Sing-si is a type of oil/ghee produced manually. It is purely made with locally available materials and doesn’t mix any imported ingredients unlike the oil which are available in the market today. The main ingredient used is the Se-lung- a black small oily seed. Its scientific name is Parasassafras Confertiflora. The Se-lung tree is either wild or domesticated. Usually, in bygone days, it is believed that almost many villages had a trend of processing Sing-si, however, the trend wasn’t famous unlike Thongsa village under Chongshing Gewog (block) in Pemagatshel. According to grandma Nimdaza who is seventy-four years old, processing of Sing-si was part and parcel of their lives and members from every household were engaged in performing chores of Singsi production. Further she says that the labor contribution was also done depending upon the number of members present in the household. More than one worker was engaged from the household which had more family members. The materials needed were –Tsir (a small bamboo basket), Mar-kang (wooden block), plank, stones, Neetong-ma (pestle), frying pan, Luu (pounding stone). The Sing-si was used mainly for offering butter lamps. Other secondary uses were for human and animal consumption. Humans consumed it as there weren't imported oils available those days in the shops.

Although better known worldwide as a type of martial arts, Pencak Silat is actually an Indonesian tradition that has been transmitted over many generations. In addition to its sporting aspect, the Pencak Silat tradition also encompasses the aspects of mental-spiritual, self-defense, and art. The term Pencak Silat is formed from two words, which are pencak and silat. The term "pencak" is better known in Java, while the term "silat" or "silek" is better known in West Sumatra, to describe a group of martial arts which have many similarities. In addition to using local terms, each region has their own move, style, accompaniment music, and unique supporting equipment. The moves and styles in Pencak Silat are strongly influenced by various elements of art. These moves and styles are a unity of body movement (wiraga), movement feeling (wirasa), and movement fit to the accompaniment music (wirama). The supporting equipment for Pencak Silat includes costumes, music instruments, and traditional weapons. Pencak Silat practitioners are taught to maintain their relationship with God, human beings, and nature. These practitioners are also trained in various techniques to deal with attacks or other dangerous situations based on principles to protect him or herself as well as others, avoid harming the offender, and build comradeships. Pencak Silat is often performed during various ritual ceremonies and celebrations. Men and women of all ages, as well as the disabled, can all practice Pencak Silat. They usually will learn in Pencak Silat schools or academic schools from kindergarten to college.

Indonesia 2019

Starting with ritual observances which involve singing and dancing in the temples of Manipur, Sankirtana encompasses an array of arts performed also in the home and the street to mark occasions of religious import and stages in the life of the Vaishnava people inhabiting the Manipur plains. The theology and lore of Krishna is central to these performances, but they assimilate in their rendering formal features carried over from music and dance in Manipur’s pre-Vaishnavite past. The core of Sankirtana practice is to be found in the temple, where it narrates through song and dance the lives and deeds of the Lord. These are typically presented in the round, in a hall (Mandapa) attached to the temple before devotees. The main repertoire consists of Nata Pala, which is performed all over the Manipur valley. The Ariba Pala and Manohar Sai Pala, less often in evidence today, are also temple-centred. Outside the temple, Sankirtana assumes forms such as the Holi Pala celebrating the festival of colours in springtime or Shayan performed in the winter months. Khubak Eshei is celebrated within the temple during the rains, marking the chariot festival of the Lord. In the setting of the home, Sankirtana is offered as prayer at all life-cycle ceremonies, such as the ear-piercing ritual (for both males and females in childhood), the donning of the sacred thread (for adolescent males), marriage, and the rites of passage at death. Thus pervading the life of the Manipuri Vaishnava, Sankirtana is regarded as the visible manifestation of God.

India 2013

Traditional knowledge, techniques and process to produce “Washi” -Japanese hand-made paper have been transmitted through generations since the 8th century. It has been used not only for writing letters and making books, but also for home interiors such as paper screens, room dividers and sliding doors. While three communities (The Sekishu-Banshi Craftsmen’s Association, the Association for the Preservation of Hon-minoshi Papermaking and the Hosokawa-shi Craftsmen’s Association) have shared their traditional production process; using Kozo plant (mulberry family) as a raw material, soaking its skins in clear river water, placing loose Kozo fibers in thickened water and filtering them with a bamboo-screen, each community has developed their own techniques such that each Washi has its own specific feature. Following the introduction in the 19th Century of low-cost machine-made paper and the modernization of peoples’ lifestyles and consumption patterns, the production and use of Washi was extensively affected. However, people of the concerned communities considered Washi-making techniques as their important cultural heritage and continued to make Washi to meet both traditional and new consumers’ demands such as modern interiors. Most of the inhabitants of the three communities have been playing some roles in keeping this craftsmanship viable, ranging from the cultivation of Kozo, training of the techniques, creation of new forms of products to promotion of Washi domestically and internationally. Today their lives centre around Washi, acting as a catalyst of their social cohesion, identity and pride affirmation. Furthermore these communities have built strong ties between and among them by exchanging information and experiences with a view to cooperating with each other.

