Mudiyettu is a ritualistic art form of Kerala based on the mythological tale of battle between the goddess Kali and the demon Darika. It is a community ritual in which the entire village participates. After the summer crops have been harvested, the villagers reach the temple early in the morning on an appointed day. The traditional performers of Mudiyettu having purified themselves through fasting and prayers, proceed to draw on the temple floor a huge image of goddess Kali called 'Kalam' with coloured powder obtained from organic material. Kalam helps the performers imbue the spirit of the goddess. This is followed by an enactment of Kali-Darika myth, where Kali eventually vanquishes the demon. Mudiyettu performance which is said to herald the dawn of peaceful and prosperous new year, purifies and rejuvenates the whole community. It is performed annually in 'Bhagavati Kavus'', the temples of the goddess in different villages of Kerala along the rivers, Chalakkudy Puzha, Periyar and Moovattupuzha among thenMarar and Kurup communities. Mudiyettu combines in itself the mythic, the ritual, the festive and the ecological aspects of the community. At the same time it is an expression of aesthetic and creative aspirations of the community.

India 2010

Songket is a traditional Malaysian handwoven fabric. It is woven on two-pedal floor looms by the Malay women In Malay Peninsula (West Malaysia) and in Sarawak (East Malaysia). The term Songket is derived from the technique employed to make it: inserting gold or silver thread in between the weft and warp threads. Songket is woven using the Malay weaving loom called 'kek'. Songket is woven as the supplementary weft method, a decorative weaving technique in which extra threads "float" across a colourful woven ground to create ornamental effect. The delicate piece of Songket is the result of many months of skilled handloom weaving by expert craftsmen who learn the art from their ancestors. The identity is traced by its design patterns that use geometry and elements of nature such as flowers, birds and insects. The motifs of tampuk manggis (mangosteen calyx), tampuk kesemak (persimmon), bunga pecah lapan (eight-petal flower), bunga bintang (star-patterned flower), pucuk rebung (bamboo shoots) and awan larat (trailing clouds) are among the most frequently used. These traditional patterns continue to be used, especially in aspects of separation and placing the various parts of the cloth such as the centerfield, main panel and end borders. Unlike the old days, Songket is only worn by royalty and their families. But todays, it is mostly worn as traditional Malay ceremonial costumes during royal installations, wedding, birth, Malay festive occasions and formal state functions.

Malaysia 2021

Rigma Chudruk Cham is a pacifying dance, performed solely by monks wearing exquisite costumes to represent the sixteen goddesses that make various offerings to enlightened beings. Generally, the dance has two types: Rigma Chudruk Cham and Rigma Chudruk Nga Cham. Though the costumes are identical, these dances can be easily differentiated by the instruments they use. The first Rigma Chudruk Cham performs with Drilbu, bell, and Daru or Damaru, a small two-headed drum. The latter dance exclusively plays Nga drums with Ne-tok, drum-stick. The dance is known by various names across different Buddhist traditions: Rigma Chudruk Cham; Khandro-mai Cham Dance of Dakinis; Zhe-wai Cham pacifying dance; Dorji Lhamo chudruk sixteen Vajra Dakinis; Choe-pai Lhamo Chudruk Sixteen Offering Goddesses; and Dodyon-gi Lhamo Chudruk Sixteen Pleasurable Goddesses. The sixteen goddesses not only bestow wisdom but also entertain and bring enjoyable offerings to the enlightened spiritual beings. These goddesses are generally classified into three groups: Outer, Inner, Secret Offering Goddesses. The first group consists of four members: 1. Gegmo-ma, Skt. Lasya, Goddess of Grace 2. Threngwa-ma, Skt. Mala, Garland Goddess 3. Lu-ma, Skt. Gita, Singer 4. Gar-ma, Skt. Nirti, Dancer The second group has also four members: 1. Meto-ma, skt. Pushpe, Flower Offering Goddess 2. Dhugpe-ma, Skt. Dhupa, Incense Offering Goddess 3. Nangsel-ma, Skt. Aloka, Lamp offering Goddess 4. Drichab-ma, Perfume Offering Goddess The third group has five goddesses: 1. Piwang-ma, Violin player 2. Lingbu-ma, flute player 3. Ngadum-ma, Drum player 4. Zanga-ma, Skt. Muranyyaze, Clay-drum player 5. Zuk Dorji-ma, Skt. Vajra Dakini, Vajra Form Goddess The last group has three. 1. Ro Dorj- ma, Taste Vajra Goddess 2. Rek-ja Dorji ma, Feeling Vajra Goddess 3. Choying Dorji ma, Skt. Dharmadatu Vajra Dakini, Vajra Goddess of unfabricated awareness.

