Buklog is an elaborate thanksgiving ritual system of the Subanen, which has several attendant rituals. It is noted for its elevated structure with a highly flexible platform, which serves as a sacred and social space for rituals and the community dance. It is open for all members of the community, and those outside the community are also welcomed in most of its rituals. The Buklog has mythic origins and is mentioned in age-old epics. Until today, it performs both communal and integrative functions. The Subanen’s economic, social, political, cultural and ritual lives intertwine to constitute a single system, motivated by shared tenets of cultural survival —consulting the spirits, working with nature, and sharing with others. The Buklog is planned by the head of a host family, usually a village chief called ‘timuay,’ to appease and express gratitude to the spirits for many reasons such as a bountiful harvest, recovery from sickness or calamity, or acknowledgement of a new leader. The Subanen’s deep sense of spirituality is affirmed in the Buklog, where a representation of Dwata Magbabaya, the supreme god, as Apu Usog (the great ancestor), joins the community. The attendant rituals ensure harmony among members of a family, clan and the community, as well as among the human, natural, and spirit worlds. Harmony is requisite to the success of the Buklog, an indication of a socially cohesive community. The attendant rituals are the ‘sinulampong,’ which signifies the community’s readiness to hold the Buklog and to ask permission from the spirits to gather materials from the forest; the ‘sangat’, to maintain the balance in the spirit world through coin offerings; the ‘panmalwasan,’ where spirits of the departed are invited to the feast; and the ‘gampang’ and ‘gilet,’ to invoke spirits of the water and land. ‘Giloy,’ chants of praise; music; and dance are performed all throughout the ritual system, functioning not only for entertainment, but to embody the aesthetic aspects of Subanen life and to substantiate their spirituality. The community then starts the construction of an elevated wooden structure called the Buklog, where the system derives its name. At the center of the platform, a single pole called ‘petaw’ is installed to hit a hollowed-out log called ‘dulugan.’ While dancing on the flexible platform, the structure resonates with a sound believed to please the spirits and signify the culmination of the festivity. The ‘dulugan’ is the Buklog’s musical icon and serves as aural embodiment of Subanen’s cosmology. The final ritual of the Buklog, called ‘giti-an,’ is done on the platform, where the rules for the celebration are expressed and the spirits start to commune with the people. This is followed by a community dance called ‘gbat’, a moment marked by joy and excitement resulting from the renewal of spiritual and social relationships within the community. All community members, regardless of age, gender, social status, education, and level of mental and physical capability, are encouraged to join the rituals and festivity, which last for several days. Through the Buklog, the Subanen indigenous secret knowledge is respected, preserved and transmitted. The ritual system remains the most compelling cultural marker of the Subanen’s individual and collective identity and the strongest unifying force of the community.

Philippines 2019

‘Bozo’ is a favorite beverage of the Kyrgyz. Usually, it is made from ground wheat, barley or corn. The basis of bozo is ‘ugut’ (malt). It is made from wheat, sometimes from a mixture of wheat with barley or millet. Preparation of bozo contains three stages. Firstly, ground cereal is poured with warm water and added some leaven. Then it is left to ferment in a warm place for a day. The second stage contains the process of cooking the fermented mass adding boiling water, constantly stirring during one or two hours. In the last stage, ‘ugut’, a bit of flour and leaven is added to the cooled mass, which is left in a warm place for a day. After the fermentation, the mass is diluted with water and filtered. ‘Jarma’ is an ancient beverage drank as a refreshing drink. It is thick and calorie-rich so that it is as good as food. People take it with them when going out to work on the fields. It is easy to make and both adults and children drink it with pleasure. Jarma is made out of talkan. Talkan is coarsely grinded barley or wheat. Barley or wheat is fried beforehand. After boiling enough talkan in water, jarma is cooled down. Then airan or grinded kurut is added. Jarma is made all year around either as a cold or hot dish or as a refreshing beverage. ‘Maksym’ is a traditional thick beverage, which is consumed in spring and summer seasons. It is very good for quenching thirst. It is also used as food, it is easy to make and nutritious. Farmers take it with them when going out to work in the fields. First, talkan is fried in a sheep fat until it turns golden-brown. The water is poured and boiled. Then, culture is added and is left for 7-8 hours for fermentation.

