ALL
juniper
ICH Elements 19
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Traditional knowledge in medicine
Knowledge of the Kyrgyz concerning treatment and use of medicinal plants is distinguished by depth and diversity. It contains knowledge and practice about harvesting, drying, and storing medicinal plants, and their use in traditional medicine. Different tinctures, decoctions, ointments, and powders made of plants for treatment purposes are used today in traditional medicine to treat bleedings, heart deceases, kinks, scabs. Except plants, natural objects, minerals, and animal limbs are used in traditional medicine. The so called psychological treatment methods such as spells and exorcisms were used in the past, to which the Kyrgyz, rarely, but still resort to nowadays.
Kyrgyzstan -
Yak-lai: Propitiation of Yak god
A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.
Bhutan -
Poe-zo: Incense making
An artistic product often like a stick or a bunch of sticks basically made from powders of mixed aromatic plants and medicinal substances. It emits sweet fragrance smoke when burnt and normally offered in and at the sacred places to please deities and to get cleansed and rid-off defilements. The production of incense is considered one of the religious crafts, and it is another way of making Sang (smoke) offering. According to the Bhutanese artisans’, the craftsmanship dates back to the time immemorable when the first Lord Buddha Nam-par zig-pa (Skt. Bispa shayi) attained enlightenment and offered the Sweet Fragrance smoke by burning the Incenses by the enlightened beings; celestial beings and Bodhiasattavas made from varieties of heavenly medicinal herbs. The tradition gradually spread in the spheres of Bonpos (per Buddhist religion of Tibet) and Hinduism and maintained its skill until Buddha Sakya Muni’s period which is about 2500 years back then. The art was also adopted by the Chinese Buddhist missioners and further spread to Mongolia, Korea and Japan as well. In Tibet, the making Smoke offerings and burning incense was officially implemented the 7th Century during the reign of King Songtsen Gampo (R. 618 AD- 650 AD) when Princess Wenchang (M. 641 AD-650 AD) and her entourage members suffered illness while heading towards Lhasa (then, the capital of Tibet) as bride to the King. The Princess tried to medicated using physician attendants but could not bring to the normal yet, by offering the smoke offering made attendants fully recovered. The instruction to make Smoke Offering was from the Minister Thonmi Sambota () who had a visualization from the sacred Sakya Muni images to collect the medicinal herbs from the mountains and making smokes will ease any diseases associated to Nagas. Later, incense making and burning tradition was gradually invented using the same raw materials and medicinal ingredients of Smoke offering. In Bhutan, the art of Incense making was brought by the Country Unifier Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1654) and was initially practiced in the Dzongs (fortress) by the monk artisans. Thereafter, the tradition remained intact amongst the Bhutanese being the Buddhist and making offering of incense had been a daily special offering substances in the individual shrines, temples and monasteries. Currently, there are a countable incense manufacturing centers across the country. These industries produce mainly two different incenses: Ja-ju poe (herbal incense) with a yellowish texture and Zu-poe or Choe-jue poe (incense mixed with flesh and blood ingredients) with a brown color. Ja-ju incense is usually burned explicitly for the enlightened beings and when performing Drol-chog (ritual of Goddess Tara), while the other is offered to the guardian deities and guardian spirits during affirmation rituals.
Bhutan -
Mongolian traditional practices of worshipping the sacred sites
Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.
