifolius), is locally named Ringshu in Dzongkha and as Yula in Khengkha. Cane (Calamus acanthospathus) is locally known as Munzi in Sharchopkha, and as krath or gren in Khengkha. These are the two common species used in the production of a variety of articles. Bamboo and cane strips are used in their natural colour or dyed into yellow, black, red, green, maroon and brown, to weave colourful articles with geometric designs.

Talang or the ox sacrifice ritual is one of the three main rituals performed by Lhops community; each of which includes an animal sacrifice. Tseney is an annual festival where each Lhop family sacrifices a rooster, while the Tenlha Soel ritual involves the sacrifice of a pig. Talang ritual is derived from the name of the deity of the Laskey clan that sacrifices an ox. Although Lhops are Buddhist by nature, the Lhops continue to practice many pre-Buddhist rituals which includes an animal sacrifice with no taboo attached to it for the slaughter of animals, hence everyone readily volunteers for the ritual. The ritual is conducted on any day preceding the 19th day, since, after the 20th day; it indicates the close ending of a month, which is seen as the end of the life of the month, and thereby considering it as inauspicious days. It is conducted once every nine years, since this ritual has had huge financial implication on a household. The ritual is conducted in an individual’s family home with an elder member of the family, generally a man, with support and help from other community members. This ritual does not require any monk or a pandit or any other specialist to conduct this ritual. Usually the ritual is performed by the Laskey clan household.

An oral game, Tsangmo or Tsam-mo is short and melodious poetry normally sung for entertainment by people of all ages in all the regions. It is also considered as one of the ornaments of speech. There are several very similar names for the game, with each having its own meaning and definition, according to the elderly village people; Tsam is a short poem either composed on the spot or learnt from elders or friends, which is recited to a melodious tune. Mo means divination or test. Therefore, it is a song sung to test the feelings of another person. In another version, it is also a song sung by individuals in a group, to make the same divination of feelings as above by a stick (Tsang) pointing to the personal items already collected from each of the participants, guided by the rhythms of the song. Another very similar name to that for the stick tsangmo indicates that this tradition may have been derived from U-tsang province of Tibet. However, some elderly villagers interviewed about the game thought that the terminology had nothing to do with U-tsang at all. Taking their local knowledge into account, it seems likely that the slight difference in nomenclature might just reflect a local dilution of the term which has crept in over time. Although there are different names given according to how the game is played, Bhutanese commonly refer to it as Tsangmo. Performance of the game is indigenous and unique to Bhutan, with the poetic songs passed down from our forefathers through the ages and often sung in the respective dialects of the singers’ districts. While singing Tsangmo, the lyrics are actually based on the moods and situation. For stick Tsangmo the rules are as follows: each male and female participant should place an item in the centre. A neutral person is assigned who either closes his eyes or sits facing away from the rest so that he does not know the owner of individual items. When one has finished his/her turn then the assigned neutral person will hold a stick and repeat the song once again. According to the beat of the song, he points at each item. Wherever the point of the stick remains when the song finishes, he makes a comment according to the meaning of the song, “whoever is the owner of the item is, the song’s message is (for example) Love. You are being loved by the singer, are you in love with him/her? If yes, you should tell him/her at the earliest possible.” The message is clearly conveyed through the use of metaphors in the form of a four-line verse with two couplets. Each couplet is self-contained. The first usually makes a statement or describes a situation. The second one makes a response. Then the owner is identified. Sometimes the owner may be the same sex as the singer in which case the group expresses its sympathy in chorus and ends in laughter. “In the old days people were also married through this divination game” explained a few elderly citizens. Apart from these rules, one does not have to stick to one form of expression. Participants can change the context of the lyrics as they desire. Since Ttsangmo is meant for fun, no individual is expected to get emotional at the message as the singer is also blind folded. Moreover, no one in the group clearly knows on whose item the stick will land at the end. General Tsangmo (i.e. not with the stick) is usually sung casually in a group, for example during celebrations, while on a walk, during the transplantation of paddy, weeding, collecting firewood, transporting manure in the fields, harvesting paddy, plantation of maize, harvesting maize and in a leisure period. This is an impromptu entertainment where you hone your skill in creating verses on the spot and also where you learn from and communicate with others. One person sings and another responds, the debate continuing until a winner or a draw is declared. This version of the oral game is played in an unstructured way so there are no particular rules. Today, the Bhutan Broadcasting Service arranges phone-in Tsangmo sessions (akin to talk-back radio) among listeners from different places and the participants either choose to reply to the previous singer or sing their own part without aiming at anyone in particular. Regarding the tune of Tsangmo, there are more than four types depending on custom, language and dialect. According to the knowledgeable citizens, while singing Tsangmo, the first participant must sing a stanza in praise of the Triple Gem or a divine being, as a way of making an offering. The subsequent participants may dwell on friendship, love, odium, discord, joy, sorrow as they like, and end with verses of supplication or good wishes.