The exact origin of the Khöömei art is unknown, but researchers suppose that it could have been developed in connection with argil (a throat timbre) epic telling vocal technique, shamanic calling and the play of the wooden tsuur flute. The history of Mongolian Khöömei dates back hundreds of years. The popularity of Khöömei among Mongolians has arisen as a result of close interaction between natural environment and human culture. Ethnomusicologists studying Khöömei mark it as an integral part in the ancient pastoralism that is still practiced today. This art has developed to mimic and imitate the sounds of animals, nature, wind and water. The wonder of the Khöömei art is its simultaneous melodies-overtone. In this way the Khöömei is a phenomenon which differentiates from other traditional arts based on human vocal organs. This is the reason of calling the Khöömei performer as “Human-Music” (Khun khugjim) which highlights its specificity from a “normal singer”. The meaning of Khöömei for its community is enormous. As the traditional art form, Khöömei is in close cohesion with the daily life of the Mongolian nomads. They perform Khöömei in the variety of social occasions ranged widely, from grand state ceremonies to the household festive events, associated with respective rituals, and customs. Khöömei is not only performed in social events, because Khöömei performance is often found during the herding, and even when lulling the baby, as well as in the evenings in the ger (Mongolian traditional yurt) in domestic context. Hence, Khöömei is an essential part of the identity, pride and continuity of Mongolian society. Therefore, it provides the concerned community with sense of unity and harmony, as well as continuous creativity. One of Khöömei’s social functions is that, it is used as a traditional pedagogic instrument in the social and art education and upbringing. This is because during the Khöömei transmission, a comprehensive knowledge, philosophy and wisdom on the correlation of human life and nature are transmitted at the same time. As an art form created and developed by the Mongolians, Tuvinians and other ethnic groups, and regarded as the classic art of nomadic civilization, Khöömei is one of the core performing arts that shape the Mongolian national arts in today’s Mongolia. Thus, it shows great influence on ensuring the visibility and enhancement of the living art of Mongolia. Khöömei is born by variety of ethnic groups as Khalkh, Bayad, Dörvöd, Uriankhai, Zakhchin, Tuva, Tsaatan in different locations, therefore there are a number of sub-classifications of Khöömei style, reflecting the special features and local flavors. This diversity is what constitutes the richness of Khöömei composition, and thus, each communities concerned are proud of their own unique styles and techniques while expressing themselves with such diversity. The governments of Mongolia, Russian Federation and PR China have been undertaking variety of measures for the effective enhancement and spread of Khöömei tradition, such as holding international meetings, workshops, competitions and performances on Khöömei. This shows the significance of Khöömei for the bearers and their will to safeguard, transmit and develop it in multinational level, which also promotes international interaction, mutual respect and intercultural dialogue. Researchers classify Khöömei’s vocalization into 2 styles: -The Kharkhiraa (deep Khöömei) vocal emission: The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, simultaneously pressing on his pharynx and abdomen, he produces a deep harmonic sound which vibrates one octave lower than the fundamental note produced. What you hear is in a very low-pitched register. The singer actually vibrates not only his vocal cords but also his arytenoid cartilage. It is this deep harmonic sound that is heard in the foreground and that characterizes the kharkhiraa style, although in some variants a melody of high-pitched harmonics can be heard above the fundamental sound. -The Isgeree Khöömei (whistled Khöömei) emission: Also called Nariin Khöömei, Uyangiin Khöömei, Altain shingen Khöömei. The singer sings a drone in a normal voice, then he inhales deeply and, still pressing simultaneously on his pharynx and abdomen he produces a harmonic sound, which vibrates several octaves above the fundamental sound. A melody of harmonics with a very high-pitched whistle can then be heard. In both cases, the harmonic melody is sung in the same fashion. The singer modulates his mouth cavity by opening and closing his lips or by moving his tongue backwards, sticking its tip on his palate, or else by moving the central part of his tongue from front to back, its tip against his bottom teeth. To this are added techniques aiming to enrich the tone colour and others of ornamental character. Moreover, all these techniques can be combined. Inside more than 20 techniques, we can find the Bagalzuuriin Khöömei (throat Khöömei) Tsuurai Khöömei (echo Khöömei) Khamriin Khöömei (nasal Khöömei) or Dangildakh Khöömei (syllabial Khöömei). The singers use the Shakhaa vocal emission to sing the magtaal praise songs with a throat timbre as well. It is necessary to intensifying and deepening the Khöömei research and studies particularly on the originality and authenticity of the heritage in order to identify and reveal the deeper form, techniques and specifications furthermore.