Mongolia 2017 -
Aghash Oyu – wood carving
Wood carving is widespread in Kazakhstan as a traditional craft. The yurt’s frame is entirely made of wood, including the shanyrakh (cylindrical top part), uykh (poles that are embedded in the shanyrakh and fixed to keregeh, or greedwall) and sykhyrlauikh (doors). The internal furniture is made of wood as well. including abdireh or sandykh (chests), tosekaghash or keruet (bed), besyk (cradle), assadal (buffet), kebezheh (kitchen cabinet) and dastarkhan (low table). Kitchenware is partly made of wood, including kubyi (butter making jar), tegeneh (cups for kumis, fermented mare’s milk), ozhau (ladle), tostaghan (bowls), saptiyayak (water dippers), astau (bastau, a large plate for boiled meat) and tabakh (plate). As well, special wooden stands (zhukh ayakh) are carved for protection against humidity. Wood carving is also used for production of musical instruments, souvenirs and horse-saddles (yer). Wood carving is widespread in Kazakhstan as a traditional craft. The yurt’s frame is entirely made of wood, including the shanyrakh (cylindrical top part), uykh (poles that are embedded in the shanyrakh and fixed to keregeh, or greedwall) and sykhyrlauikh (doors). The internal furniture is made of wood as well. including abdireh or sandykh (chests), tosekaghash or keruet (bed), besyk (cradle), assadal (buffet), kebezheh (kitchen cabinet) and dastarkhan (low table). Kitchenware is partly made of wood, including kubyi (butter making jar), tegeneh (cups for kumis, fermented mare’s milk), ozhau (ladle), tostaghan (bowls), saptiyayak (water dippers), astau (bastau, a large plate for boiled meat) and tabakh (plate). As well, special wooden stands (zhukh ayakh) are carved for protection against humidity. Wood carving is also used for production of musical instruments, souvenirs and horse-saddles (yer). In forest-rich Eastern and Northern Kazakhstan, hardwood trees are used for carving, including red birch, maple, black or red alder, ash, nut tree, and oak. In Southern Kazakhstan, trees like elm, nut tree, pear, acacia, elaeagnus (djygyda), plane tree (chinara) are used for carving. As well, tree roots and knots are used. In South-East of Kazakhstan, elm, apple, nut tree, and buckthorn are usually used by woodcarvers. Table and chair legs, and some yurt parts are usually carved from pine, aspen or poplar. Other hardwood used for carving includes mulberry tree, and in softwood, juniper. Every wood carved product is decorated with ornament. Pattern and design of wood carved objects are also based on the balance of foreground and background, vertical symmetry, importance of central piece and border pattern. Traditional woodcarving includes several techniques and cuts, such as contour, relief and three-sided hollow carving. Relief carving is used for decorating chests, cabinets, doors, beds and kitchenware. Painted relief carving is used for decorating yurt doors and buildings of worship. Three-sided hollow craving is used for making geometric patterns. Cutout is mostly used for floral ornaments. To make dishes water resistant, they are soaked with boiled animal fat. Carved objects can be combined with paintings. Usually the background is unpainted, while the foreground is painted red, blue, green and yellow. Objects can also be decorated with inlaid bones, silver and other metals. Metallic details can be decorated with precious and semi-precious stones.
Kazakhstan -
Tamzhing Phagla Chodpa: Annual Festival of Tamzhing Lhundrub Choeling Lhakhang
Local tradition maintains that Pema Lingpa was looking around Choekhor valley to find a suitable site for his temple when he saw a wild boar digging in the soil. He realized that it was a sign from the enlightened being Dorje Phagmo (deity Vajravarahi) meant to show him the appropriate site. Once the temple was built, during its consecration he instituted a festival dedicated to the guardian deities as a symbol of gratitude. Since the prophecy as well as the ground breaking for Tamzhing temple is believed to have been guided by Dorje Phagmo, the festival is dedicated to her and named Phagla Chodpa. Sherab Wangdi remembers that before the Lhalung Dratshang community arrived at Tamzhing, there were two different grand festivals at the temple, a drub held in the seventh lunar month and Phagla Chodpa in the eighth lunar month. The monthly rituals, the drub, and the mask dances were organized and performed by the Tamzhing drapa (Lay-monks), while the Phagla Chodpa had been coordinated by the late Lama Phuntsho, who traveled from Trongsa Samchoeling. Before Lama Phuntsho would arrive, the Tamzhing threlpa would construct a temporary residence above the temple. Each morning during the Phagla Chodpa, the mask dancers (champa) and female dancers (maniwa) received the lama in a chibdrel procession that moved toward the temple. Oral tradition maintains that ever since the Tamzhing Phagla Chodpa was founded, the mask dances have been performed by the Tamzhing drapas, while the threlpas have sponsored all the food and drinks from the rehearsal day until the last day of the festival. Initially, the Phagla Chodpa lasted only two days, excluding the mewang and chamjug. After Lama Phuntsho passed away, the Phagla Chodpa was not performed for nearly seven years (from 1972–1978) due to misunderstandings between the Tamzhing Choeje and the drapas. The drapas settled in other villages for a number of years. Apparently, after some time they came to decide that the festival is an important ancestral tradition to offer gratitude to the local deities. Thus, the drapas approached the late Lyonpo Tamzhing Jagar—then the Minister of Home and Culture—and made a collective pledge to revive the Phagla Chodpa. The minister appreciated their volunteerism and provided new costumes and some masks for the dances. Performances resumed