Colloquially, a mask often used in artistic mask dance performances to disguise or hide the original appearance is called “Baab” in Dzongkha (Bhutanese language) and in many local dialects. Baab is not only used for masquerade, but represents the appearance and expression of enlightened beings, celestial beings, guardian deities, and some extraordinary human beings who have helped to shape meaningful human life and promote harmonious living, which is why it is also referred to by the honorific title Zhal baab (face mask). Baab comes in many forms, appearances, complexions and with exceptional features that represent transcendent religious meanings and significance. Baab is the product of an art that requires several skills such as religious knowledge including proper proportions, biodiversity as the basic raw materials are woods, craftsmanship, blacksmithing in making tools and finally painting to give the mask the final structure. According to historical texts, the Baab tradition and the performance of the mask dance, usually called Gar-cham, was introduced to Bhutan by Guru Padmasambava in the early 8 th century. Later, it was further developed by eminent Buddhist masters, especially Terton (discoverer of the hidden treasure) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521), who introduced many sacred mask dances and passed on the art of Baab making, which is still recognized and known today for his contribution to the enrichment of Bhutan’s indigenous art and culture. His exceptional art of Baab making and mask dances was later recognized by Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651), the head of the state government, and included as one of the of Bhutan’s intangible cultural heritage domain of arts and crafts. Thereafter, the Baab tradition was maintained and enjoyed increasing popularity after the heads of the state government, chief abbots and successive monarchs introduced and authorized other private religious institutions to organize Tshe-chu, Drub-chen, Chod-pa, Rab-ne, Me-wang, Ma-ni, Due-chod (mask dance festivals), etc. throughout the country. In general, the manifestations of Baab can be summarized as; Baab of deities and gods, animals and extraordinary human beings. It is firmly believed that the masks of the deities and gods manifest themselves in various emotional appearances such as; graceful, heroic, abominable, wrathful, compassionate, comical, wondrous, terrifying and petrifying. These expressions can also be divided into four categories: peaceful, inspiring, empowering and angry. There are three types of masks made by Bhutanese artisans: Re baab (paper and cloth mask), Shing baab (wooden mask) and Sing-phye baab (mask made of a mixture of sawdust). However, the former two are ancient technical craft, while the latter is a newer product used mainly for commercial or decorative purposes. Traditionally, Baab are used only for the actual performance or kept as relics after the consecration ceremony has been performed by spiritual masters. It is believed that if these items are not blessed, they are as good as toys and are haunted by the spirits, causing harm to society.

The name for this festival brings together two words, Lha means god and Soel means offering or prayer. The tradition in Sangbekha is primarily a Bon practice. Bon was a diverse body of localized ritual practices flourishing in Tibet before Buddhism expanded into the region. According to Sam Van Schaik (2013), Bon or the Bonpo religion, only emerged as a unified body of practices when put in contrast to Buddhist practice as the “othered” alternative to Buddha’s teachings. Following the eleventh century, the diverse practices organized and formalized in conversation with contemporary practices. Scriptures emerged, mainly through Terma hidden treasures, and visions of Tertons who discover the treasures such as Loden Nyingpo. Although Bon Terma contain legends that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, Van Shaik notes "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Following these developments and reforms of the practices to eliminate animal sacrifices, some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school within Tibetan Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon practice waned. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition is not as strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan. The Bon tradition takes refuge in the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and formerly involved offering animals in sacrifice. The Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag or district, such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lha-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo male shamen, and Neljorm or Pamo female shaman, of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of the year prepares for the rituals, tents are pitched near the organizer's house and the Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days. In an interview with 68-year-old female shaman Aum, elder, Kencho Om has been a Pamo for 25 years in Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag a district of eastern Bhutan. She said that the Pamos are the same as Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals. It is believed that the abilities of Pamo continuously persist through the family line. When a practitioner dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity to choose the legitimate “wife” to inherit the role among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but learned the and rituals transmitted through their family line. According to her, Pamo play an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life. They do what others cannot, such as mediate through the mind. The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of Tsa energy channels, the Lung wind channel, and the Thig-le seed channel in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness. The Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.

Death is often considered as a great loss but not more than the fear incurred from the unnatural deaths; such as accidents from falling off a tree or death caused due to an encounter with wild animals as they strongly believe that death has been caused from dishonoring the deities or by evil spirits or by bad spells from somebody. They conduct very elaborate ceremonies to appease the spirit of the deceased and deities, especially the deceased with food and drinks so as to prevent misfortune to the surviving people. Lhops believe in the dual existence; that when death occurs, the soul, Se-hok, leaves the body and dwells in the emptiness for certain period and later joins the world of Sim-pu (death).