Mongolia 2010

Enchoro or Enchorom is a native festival of a Kalizingkha village under Tseza Gewog (block) in Dagana with unique lyrics and melodies. It is performed by the people of Kalizingkha particularly by the children (both boys and girls) aged below 12 on the 30th day of the 11th Bhutanese month every year. Even today, the festival is still vibrant and popular in the community without any major transformations. There are minor transformations in terms of the path followed by children from the starting point until the village temple (traditionally from school campus but now from the way which leads to Gophu Gonpa (monastery) from Dzong (Fortress) and the meals served during the three days celebration. However, owing to the current pandemic and the government policies, the community could not celebrate this festival for the past two years but the locals are now very much hopeful that everything will become normal again with the government's new normal policies. The origin of this festival remains unknown. The locals believed in performing this festival mainly to drive away the evil forces, diseases and misfortunes from their household and their community and to wish for a successful and prosperous year and good luck for the people living in the locality.

Nora is a lively and acrobatic form of dance drama and improvisational singing in local Southern Thai dialect. It is accompanied by strongly rhythmic music and elaborate costumes which embody a distinctive life force in Southern Thailand. Nora derives from community rituals in Southern Thailand that assemble families who perform Nora to honor their former Nora masters and expel harmful spirits. As central part vital community ritual performance, Nora helps the community to re-connect to its ancestors, to keep strong and to re-constitute itself by initiating new Nora dancers, healing illnesses, reconciling communal disorders and blessing all participants. Performances normally include a long oral invocation, followed by a performance centering on a lead character who dances with vigorous and elaborate movements of legs, arms and fingers. The lead Nora performer sings and dances scenes that are usually based on Buddhist Jataka tales – stories about the former lives of Lord Buddha – or those tied to legendary heroes, Phra Suthon and Manohra. The music ensemble plays highly rhythmic and fast-paced southern music, with the Thai southern oboe providing the melody and strong rhythms produced by drums, gongs, cymbals and wooden clappers. The main Nora performers – whether male or female – wear colorful and decorative costumes, with crowns or ‘Serd’ ornamented headdress, beads, bird-like wings tied around the waist, ornate scarves, and ‘Hang Hong’ or swan tails on the back providing the performers a bird-like appearance. Performers also wear long metallic fingernails that curl out from the fingers.

Thailand 2021

Tais, Timor-Leste’s traditional textile, is a cultural heritage that has been passed from the ancestors, from generation to generation. Tais has an important role in Timorese people’s life, starting from their birth until death. They use Tais to welcome guests, as well as to show their cultural identity and social class. It is also used as an object of value, for example, 'barlake' (dowry) which is given from family of bride to family of groom. Tais is used not only as an element to tighten the relationship between families, but also to pay penalty when people did not follow the rule within the community. Tais is traditional clothes, which has men's style and women's style. In Timor-Leste, Tais has a variety of colors and motifs varying by ethnic groups. These days, cultural creative industry using Tais with respect to the tradition, is also growing. Tais is made from cotton and natural plants are used to dye color. Production of Tais has been mainly done by women, since the past until now. Normally, Tais is woven manually using simple equipment such as 'atis', 'kida', and others. Process of producing Tais is complex and takes long time. Traditionally, Tais has been woven by individuals. However, some family members also contribute to mitigate the work of women weavers, such as in process of preparing cotton, 'kesi futus' (tie-dye) and dying cotton. These days, weavers also began to form groups to facilitate their weaving activities.