An artistic product often like a stick or a bunch of sticks basically made from powders of mixed aromatic plants and medicinal substances. It emits sweet fragrance smoke when burnt and normally offered in and at the sacred places to please deities and to get cleansed and rid-off defilements. The production of incense is considered one of the religious crafts, and it is another way of making Sang (smoke) offering. According to the Bhutanese artisans’, the craftsmanship dates back to the time immemorable when the first Lord Buddha Nam-par zig-pa (Skt. Bispa shayi) attained enlightenment and offered the Sweet Fragrance smoke by burning the Incenses by the enlightened beings; celestial beings and Bodhiasattavas made from varieties of heavenly medicinal herbs. The tradition gradually spread in the spheres of Bonpos (per Buddhist religion of Tibet) and Hinduism and maintained its skill until Buddha Sakya Muni’s period which is about 2500 years back then. The art was also adopted by the Chinese Buddhist missioners and further spread to Mongolia, Korea and Japan as well. In Tibet, the making Smoke offerings and burning incense was officially implemented the 7th Century during the reign of King Songtsen Gampo (R. 618 AD- 650 AD) when Princess Wenchang (M. 641 AD-650 AD) and her entourage members suffered illness while heading towards Lhasa (then, the capital of Tibet) as bride to the King. The Princess tried to medicated using physician attendants but could not bring to the normal yet, by offering the smoke offering made attendants fully recovered. The instruction to make Smoke Offering was from the Minister Thonmi Sambota () who had a visualization from the sacred Sakya Muni images to collect the medicinal herbs from the mountains and making smokes will ease any diseases associated to Nagas. Later, incense making and burning tradition was gradually invented using the same raw materials and medicinal ingredients of Smoke offering. In Bhutan, the art of Incense making was brought by the Country Unifier Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1654) and was initially practiced in the Dzongs (fortress) by the monk artisans. Thereafter, the tradition remained intact amongst the Bhutanese being the Buddhist and making offering of incense had been a daily special offering substances in the individual shrines, temples and monasteries. Currently, there are a countable incense manufacturing centers across the country. These industries produce mainly two different incenses: Ja-ju poe (herbal incense) with a yellowish texture and Zu-poe or Choe-jue poe (incense mixed with flesh and blood ingredients) with a brown color. Ja-ju incense is usually burned explicitly for the enlightened beings and when performing Drol-chog (ritual of Goddess Tara), while the other is offered to the guardian deities and guardian spirits during affirmation rituals.