in 1979, this time incorporating some mask dances performed by the Lhalung monastic community. The addition of Lhalung’s mask dances had the effect of extending the two-day-long festival to three days. Tradition maintains that Tamzhing Choeje has been coordinating Phagla Chodpa and sponsoring one meal during the first day of the festival, while the Tamzhing drapa shouldered responsibility of contributing mask dances, folk dances, and a collectively sponsored meal for the duration of the festival. If the tradition is correct, there has not been a significant change in organizing the Chodpa. In the recent past, at the urging of Sherab Wangdi, local residents made a collective agreement that every household would participate in and contribute to the Phagla Chodpa festival – irrespective of their status as drapa, zurpa or threlpa. Every household has to contribute a man capable of performing mask dances; if a suitable man wasn’t available, a woman has to join as either a maniwa(folk dancer), or as a drangzhapa or dronchongpa (receive guests and serve tea and drink). If there is no one available to volunteer, then that particular household has to be the tsawa (sponsor) for a specific day of the festival. A tshogpa, or village representative, is appointed to ensure the festival runs smoothly. The Chiwog Tshogpa acts as the chairperson while each village provides a reliable person to act as a representative for his/her respective community. Above all, Sherab Wangdi acts on behalf of Tamzhing Choeje in the role of president and oversees all activities related to the festival. On the ninth day of the eighth month which is the chamjug day, the drapa of Tamzhing village acts as the tsawa for the entire day, sponsoring everything from the early morning zheythug (porridge) until the group dinner. The responsibility then rotates: on the inaugural day (tsukton), Tamzhing Choeje is the sponsor, Kharsum and Konchogsum sponsor on the second day (barton), Tekarzhong sponsors on the concluding day (droeton), and on the thruesol day, Rerebi village is responsible. There are additional preparations to be completed before the chamjug. Each household has to send one person to help clean and prepare for the mewang. While the preparation in the shrine is done a day before the chamjug day, the final decoration and cleaning of the surrounding takes place on the thruesol day after lunch is served. a. Day One (9th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Chamjug and Mewang In the morning of the ninth day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance performers gather at the temple courtyard with their belongings, including a mattress, pillow, blankets, plates and a mug. It is a customary that during the Chodpa both female dancers and mask dancers spend the night away from their families, sleeping instead in designated parts of the temple to maintain purity. After distributing the masks, garments, and necessary implements to the respective mask dancers, the group goes to the ground below the Konchogsum Lhakhang to prepare for the mewang, or Fire Blessing. A gate is made from fresh pine tree limbs and bunches of fresh juniper branches, and dried wood and bamboo is piled on both sides. Old bamboo baskets and mats are hung on the limbs to help spread the fire. Mantras and scriptures dedicated to the fire god are also inserted into the structure as they are believed to drive away any unseen evil spirits. The chamjug and Mewang programme ends with that last bey performance, which can take place as late as midnight. According to local oral tradition, the officiants used to visit every household in the villages after the Mewang. Since that was an exhausting event for the lama, gingpa, patselpas and monks, for the last five years they have conducted a performance in the ground instead so as not to exhaust the ritual specialists and dancers by keeping residents up all night, and lastly, to allow for devotees from outside Tamzhing to participate in the Fire Blessing. b. Day Two (10th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Tsukton (Initial day) The mask dances for the tsukton or the 10th day of the eighth lunar month are presented in the following order: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Lang Cham (Mask Dance of the two Oxen), performed by monks; - Phag Cham (Maks Dance of the Hog), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed by monks; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by monks; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by laymen; - Guru Tshengyed Cham (Dance of Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche), performed by monks; - Zhana Nga Cham (Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen. c. Day Three (11th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Barton On the 11th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance programme takes place as follows: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Two Stags), performed by monks; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Four Stags), performed by laymen; - Yoeluema or Zhauli (Dance of the Evil Spirit), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed bby laymen; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by laymen; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by monks; - Zhana Phur Cham (Vajrakila Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen; - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by laymen; - Shinje Cham (Mask Dance of Yama) performed by monks; - Tshangpai Ging Cham (Peling Tshangpai Ging), performed by laymen. d. Day Four (12th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Droeton On the 12th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances are conducted as follows: - Gadpo Gorcham (Dance of the Old man and Senior Atsara), perforemd by laymen; - Throzam