Timor 2021

Tseza Bongkor is a native festival of Tseza Gewog (block) in Dagana with unique lyrics and dance steps performed by what we call in local dialect the Boegarps or the Pazaabs (Male participants/warriors). It is celebrated once in every three years in six villages under Tseza Gewog namely in Zamtog, Samey, Trashigang, Jangsagang, Tsanglaykha and Kalizingkha. In every village, the festival is celebrated for three days and it is mandatory for all the households of that particular village to take part in that celebration. At Samey, the festival is always celebrated on the 14th Day of the first Bhutanese month every three years at a place called Zingkha Pangna and only then, it is celebrated at Trashigang. It is because the festival at Trashigang is also presided over by the same Male Shaman (Pawo) and the Female Shaman (Neljorm) who conducts the festival at Samey. On the last day of the Samey Bonkor i.e. on 16th day of the first Bhutanese month, the Shaman and the Yogini heads towards Trashigang for the celebration of the same. The Trashigang Bonkor begins from 16th and ends on the 18th day of the first Bhutanese month. Although the festival is celebrated for three days in all the six villages but the date of celebration differs in all the villages. For instance the date for celebration of the festival is fixed at Samey and Trashigang but in the remaining four villages the dates are not fixed. They celebrates the festival depending upon the auspicious date that is mentioned in the Bhutanese Datho (Almanic calendar). Every household must dispatch at least one or two representatives (depending upon the number of person living in that house) for the celebration. Usually all the households are represented by two members i.e. one male representative who acts as a Boegarp (male dancer) and one female representative as a dancer. If the household has just one member, that particular person has to represent his or her household. If any household fails to send the member representative/s for the festival, they have to send their substitution or else they have to pay fine. Traditionally, the festival used to be presided over by a Male shaman (Pawo) and a Female shaman (Neljorm) but since the demise of the Pawo few years back, he is replaced by one of the village Lama. There are slight differences in the way the festival is celebrated in these six villages mainly in terms of the date of the celebration, materials and the costumes used in the celebration and the persons involved in the festival. The origin of the festival is still unknown but it is believed that the festival was instituted in the region mainly by the Tseza Nyagoes (Boegarps). According to Ap Sangay Dorji, the festival was instituted mainly to appease the Dralha (deities) in order to overcome any sort of obstacles and epidemics in the region. Tseza Bongkor is still vibrantly performed in the community and there is no major transformation in the way the festival is conducted even today. Traditionally every word written in the book Dralha Pangtoed (Ritual text) was dictated upon the Boegarps by the Pawo which is today replaced by the village Lam. Similarly, the house in which the shaman and the Female shaman live during the celebration Lha chim (shrine) was build using the mated bamboo but today it is constructed using the metal sheets, wood and bamboo. According to some oral history, traditionally the people of this region were following the Bon (locally called Ban choe) religion because of which their festival came to be known as Bangkor, the Bon festival of Tseza Gewog. Some oral tradition also says that during Zhabrung's era, The Pazaabs in Punakha performed their dances in circular (kora chap di) group to celebrate their victory over the Tibetan enemies. For the same reason, the Ngagoes (strong man) or the Boegarps of Tseza Gewog also performed the same dances following the same steps. Hence, the festival came to be known as Tseza Bangkor, the dance performed by Boegarps in a circular group. Tseza Gewog is one of the important Gewog under Dagana Dzongkhag (district) since Dagana falls under Tseza gewog and is where the Dzongkhag Administration's Headquarter is located. One of the most famous and special Temple in Dagana,  Shathong Lhakhang, founded by the Buddhist Master Dupthob (Siddhi) Shawa Ripa in the 18th century is also located under Tseza Gewog. Shawa Ripa is an ancient Buddhist Master who is said to have lived for over 900 years. Oral History also mentions that there is a big tree at Pele, which is believed to be a walking stick of Zhabdrung Jigme Chogyal (1862-1904) and a house in which the Zhabdrung halt his night on the way and back from Daga Dzong.