Kharphu (The White God Ritual) is celebrated every year on fourth month of Bhutanese calendar. Though meaning of Kharphu cannot be stated clearly but village older bearer believes Kharphu means “white god ritual” where no animal sacrifices are made. There are two types of Kharphu namely Gudpa (Extended) and Chunku (Abridged) which are observed consecutively every year. During a larger kharphu, dish called pan is prepared and served, and is observed for 3 days, while in smaller Kharphu pan (Wild betel leave fried) serving is skipped and is observed for two days. The origin of Kharphu and its story is has been transmitted verbally from generation to generation. Ex.Tshogpa Lhalungla is a descendent of one of the host family, he shared that as per the story he received from the older people of village that when the people settled in Chali as per their karmic action, during those days no matter how much they work, the grains and cereals were not enough to feed their family, food they eat didn’t contain nutrition, cloth they wear don’t provide the warmth, even they can’t sleep soundly. Then people gathered to discuss over it. During meeting one the villager pointed out that we don’t have a god to guide and protect us, and this may be the reason we have been suffering. Then all the villagers agreed that then need a god. Among them there was a man named Sherub, who is farsighted, knowledgeable and reliable man. Then villagers insisted him to go and receive god. He denied, saying he is incapable for this task. He said this task can be only accomplished by Gomchen phawang (Bat). Then sherub went in all the direction in search of bat but met with gods of four directions but couldn’t find bat. Then one of the god from four direction prophesied that bet is inside their village only, inside a cave call Asi-kaure draphy (cave) which shadow falls in water and water splashes on the walls of cave. And this place is believed to be located at the bottom of Kongla bra (Kongla cliff) at the end of Chali and still there are many bats in it. Bat was brought to the village and at first, bat also denied the villagers request but towards end of the day bat accepted but he said gift has to be taken for sons and daughters of god. For sons they arranged three armful of arrows and for daughters three Urka (Lether sack) full of Bakur (square shaped bamboo container). Then, bat made his journey towards north. After a long journey bat reached Tsampa, place believed to be located in Tibet, where god Gung-Lha-Lhapsang Gyelpo resides. Finally he could meet the god and shared his reason for visit. God criticize him about his face, legs and wings, so, he can return him alone, but he changed every criticism in positive way by saying “my rat like face is to sing a song for god father and mother, my skinny leg is to perform dance in front of god father and mother, my lathery wings is to fan your god father and mother. Bad couldn’t send back with all the means and strategies of god, finally promised to send one of his children. Gunglha lhapsang Gelpo has four daughter and four sons. He told to send one the daughter to god mother and she said to god to send one of his son. God father and mother had a very hot discussion over it. And they decided to roll a die, and god father lose the game and had to send his son along with bat to bless Chalipas (Residents of Chali). Here at Chali goat was received by Sherub along with the villagers. Since then Sherub was known as Bonpo pa Sherub, since it was a Bon Lha (God of Bon religion).And his descendent has to perform Bonpo Wanboo (Shaman). And Bonpodpa Sherub became host along with another rich household. And currently there is four household descendent holding as host during Kharphu. But, with passing time and generation Bonpodpa Sherub’s descendent couldn’t shoulder the responsibilities of Wanbu and is appointed one of the interested and capable people from their village. There is no as such rule to appoint Wanbu. There is unique lyric and tune from journey of god’s son of including all the places where till Chali, different household visiting household lyrics and blessing, farewell lyric and unique tones.