Chhau is a major dance tradition of eastern India. It enacts episodes from epics Mahabharata, Ramayana, Puranas, traditional folklore,local legends and abstract themes through the idiom of dance and a music ensembles that consists primarily of indigenous drums. It is seen in its distinct styles in Seraikella, Mayurbhanj and Purulia that are neighbouring areas of the states of Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal respectively. Chhau of Seraikella uses masks. Its technique and its repertoire was developed by the erstwhile nobility who were both performers and choreographers. Mayurbhanj Chhau is performed without masks and has a technique similar to Seraikella. The Chhau of Purulia retains the spontaneity of folk art. It is also performed with masks. The population is largely agricultural, though with urbanization and an increasing pressure on land, people have come to depend on other means of livelihood, mainly as unskilled labour in small towns. Predominantly Hindus, their religious beliefs, festivals and rituals have been influenced by the pre-existing tribal customs. The Chhau Dance in its traditional context is intimately connected to the festivals and rituals of this region. Important among these is the Chaitra Parva held in the month of April. The month of Chaitra in the Hindu calendar celebrates the advent of spring and the beginning of the harvesting season. Thirteen days of dance-like rituals of Jatra Ghat, Mangla Ghat, Kalika Ghat and Brindabani are dedicated to Shiva and Shakti as the source of all cosmic creation. These culminate in a vibrant festival of dance. Support of the erstwhile rulers made it an important event. In present times, the festival is supported by funding provided by the provincial government. Any paucity in funds is fulfilled by garnering support from local sponsors. All the arrangements for this festival are done by an organizing committee that is constituted by the people themselves and has representation from all sections of the society. Various communities, according to their occupations were responsible for different aspects of the dance. This division, though blurred with time is still to be seen in activities like instrumentmaking, music, mask and headgear-making. While royal patronage was extended to the Chhau of Seraikella and Mayurbhanj, the Chhau of Purulia was sustained and developed by the people themselves. This whole exercise promoted popular participation and fostered a sense of commitment to the art that is still palpable among the people of these regions. Chhau traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Important among these was the Paika tradition. Paikas were soldiers brought up by the native rulers of Orissa. The Parikhand khela (play of the sword and shield) in Seraikella Chhau and the ruk-mar-naach (meaning the dance of attack and defence) in Mayurbhanj Chhau clearly point to these martial moorings. The basic stances of Chowk and Dharan are common and have an inherent strong martial character. Some of the dancers that excelled in these techniques, for example the Parikhars in the Seraikella tradition were invited to perform at social/religious ceremonies. It is a people’s art as it involves the entire community. Performed by male dancers of families of traditional artists, or those trained under Gurus or Ustads (masters). It traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Khel (mock combat techniques), chalis and topkas (stylized gaits of birds and animals) and uflis (movements modeled on the daily chores of a village housewife) constitute the fundamental vocabulary of Chhau dance. It is performed in an open space called akhada or asar and lasts through the night. The dancers perform a repertoire that explores a variety of subjects: local legends, folklore and episodes from the epics Ramayana/ Mahabharata and abstract themes. The vibrant music is characterized by the rhythm of indigenous drums like the dhol, dhumsa and kharka and the melody of the mohuri and shehnai. Rhythm is vital to the rendering of Chhau. Some of the rhythms of Chhau are from the repertory of drummers playing at births, deaths and other life-cycle ceremonies in households of this region. The composition of the rhythm is so structured that it is independently capable of expressing the emotive content of the dance.

India 2010

The Canggung dance is an identity of the state of Perlis, originated from the Makyung Laut dance, first introduced during the Japanese occupation around 1941. This dance was first performed by two siblings of dancers in an entertainment festival for the Japanese soldiers and public in the city of Kangar. Since then Canggung expanded to all over Perlis and becomes a famous folk dance, performed during the harvest seasons and at wedding ceremonies and festivities. The dance movements have similarities with the Ronggeng dance, but with its own values. Its traditionality lies on the songs sung in exchanges of quatrains and in this way the audiences get the entertainment. The quatrains are synicals, attracting, teasing, as well as jestering and the like, in nature. The dancers dance in couples. A female dancer holds a handkerchief, dances and sings in rotation while spontaneously exchanging quatrains with a male dancer. The female wears batik sarong, long kebaya dress and plucked flowers on the hairbun. The male wears Malay attire and songkok as headgear.