In all submitting states, sericulture and traditional production of silk for weaving includes series of practices traditional knowledge, skills and crafts of the communities concerned related to growing mulberry trees, breeding silkworms, producing silk threads, for weaving and other purposes. Farmers grow mulberry trees that provide leaves upon which the worms feed, then produce silkworm eggs and ensure care of the silkworm (feeding with mulberry leaves) from the egg stage until the completion of the cocoon (turning matured silkworms to cocoons). Communities then produce silk by reeling from the silk threads, weave silk fabrics and use the fabrics in crafts. Craftspeople of both genders produce raw silk by means of raising larvae, particularly those of the domesticated silkworm to form the cocoon within which the larvae develop. The silkworm builds its cocoon by surrounding itself with a long fibre or filament. Fed by fresh mulberry leaves, silkworms start to spin their silken cocoons after 26-28 days. The whole process begins in March to September depending on the climate. The cocoons are collected before pupa pierces its cocoon and then those collected cocoons are dried. Silk containing sericin is called “raw silk”. The gummy substance is usually retained until the yarn or fabric stage and is removed by boiling the silk in soap and water. Communities then bathe cocoons which then soften and allow for the peak of the thread to be obtained. In order to obtain raw silk, several cocoons that gave the threads are put on reeling process at the same time. In order to clean up and to dry, obtained raw silk is taken from reel and hanged on the reed. In the preparation for the weaving process, people twist threads and unwind warps. After drawing-in and wimple is made ready, the weaving process begins. In order to remove cerasine fabrics, woven with raw silk yarn, people boil the fabrics in water containing soap. After boiling process, communities color and trace the fabrics by using various traditional methods. Craftspeople use the silk threads to create various types of craft products, such as fabrics, carpets. The products of silk are very much appreciated within the communities, who use them at various social and cultural occasions, including weddings, funerals and family gatherings. Deeply rooted in the traditions of the Great Silk Road, sericulture and traditional production of silk for weaving are an expression of cultural identity, centuries-old traditions and a symbol of social cohesion. While the silk trade has been carried out throughout the centuries, it has allowed spreading the silk culture, health and science among communities of the submitting states. In all submitting states silk functions as the symbol of splendor, elegance and spring. In all submitting states, silk producers are mostly villagers and they work cooperatively and they have special ceremonies for silk when it is produced.