Gar-zo (Blacksmith/iron craft) is one of the Bhutan's 13 traditional crafts and is considered as one of the earliest crafts/arts of the Bhutanese people. It is believed that it was introduced by a Tibetan saint known as Dupthob Thangtong Gyalpo in the 14th Century. He is revered by the Bhutanese people as a master engineer for his skill in casting iron chains and erecting them as bridges over gorges. He is supposed to have built eight suspension bridges in Bhutan. One can still see one of the bridges crossing over the Paro Chu, on the road from Paro to Thimphu, and linking the highway to the famous Tachog lhakhang (temple). The remains of another bridge can be viewed at the National Museum in Paro. However, J. LaRocca,D (2006) in his book mentioned that Dupthob Thangthong Gyalpo came to Bhutan for the first time in 1433-44 to gather the iron ore to build bridges in Tibet. The iron he collected was forged into 7000 links by a team of 18 blacksmiths from five villages near Paro, one of the village was Woochu where the art is still practiced today. It was believed that Thangthong Gyalpo distributed 18 anvils as a token of gratitude among the blacksmiths gathered and blessed them to earn their livelihood and flourish the craft. The donation of iron chain links to Dupthob was an evidence that the people of Woochu practiced the iron craft way before Thangthong Gyalpo’s visit. Unfortunately there are no records and even the oldest living master blacksmith had nothing to substantiate on this matter. There were many places in Bhutan that manufactured iron handicrafts before but with passing time the art and skills faded and only few places are still practicing it today, one of it being Woochu. The origin of black smithy in Woochu is lost in antiquity. There are no records or documents to trace the origin of the art. However, oral accounts of some elderly people posits that the art might have started out of necessity. Before Woochu was known for its famous blades, it manufactured agricultural tools that were used by the locals. Moreover, recent findings showed that a large forging took place near the place where the iron formation was found. Gaw (Blacksmith) Phajo also believes that the founding of black smithy will not be possible without the iron ore. So he supports the idea of the foundation of black smithy due to the iron ore that was found in the area. The blacksmiths of Woochu manufactured and repaired agriculture tools for the locals before it became known for the famous Woochu blades. Woochu blades are very popular and are known for their tensile strength and durability. There were only three iron craftsmen with traditional knowledge and skills before, all are officially retired now. Blacksmithing, a traditional craftsmanship handed down for several hundred years, was on the verge of extinction. With not many blacksmiths remaining and even lesser apprentices showing interest in learning the skill. Those who used to practice the trade has died and some were retired. The younger generations seemed disinterested in taking up the art. Initially the blacksmiths in the area took up the art as part of earning daily wage. It was like any other job that fetched money. Moreover, the job of a blacksmith was physically tiring, and the social stigma that the trade carried was perhaps another reason why it has failed to attract the attention of the younger generations in the community. The blacksmiths were looked down in the community. The art of crafting fine Bhutanese swords was on the decline. In 2016, His Majesty the King commanded for a training center to be set up in Woochu to revive the dying art. Reviving the centuries-old trade was challenging but not impossible. Royal Metal Craft Center (RMCC) was an intervention aimed at reviving and promoting dying crafts and reinstating it as a source of livelihood. The center is now established and works are underway to further develop it.

The art of knifemaking is old and ancient, and because knives are made by hand, they are a sought-after product in all countries of the world. Among the most ancient forms of knives, Kazakh, kagyi, tolbargi, panvandli, koshkhovuz and several other types have come down to us. Today's types of these, such as horn sop, yorma sop, suqma sop, kalai sar, mis sarbasta, sadafli, chilmekha, suyaksop, sadafsop, have been formed. The side of the needle is mainly made of hardened steel and steel. Currently, there are about twenty knife-making centers in Uzbekistan, which differ from each other in their work technology, shape and decoration.