Japan 2014

Traditional handcrafted textile rich in intangible cultural values, passed down for generations in Java and elsewhere since early 19th Century (Ref. Siksakanda, 1517AD), more widely since mid-1980s. all the steps in the making of batik are carried out by hand. The tools used to make batik are also made by hand. Firstly, the cloth must be washed, soaked and beaten with a large mallet. A pattern is drawn and dots and lines of hot wax are then applied to one or both sides of the cloth using a pen-like instrument called canthing tulis (direngsi/ngrengrengi). Alternatively there is the process of applying the hot wax to the cloth using stamps called canthing cap made of copper. The wax functions as a dye-resist. After this, the cloth is dipped in a dye bath containing the first colour. After the cloth is dry, the wax is removed by scraping or boiling the cloth (dilorod). This process is repeated as many times as the number of colours desired. For larger cloth, the wax is applied using a tool called tonyok (nemboki/mopoki). The details of the process vary between different areas. Batik patterns and motifs possess deep symbolism related to social status, local community, nature, history and cultural heritage. Expectant mothers wear batik; babies are carried in batik slings and touch batik with their feet when they first touch the ground; brides, marriage couples and family members wear batik; even corpses are covered with batik: all with appropriate patterns and motifs. Traditional dress includes batik, Batiks are collected and passed down as family heirlooms, each being a work of art with its own story. Batik craftspersons would fast and pray before making batik while meditating accompanied by traditional songs. It takes several days to make a hand-stamped batik, and at least 1 month to 1 year to complete a hand-drawn batik.

Indonesia 2009

Traditional Balinese dances are performed by male and female dancers dressed in exquisite traditional costumes consisting of brightly coloured cloths painted with gold motifs of flora and fauna, and gold leafed and jewelled accessories. The dances are inspired by nature and symbolize the traditions, customs and religious values, composed in four elements: agem, basic body posture with knees turned out and stocmach pushed in; tandang, locomotive movements in different tempo and directions; tangkis, transitional movements with dynamic changes; and tangkep, facial expression with eyes movements showing happiness, sadness, anger, love, fear, etc. They are accompanied by music of Balinese gamelan instruments with symphonic poems that contain moral messages taken from religious teachings. Dancers portray various characters as strong or refine male role, female role, and mixed role. For Balinese, dance is a part of religious ceremonies conducted periodically according to the Balinese calendar. A dancer should also have taksu, charisma, a special spiritual energy which makes the performance become alive (dynamic). Balinese dances can be categorized as Wali (sacred), Bebali (semi-sacred) or Balih-balihan (entertainment). The three categories is applied with respect all over Bali using different dance forms according to the principle of desa (place), kala (time), and patra (occasion). In Balinese communities, dances are mainly transmitted informally to children from early ages in traditional groups (sekaa) and at formal schools in various levels. Traditional Balinese dances are rich in noble values and are an important part of the Balinese cultural heritage and identity, now studied almost all over Indonesia.

Indonesia 2015

Sericulture and Silk Craftsmanship refers to the craftsmanship applied in traditional sericulture, silk dyeing and weaving process, which has been handed down from generation to generation, and relevant folk-customs derived thereby. China’s sericulture and silk craftsmanship boasts a history of 5000 years. The silk fragments, preliminary loom and potteries decorated with silkworm patterns excavated from sites dating 4000 years ago in the Taihu Lake area; demonstrate the time-honoured history of the sericulture and silk production in the region. Alongside the historical process, traditional manufacturing craftsmanship develops, and the main elements include: Mulberry planting: including cultivation of mulberry seedling, mulberry trimming, and various methods of engraftment; Silkworm production: including the selection, hybridization, and breeding of silkworm eggs, incubation, instruments for silkworm rearing, control of the temperature and humidity, and frame mounting methods; Silk reeling: including sorting and stripping of cocoons, ways for preserving the cocoons such as drying and salting, temperature control and process for boiling the cocoons, facilities and techniques for silk reeling, etc; Silk floss making: including techniques of water rinsing and tearing; Weaving tools: including various looms such as treadle looms, multi-shaft and multi-treadle patterning looms, lesser draw looms, greater draw looms, etc, and arrangement of heddle drafts and programming of patterns on draw looms; Design and weaving of fabrics: including the design and weaving of various structures and patterns, such as the Shuanglin silk damask which is calendared by stamp rocks, the Hang gauze with warps crossed, the Shu silk with warp-faced patterns, the Song-style silk in lampas weave, and Kesi woven in tapestry structures.