Cham, performed by monks; - Shinje (Dance of Yama), performed by laymen; - Durdhag (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by monks; - Tangra Serkyem (Black Hat Dance Offering Serkyem to the Deities), performed by monks; - Sangye Lingpai Nga Cham (Drum Dance of Terton Sangye Lingpa), performed by laymen; - Chendren Ngama (Reception Dance), performed by monks; - Nodjin Tseumar (Processiona and Blessings from the Guardian Deity Teumar), conducted by monks; - Tenwang (Procession and Blessings) from the Buddha Amitayus image crafted by Pema Lingpa; - Pholey Moley (Dance of the Handsome Men and Charming Ladies), performed by laymen. e. Thruesol (13th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Informal Gathering On the 13th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances take place as follows: - Lhabsang and cleanup (Cleansing ritual) - Thruesol (spiritual sprinkling of water)
Bhutan -
Kymyz muryndyk ('initiation of koumiss') Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders
Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present-day reality. The main constituents of the element are: 1.‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient 'first milking'; rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from herds, tethering them, greasing ropes and pegs, milking mares, greasing and smoking vessels for koumiss, fermenting the first-day milk, and celebrating with songs, dances and games. 2. ‘Ayghyr kosu’ (figuratively, ‘stallion’s marriage’) is a rite for adjoining stallions in herds. taking place on the same day. This rite is considered as a recent one that emerged in response to shifting from nomadic life to settling. 3. ‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing'; rite, opening a season of its making and drinking. The above rite names are equally used also for their scope. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.
Kazakhstan 2018 -
Akgijang (Musical Instrument Making)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Akgijang refers to the skill of making instruments used to play the country’s traditional music or to an artisan with such a skill. It is presumed on the basis of murals dating from the Goguryeo Period displaying wind, string, and percussion instruments that such artisans existed during the Three Kingdoms Period (57 BC – 668 AD). During the Joseon Period (1392 – 1910), musical instruments required by the government were made at an independent institution named Akgijoseongcheong (the Office of Production of Musical Instruments) within the Royal Court. The number of types of the country’s traditional musical instruments comes to 60 – 70. Gayageum (twelve-stringed zither) and geomungo (six-stringed zither) are the leading ones, followed by ajaeng (seven-stringed zither), daejaeng (fifteen-stringed zither), and hogeum (two-stringed fiddle). Wagonghu (harp), sugonghu (vertical harp), dangbipa (four-stringed Chinese mandolin), hyangbipa (Korean mandolin), yanggeum (dulcimer), geumgwasul are produced, but rarely used. Generally, the sounding board of a string instrument is made of Paulownia wood. The bottom board is made of chestnut and pine wood. The wood of the jujube tree, ebony, and Chinese juniper tree is used to make pieces decorating instruments. Paulownia, in addition to being rot resistant, has good resonance properties and does not crack during drying. Akgijang is protected through designation as important intangible cultural heritage. Buk (drum) making skills were integrated into Akgijang in March 1995.
South Korea -
Zungbuel: Installation of Inner Relic
Statues, stupas and other religious structures are common sights in Bhutan. They are gorgeous to look at but without proper zung or inner relics, they have no spiritual values. If the statue is not filled in with the zung, it is believed that malevolent spirits get into the statue and cause harm to people. Therefore, installing zung in these structures is very important. With the installation of zung, the religious structure or statues become a living entity capable of bestowing blessings. Zung bestow them with spiritual importance and sacredness, hence inserting zung is tantamount to installing a soul in the body. Ideally, zung offering should be done by an ordained monk who does not eat meat, onion, garlic, drink alcohol, smoke or chew tobacco and has taken the vow of celibacy, but such a person is very rare to find in this modern era. Zung consists of scriptures in the form of mantras or prayers, and precious objects, supported by a sogshing (life wood) in the centre. The sogshing must be a fruit bearing tree with fragrant leaves such as juniper, cypress or sandalwood. It is cut into four sides tapering towards the tip while its base is kept in vajra shape. The whole sogshing is painted red and mantras are inscribed on the four sides in gold. The size of the sogshing depends on the height of the statue or stupa. Mantra rolls are an important component in filling the religious objects. Thus, Holy Scriptures or mantras are printed and rolled but each roll is marked to ensure the right order of the scripts for installation, as Bhutanese believe that installing scriptures upside down may cause more harm than good. Various other important components such as body, speech, and mind relics of great lamas, precious metals and a small statue (terma) are placed around the sogshing, which is then wrapped in silk brocade. After fitting the sogshing, rolls of mantras printed on papers and stuffed with sandalwood powders along with incense are arranged around it. The stuffed items will keep the zung items firmly in their respective positions. When every possible space is completely filled, the base is sealed with a bronze sheet. Finally, a consecration ceremony is performed to make the object fit for worship and refuge.