Uzbekistan

The Kalbelias are an itinerant community who ascribe their origin to Guru Kanni Pavji (one of the masters of the mystical Nath Sect) who granted them the gift of handling snakes. In traditional rural society, Kalbelia men would carry cobras in cane baskets from door to door in the village while their women would sing and dance and beg for alms. In so doing, they passed on mythological stories that revered the cobra and advocated non-killing of the reptile. So, if a snake inadvertently entered a home, then a Kalbelia would be hastily summoned to catch and take the serpent away through non-violent means, such as music, without killing it. Kalbelias have traditionally been a fringe group existing at the periphery of the mainstream society. Largely, the Kalbelias live in spaces outside the village where they reside in makeshift camps called 'deras.' With their belongings on the back of donkeys, and with a few hunting dogs of the 'Lohari' breed, the Kalbelias used to move their 'deras' from one place to another in a circuitous route repeated over time. With the experience and received wisdom of generations, the Kalbelias have acquired a unique understanding of the local flora and fauna, and are aware of herbal remedies for various diseases. This is also an alternative source of income for them. With the Wildlife Act in place, the Kalbelias have moved away from their traditional profession of snake handling. Now, their performing arts are a major source of income for them. Fortunately, their art forms have received widespread recognition within and outside India, and their economic status has improved. However, performance opportunities are sporadic and the whole community is not involved in it on regular basis. Hence, many members of the community work in the fields, or graze cattle to sustain themselves. Nonetheless the entire community is today known for its performing art tradition. The Kalbelias have a great tradition of song and dance which is a strong marker of their identity. Women sing and dance while the men play on musical instruments. The music and dance of the Kalbelia have a distinct relation to their earlier profession as snake charmers. The Poongi is the traditional wind instrument that the Kalbelia men play to a specific tune to capture snakes. Nowadays, women dancers try to replicate the rhythmic movements of a serpent’s body through their dance. Poongi, a two feet long wind instrument used by Kalbelia musicians, is unique to them. They make the 'poongi,' from locally grown gourds that impart a plaintive tonality to their music. Giving rhythm to the 'poongi' is the 'khanjari' - a percussion instrument made of wood and hide. Besides these, there are other instruments including the 'ghuralio' – similar to the harp but unique to the Kalbelias. When the Kalbelias go around the village from door to door, they sing from their wide repertoire of songs about the rites of passage in life. It is noteworthy that the highly entertaining Kalbelia songs also disseminate mythological knowledge to the people through stories. They have many traditional dances like the 'Loor', which is performed during the festival of Holi. During this joyous festival of colours, groups of Kalbelias perform in village squares and streets while playing with colours with the community. Moving from house to house, the Kalbelia men play the one-sided drum called the 'chang' or the 'daph'. Most of the 'Loor' dance songs are full of fun and gaiety. 'Matku' is yet another traditional dance performed by the Kalbelias routinely. In this dance, the dancer's upper torso is used more actively with flowing hand gestures. The men are traditionally attired in colourful ‘safas’ or turbans, white 'kurtas' and 'dhotis' (shirt and unstitched lower garment) and embroidered footwear called ‘mojdies.’ The women’s traditional costumes consist of a ‘ghaghra’ (pleated skirt) and a ‘choli’ (full-sleeved upper garment) that comes down till the knee. The ‘ghaghra’ or the pleated skirt is enlarged manifold by using eleven meters of cloth. The ‘ghaghra’ along with the upper garment called ‘jhumpher’ is richly embroidered with mirror work and embellished with silver thread. Other significant features of their make-up are the use of traditional tattoo designs and ‘kajal’ or kohl. Over a period of time, the Kalbelias have improvised on their costumes and jewellery. They have begun using new make-up techniques and have added more instruments to their music. Similarly Kalbelia jewellery has also undergone creative modification. They also use an embroidered colourful waistband called ‘patto’ decorated with small mirrors and cowry shells. There are colourful bangles, and ‘phoondi’ - tassels worn by women. This creative process of change has made the Kalbelia dance more vibrant and vigorous in its steps. The dancers have added many acrobatic features into their dance, like bending backwards to pick up a ring from the ground with their eyelids, and so on. Dancers spin in circles with swirling skirts to the beat of a percussion instrument, taking the dance to a crescendo.