Afghanistan,Azerbaijan,Iran,Tajikistan,Turkmenistan,Turkey,Uzbekistan 2022

Jakar Tshechu is a recent introduction, as noted above. It was established in 1994 on the 4th day of the sixth lunar month through the initiative of Dzongdag Dasho Pema Dorje and Thrimpon Dasho Sangay Rinzin. In the beginning, the mask dances were performed by Trongsa Rabdey as the dzong had no permanent monks. The duration of the tshechu was initially only one day long. Later, during the time of Dzongdag Nyima Tshering, it was extended to four days, running through the 8th to 11th days of the ninth lunar month. Given their prominence and importance, usually the annual district tshechu are sponsored and coordinated by the respective District administrations. Similarly, Jakar Tshechu is organized by the Bumthang District Administration in collaboration with the Jakar Rabdey. While at many festivals the local residents provide contributions, at Jakar Tshechu all the expenses are borne by the District Administration rather than by the locals. As the sponsor, the District Administration documents all expenditures for the duration of the tshechu, which includes meals for all participants, mask dancers and folk dancers, as well as their wages. Preparations for the festival are intense and involve significant manpower, financial resources and planning. Preparations begin well in advance, with the lam and dratshang overseeing the preparations for rituals and practice sessions for the mask dances. The dzongkhag takes on administrative responsibilities and plans the budget. A week before the festival, the dzongkhag staff prepare the performance area in the dzong courtyard. The district administration selects around thirty-two mask dancers, between ages of eighteen and forty-two, from the four gewogs. In addition, a troupe of approximately eleven folk dancers is chosen from each gewog to perform in between the mask dances. The troupes rotate each year, with each group performing every four years. The folk dancers and the mask dancers begin practicing about a month before the tshechu. On the 7th day of the ninth lunar month, dancers hold a rehearsal session, which is called chamjug. These rehearsals are held in the courtyard of the dzong where the festival takes place and include the use of musical instruments, such as trumpets and clarinets. The practice continues for much of the day, from around 8:30 a.m. until around 3 p.m. The two chief mask dancers, one from the monastic community and the other from the District Administration, oversee the practice to ensure that everything is perfect. During rehearsal, the dancers don’t wear the costumes or masks and only the main mask dances are rehearsed. a. Day One: (8th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The main event begins on the 8th day of the ninth lunar month, when the monks get up around 1:30 a.m. to perform the Lama Gongdue ritual. Before dawn, the ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast and preparation for the mask dance performances. Around 8 a.m., the dzongkhag staff gathers at the dzong to receive dzongda and drangpon and then they all wait to receive lam. Then the lam accompanied by Dzongkhag Administration officials including dzongdag and drangpon, move in a chibdrel procession to the zigrekhang (spectators’ pavilion) to witness tshechu proceedings. The mask dance performances begin by 8:30 a.m. In 2015, the mask dances were performed in the following order: - Shinje Yab-yum Cham (Yamantaka Father and Mother Dance); - Yoeluema Cham (Dance of the Malevolent Spirit); - Peling Ging Sum (Dance of the Three Gings): Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance) and Nga Ging Cham (Drum Dance); - Kel Cham (Farewell Dance); - Pholey Moley (Dance of the Noblemen and the Charming Ladies); - Shawo Gangley Phap (the first episode of chasing the stag down the mountain). At the conclusion of the mask dances, the lam and the monks resume the feast offering ritual in the lhakhang from where they left off in morning. b. Day Two: (9th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The morning’s programme on the 9th day of the ninth lunar month is same as the day prior. The ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast, and then the day’s mask dances begin around 8:30 a.m. as follows: - Zhana Cham (Black Hat Dance); - Zhana Nga Cham (Black Hat Drum Dance); - Dramitse Nga Cham (Dance of the Drums from Dramitse); - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Lords of Cremation Grounds); - Ging Tsholing Cham (dance of the wrathful deities and the ging); - Shawa Shakhyi Thaley Tonpa (the second episode driving the stag out of low-lying jungles). As on the previous day, after mask dances, the monks and the lam resume conducting the ritual prayers in the lhakhang, starting from the tshog lhagma intermission and conclude the day’s programme. c. Day Three: (10th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The morning programme is same as days one and two. The ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast before the day’s mask dances begin. The day focuses on the judgment of the dead and depicts the consequences of karma on the afterlife, and people receive blessings from the Lord of Death. The mask dances are performed as follows: - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Lords of Cremation Grounds); - Tum-ngam Cham (Dance of the Terrifying Deities); - Shazam Cham (dance of the four stags); - Raksha Go Cham (Ox-headed Dance); - Raksha Mang Cham (Intermediate State Dance). As on the previous days, the Lam Neten and monks resume the ritual prayers from the tshog lhagma to conclude the day’s events. d. Day Four: (11th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): Thongdrol (giant tapestry) and Tenwang (blessing by sacred relics): The 11th day of the ninth lunar month is the last day of the tshechu, during which the thongdrol is unfurled and artefacts are displayed to the public, an act called tenwang. People gather in the dzong as early as 3 a.m. The main statue displayed for public blessing is a small statue of Yidam Thongwa Kundrol that Terton Pema Lingpa is said to have withdrawn from Mebartsho (the Burning Lake). The thongdrol was made in 2005 and shows Guru Tshengyed, the Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche. In front of the hanging thongdrol, mask dances – specifically Pacham, Dram-nyen Choeje, and Zhengzhi Pemi Cham – are performed to pay homage to Guru Rinpoche. The day’s mask dance programme is presented in following order: - Unfurling of Guru Tshengyed Thongdrol; - Zhengzhi Pemi Cham (Dance offering with recitation of prayers to Guru Rinpoche); - Bekor Cham (Ceremonial Dance of the Monks); - Pa Cham (Dance of Heroes); - Guru Tshengyed Cham (Dance of the Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche); - Rigma Chudrug (Dance of the Sixteen Wisdom Consorts); - Acho dang Phento (the story of the conversion of the hunter); - Atsara gi Lochoe (Atsara’s ritual) to mark the conclusion of tshechu. As on prior days, the events finish with the feast offering ritual in the lhakhang, though with additional rituals particular to the last day. Specifically, a torshag (cascading the ritualcakes) ritual followed by ngoedrub langwang (receive blessings) and trashi monlam (auspicious prayers), during which all participants gather and to offer collective dedications and auspicious prayers.