Bhutan -
Elechek, the Kyrgyz female headwear: traditional knowledge and rituals
Elechek is a traditional Kyrgyz female headwear. It consists of topucha (a hair cap) and kezdeme - a long piece of white fabric up to 40 meters long, which is wrapped in many layers in a turban-like fashion. After being wrapped, the elechek is ordained with embroidery, ribbons or jewelry. Women wear the elechek for the first time during the wedding ceremony. Wrapping of elechek is an integral part of the traditional marriage ceremony. A ritual of wrapping the bride’s first elechek is conducted at the bride’s family house before she leaves with the groom. The wrapping of elechek considered as a rite of passage as it marks a significant transition in a woman’s life. The process of wrapping is accompanied with the elders uttering blessing chants. These rhyming chants reflect the spiritual symbolism: there are references to the Creator, Mother Earth, Umai Ene; traditional epithets inspired by local environments: wishing a new coupe to have a long life like the juniper branches or pure intentions as flowing water, and worldviews and values of local communities. Exclusively women conduct the ritual. A married woman may wear the elechek at all significant occasions of her life, changing its styles accordingly. Many communities across Kyrgyzstan have developed own styles of wrapping the elechek and related rituals. The diversity of the element as well as accompanying rituals demonstrate that this living heritage has been evolving for many generations.
Kyrgyzstan -
Traditional knowledge related to the wood carving and wood product manufacture
Wood carving and wood product manufacture among the Kyrgyz originated in ancient times. An example is the manufacture of wooden parts of the yurt, komuz, which have become the pinnacle of the handicraft creativity of the people. Modern travelers are very familiar with the Kyrgyz yurt, construction of which is made only of wood by the true masters. Wood items decorated with carvings and paintings have been harmoniously fit into the complex of interior of the yurt. These are chests ‘sandyk’, wooden bases on which felt mats, carpets and bedding items are placed; coffrets for food, cloth and horse gear hangers ‘ala bakan’; boxes for dishes, stirrer for kymyz ‘pishkek’, biler for drinks and other liquids, wooden blocks for lamps – ‘chirak paya’. Woodworks are done by the men named as ‘jygach usta’. Materials used for different woodworks depend on elasticity or firmness of the wooden species: birch, cottonwood, sump-weed, juniper or nut-tree. They are cut easily and flexible enough to get desired shape. Instruments used in woodworks are: saw, adze, single bitted axe, knife, hewing with blade in the form of groove, hatchet with plane, wood auger, strop used to make walls of the yurt.
Kyrgyzstan -
Biye baylau (‘tethering mares’) -Traditional spring festive rites of the Kazakh horse breeders
Kazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’. ‘Biye baylau’ (literally, ‘tethering mares’), the ancient 'first milking'; rite encompassing the separation of mares and foals from herds, tethering them, greasing ropes and pegs, milking mares, greasing and smoking vessels for koumiss, fermenting the first-day milk, and celebrating with songs, dances and games. The preparations go all year round (cutting wool and horse hair, getting good stallions for herds, weaving ropes and foal slips, repairing ware, cutting juniper for smoking vessels, cooking ritual food). Blessed by the elders, the ‘first milking’ day comes in early May, when mares have foaled and grass grown. In total the rites take about 3 weeks until the koumiss sharing ceremonies, taking place in every house of the village, are over.
Kazakhstan 2018