India 2010

Gagaku is one of the Japanese performing arts, which are expressed by playing musical instruments, with long, slow songs and dance-like movements, and performed at ceremonies or banquets at the Imperial Palace or in a theatre, such as the National Theatre in Tokyo. Gagaku consists of (i) Kuniburi no Utamai, (ii) the Japanized dance and music which had been derived from the Continent, and (iii) Utamono. The substances or repertoires have been created in the history and culture of Japan and become distinctive. Kuniburi no Utamai had been formed up around the tenth century with original Japanese songs and dances long before foreign music and instruments were brought into Japan in the fifth century. While the dance and music that came via the continent use only musical instruments, Kuniburi no Utamai is mainly composed of songs and played just partly with a Japanese harp and Kagura flute. The choreography of Kuniburi no Utamai is simple but noble and grave. The Japanized dance and music which had been derived from the Continent consist of an instrumental tune, kangen, which developed from such Asian music and dances that reached Japan via ancient China and the Korean peninsula during the four hundred years from the fifth century through the ninth century, and was shaped by the history and culture of Japan, and (b) bugaku, the ceremonial dance to this tune. The Japanization is the process as follows: (i) the configuration of performance consisting of those derived from China, Central Asia, and India and those from the Korean peninsula: (ii) the selection of foreign music instruments and the formation of the smaller chamber music ensembles. Those used here are wind instruments (Sho, Hichiriki and Fue), strings (Biwa and So), percussion instruments, and others. Utamono is the vocal music that was newly formed around the tenth century in Japan under the influence of music from abroad. Some of its lyrics are Japanese folk songs and some are ancient Chinese poems. As briefly explained above, the history of Gagaku stretches over more than a millennium. Gagaku-ryo, i.e. the department of Gagaku, was set up as a national institution by the enactment of the year 701. The Imperial Court aimed at establishing a centralized State under the rule of written laws and regulations, known as Ritsu-Ryo Kokka. Historians think that Gagaku was incorporated into the national system as an essential part of official ceremonies. In 752, for example, these performing arts were performed at the ceremony to bring the soul into Great Buddha statue in the temple of Todai-ji, which has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1998. In the tenth century the performing arts from the Asian continent were sophisticated and Japanized while new Utamono and new repertoires of Bugaku were composed under the influence of performing arts from abroad; the form of today’s Gagaku was being established. Moreover, the style of acting and the performance space were also being set. The individual members who compose the Music Department of the Imperial Household Agency in charge of the transmission of Gagaku are mainly descendants of specific families who occupied such posts as a family profession. Although the tradition of Gagaku faced difficulties several times because of the decline of the Imperial Court and the aristocracy, who were patrons of Gagaku, and because of political turbulence and conflicts, certain families in Kyoto, Osaka, and Nara have kept the tradition, and do not let it cease. In the latter half of the 18th century, the Musical Department of the Imperial Household Agency was established, incorporating musicians from several localities, and this was the predecessor of the Musical Department of the Imperial Household Agency. As explained above, the Department members recognize Gagaku as part of their precious cultural heritage transmitted from their ancestors. As Gagaku has been designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property of Japan since 1955, it is recognized as an item of important cultural heritage which has high historical and artistic value for the Japanese people. Gagaku is the oldest tradition among the Japanese traditional performing arts. The Music Department of the Imperial Household Agency is widely recognized as the authentic transmitter of the tradition. The transmitters recognize Gagaku as their own unique culture of which they can be proud before their contemporaries in Japan and throughout the world. The transmission and performance of Gagaku contribute greatly to raising the holding community’s sense of identity and continuity. Thus, Gagaku has been transmitted from generation to generation for a long time, developed corresponding to the politics and the surroundings of each time, and constantly recreated. The history of Gagaku illustrates very well how Japan has transformed culture from abroad and sophisticated them as part of our own culture. The performing arts transmitted to-day varies from those originating in ancient Japan to Japanized, sophisticated and developed ones derived from abroad. In this sense, Gagaku is the crystallization of the culture created by the society and history of Japan. In 1955 Gagaku was recognized as a part of cultural heritage, and designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property. Therefore, Gagaku functions as one cultural tool to reconfirm the Japanese identity.

Japan 2009

Zhetygen (kaz "zhe-igeen" - "seven strings") - is an ancient Kazakh and Turkish polychord musical instrument with soft and melodious sound, resembling a harp or reclined Gusli. Musical instrument’s name comes from its original form, which had seven strings. The origin of zhetygen associated with its legendary foundation. The essence of the legend associated with the tragic situation in the family of old nomad who lost seven sons due to the jute ('dzut' - a massive loss of livestock from starvation). Improvised music and sounds made during the play on zhetygen resembled images of children and reflected the grief of the father, alternately deceased sons. Since zhetygen became a symbol of the powerlessness of man in front of the elements of nature and the chaos of the universe. Zhetygen contributed to the emergence of instrumental kuy plays, the first of which is considered 'Zhetigenning zheteui' ('Seven kuys of zhetygen'). The most ancient type of zhetygen was an oblong box, carved from a piece of wood strung with seven strings. There was no upper sounding board, but there were pegs made of assyk (kaz. "assyq" - talus bone of a sheep and less frequently other small cattle) on this type of zhetygen. The strings are stretched by hand from the outside of the tool. Later zhetygen’s upper part was covered with a wooden deck. Under each string are substituted assyks on both sides acting as pegs. Moving them, you can set the string.

Skills of playing in string musical instrument chang (like harp).