The ‘Ngajat Lesung’ is one of the famous dances in Sarawak. This is an Iban traditional dance and is believed to have been performed by warriors on their return from battles. This dance is now performed to celebrate the most important harvest festival called ‘Gawai’, to welcome important guests to the longhouses. In this dance, the knees are bent and kept close together as they twist from side to side, ending with a simple tap of the heel on the ground. The arms move from left to right in front of the body. The dance is done gracefully. Apparently, the hornbill, an iconic bird of Sarawak, inspires all the movements. The male dancer in this dance represents the warrior who shows off his strength by biting a wooden mortar called the ‘lesung kayu’ with his teeth while dancing. It weighs about seven kilogrammes. The male dancers wear feathers as part of their headgear, hold an ornate and long shield in their hand with chains, beads and a loincloth called the ‘sirat’. The female dancers have an elaborate headdress, chains, beads and a ‘dress’ that reaches below their knees with intricate weaving. Gongs and other ethnic percussion instruments such as the ‘enkeromong’, ‘bendai’, ‘canang’ and ‘dumbak or ketebong’ provide the music.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Namwon Nongak refers to a variation of nongak being transmitted in the Ongjeong-ri neighborhood of Namwon-si City, Jeollabuk-do Province. It shares musical and performance characteristics with other forms of nongak transmitted in the eastern portion of the Jeolla region. This tradition can be categorized as a form of community ritual (mageul gut) which is generally composed of a rite for community guardians, door-to-door visits to individual households, and pan gut entertainment shows. It is also a form of donation-gathering rite (geollip gut). Namwon Nongak is known for its unique composition of shows in the latter part of the pan gut. Practitioners of Namwon Nongak are still crafting their own budeul sangmo, a type of headgear characterized by a tuft of soft feathers on top that is exclusive to the eastern Jeolla nogak tradition.

South Korea 2014

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea As nongak (farmers’ music) that has been handed down in Pilbong, Imsil, Imsil Pilbong Nongak belongs to Honam Jwado Nongak (Farmers’ Performance of the Western Jeolla-do). Simple farmers’ music such as that performed on occasions like dangsangut (rite to village guardian) or madang bapgi (treading on the courtyard) had been handed down in this village. The music is said to have become sophisticated around 1920 when the villagers started learning the performing skills from Park Hak-sam, who served as sangsoe (leader of a farmers’ music troupe). The members of a farmer’s music troupe wear white jacket and trousers, with blue vest over the jacket and bands in three colors tied to the head. As for the headgear, only the soejabi (gong player) wears sangmo (hat with feathers or strings attached); others wear gokkal (conical hat). A farmer’s music troupe is composed of yonggi (dragon flag), nonggi (farmers’ flag), long soenabal (trumpet), samul four percussion instruments, i.e., two kkwaenggwari (small gongs), two jing (large gongs), two buk (drums), and four janggo (hourglass-shaped drums), beopgo (Buddhist drum), japsaek referring to a group composed of yangban (nobleman), daeposu (drummer), jorijung (masked clown), changbu (male clown), gaksi (young girl), hwadong (young girl) and mudong (dancing boys). The local farmers’ music has many versions according to different occasions: maegut (village ritual held on New Year's Eve on the lunar calendar), madang bapgi, dangsanjegut (rite to village guardians), duregut (performance for villagers’ unity), and pangut (entertainment-oriented performance). Among them, Pangut showcases the best artistic quality. The Yeongsan rhythms contained in the local farmer’s music in Imsil are slow with have many variations, such as gajin yeongsan, dadeuraegi yeongsan, mijigi yeongsan, jaeneomgi yeongsan, gunyeong nori yeongsan, etc. The local farmer’s music in Pilbong, Imsil features clear-cut rhythms of kkwaenggwari (small gongs), powerful/gallant rhythms, and emphasis on teamwork rather than individuals’ skills.

South Korea 2014

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea The gat, a traditional Korean hat, was an essential item of attire for men whenever they went out in public. It was referred to by several different names including Heungnip, Chillip, or Pyeongnip. Gannil, the method of making these hats with fine bamboo strips or horsehair, involved a complex series of techniques in which the chongmoja (the cup-shaped upper part of the hat) and the yangtae (its brim) were produced first, and then combined in a process called ipja, which consisted in covering the headgear with silk fabric and lacquering. The demand for Korean bamboo hats declined sharply after the proclamation of the topknot decree and the introduction of Western culture including western-style clothing in the 20th century. The heritage is currently preserved in Tongyeong, Yecheon and Jeju.