In the past, Tày families often grew their own cotton, spun yarn, and had looms to make products for their daughter's dowry to her husband's family, exchange, and sell to increase income and meet food needs. Many processes are needed to make a textile product, including as rolling, popping, wrapping, spinning, sizing, and spreading yarn. A loom, spinning wheel, bobbin, and cloth are some of the tools used in brocade weaving. card, card, pan. The Tày people have two types of weaving, plain weaving and patterned weaving (brocade weaving). To create a pattern, one must make a "card" to arrange the warp threads in a predetermined sequence: spread the threads on the loom, thread the cover, install the threads on the goblet - a jute shell material standing perpendicular to the plane of the fabric spread. Depending on the width of the pattern to be woven, the number of hemmed threads corresponds to the number of warp threads of that part. Each warp thread is installed with 1 heath thread and the middle clamp is made of a small bamboo stick (slẻ) installed across the wooden board. The system of "khau" and "slẻ" is the "recessed" design of each pattern motif designed by the weaver on the loom. When weaving a pattern, the worker steps on one side of the shoe to remind the warp threads, corresponding to each time the shuttle (mặc thẩu) pulls the weft thread, and 1 time the colored thread is inserted into the pattern motifs prescribed by the hem. In the layout of a brocade, there are usually two basic types of patterns: background flowers (frame borders, background lines alternating between pattern boxes and often using dark colors) and embossed flowers (pear flowers, star anise, eight-petal flowers, areca fruit flowers, and nhội flowers). Final products include a blanket cover (nả phà), canopy (phứn mản), sling cover (nả đa), and bag (thông lài). Typical patterns include cane leaf patterns used for curtains and baby diapers; Lake patterns are used when making scarves; Types of patterns used when making sling faces, blanket faces, etc.

The Trần Thương Temple Festival is held from August 18 to 20 (lunar calendar), at Trần Thương Temple - the place to worship Hưng Đạo Đại Vương, his family and generals who contributed to the resistance war against the Yuan-Mongol army and also the place where Hưng Đạo Đại Vương chose to build a food warehouse, providing food for the army. The festival features many traditional rituals such as: The ritual to ask Đức Thánh Trần for people to open the Temple and organize the festival; The local people's worship and worship of the Saint; releasing flower lanterns at Trần Thương Lake; the spiritual ritual on the anniversary of Đức Thánh Trần... The most special feature of the festival is the food distribution ritual held on the night of January 14 and early morning of January 15 with the following rituals: The ritual of carrying food from the food warehouse into the temple for the ritual; the torch lighting and incense offering ritual by delegates and people and the ritual of carrying food into the secret ritual at the back palace, to recreate the history of "distributing military food" to reward the army of the Trần Dynasty when they defeated the Yuan-Mongol invaders for the third time.

The Semeiskie communities are formed by a group of so-called “Old Believers”, a confessional community originating from the time of the Instigation of the Russian Orthodox Church in the seventeenth century.Their history is marked by repression and exile. During the reign of Catherine the Great, believers in the “old system” from various regions of Russia had to move to the Transbaikal region in Siberia, where they still live today. In this remote area, they have preserved elements of their respective culture, forming a distinct group identity. The cultural space of the Semeiskie, east of Lake Baikal, represents a remnant of cultural expressions from pre-seventeenth century Russia. The community, totalling around 200,000 persons, speaks a south Russian dialect featuring borrowings from Bielorussian, Ukrainian and Bouryat. The Semeiskie still practised ancient orthodox rituals and perpetuate everyday activities mainly based on the cult of the family - the term Semeskie refers to “those who live as a family” - and strong moral principles. They are also characterized by their traditional dress, handicrafts, dwellings, paintings, ornaments and food as well as their music. Also noteworthy are their polyphonic choirs, which perform traditional songs at family celebrations and popular festivals. These songs are known as “drawl” singing and are rooted in the Russian liturgical music of the Middle Ages.

Russian Federation 2008