China 2009

Ink or Ink making is also an art related to the art of Calligraphy and writing. Like the calligraphy pen, ink is one of the fundamental needs while undertaking any kind of writing, printing, paintings including the engraving works as it need to be either sketch or write the primary writings before actual engraving is initiated. Therefore, it is an art that a calligrapher or a xylograph printer must know how to make ink by themselves. Nag-tsha or more often Nag-tse is a general term for any types of Ink used for the aforementioned activities but also referred particularly to the normal ink i.e. the black ink. As majority of the writings are written using the black ink thus, the usage of the term dominated the verities of inks be it gold, silver, copper, turquoise or vermillion. However, if somebody make quires like, “What types of ink?” the response will be referred to a definite ink like “gold, silver, copper, turquoise, vermillion, blood and normal ink.” However, due to the massive usage of normal black ink whether it is made from sooth or other black colour ingredients for writing and printing; not only the woodblock prints but also prayer flags therefore, the term Nag-tse (black ink) have been used as a general term for an ink. As mentioned above, Ink and pen making technology evolved simultaneously with the invention of writing culture. As Bhutan highly regards Guru Padmasambhava and Denmang Tsemang (?) one of his principal disciples who transcribed the teachings and gave the scripture for the practice of King Sindhu Raja and later said to be hidden as treasure in early 9th century. Later in the 15th century, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-5121) resumed the writing tradition along with pen and ink making to decipher the treasure document mentioned as Shog-ser and also for woodblock printing purpose. The tradition met its thriving period in the 17th during Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal’s (1594-1651) reign after he instituted the State Government by established the Monastic Body and introduced the Calligraphy section (Yig-zoi-de) where monks learnt the art of calligraphy and ink making as well. Ink making was not only or writing but also required for making xylograph prints from the woodblocks stored in the respective Monastic Institutions esp. in the Dzongs (Fortress). Thereafter, the art was perpetuated and practiced by the successive Je Khenpos (chief abbot) and Druk Desis (temporal secular rulers) and Monarchs which is still surviving at a very small space due to the availability of modern inks from the market.

The name for this festival brings together two words, Lha means god and Soel means offering or prayer. The tradition in Sangbekha is primarily a Bon practice. Bon was a diverse body of localized ritual practices flourishing in Tibet before Buddhism expanded into the region. According to Sam Van Schaik (2013), Bon or the Bonpo religion, only emerged as a unified body of practices when put in contrast to Buddhist practice as the “othered” alternative to Buddha’s teachings. Following the eleventh century, the diverse practices organized and formalized in conversation with contemporary practices. Scriptures emerged, mainly through Terma hidden treasures, and visions of Tertons who discover the treasures such as Loden Nyingpo. Although Bon Terma contain legends that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, Van Shaik notes "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Following these developments and reforms of the practices to eliminate animal sacrifices, some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school within Tibetan Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon practice waned. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition is not as strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan. The Bon tradition takes refuge in the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and formerly involved offering animals in sacrifice. The Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag or district, such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lha-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo male shamen, and Neljorm or Pamo female shaman, of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of the year prepares for the rituals, tents are pitched near the organizer's house and the Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days. In an interview with 68-year-old female shaman Aum, elder, Kencho Om has been a Pamo for 25 years in Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag a district of eastern Bhutan. She said that the Pamos are the same as Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals. It is believed that the abilities of Pamo continuously persist through the family line. When a practitioner dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity to choose the legitimate “wife” to inherit the role among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but learned the and rituals transmitted through their family line. According to her, Pamo play an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life. They do what others cannot, such as mediate through the mind. The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of Tsa energy channels, the Lung wind channel, and the Thig-le seed channel in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness. The Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.

In earlier times, Bhutanese traveled as far south as possible to buy salt, spices, and other basic products in the nearest border towns. Pasakha (formerly the southern gateway) was an important business center for the people of western Bhutan because of its proximity to the nearest Indian towns. After an arduous journey of more than 20 days through the high mountains and after nights spent in the cold, dense jungle, the villagers then reached their home, bringing their daily supplies. A young man from the village of Bja-wo once set out for Pasakha to buy supplies. Upon his return, as he prepared to spend the night in the forest, he lay down under a large tree, placed the heavy basket under his head to rest, and stared up at the sky. He saw the bright moon almost smiling at him and the stars twinkling around him. He thought about the number of nights he would have to spend like this, and wondered if the stars and moon would keep him company during his journey home. He continued his journey home during the day, spending each exhausting night under bushes and trees. Each evening he looked up at the sky and noticed that the brightest star seemed to get closer and closer to the moon each night. When he returned home a few days later, the young man, suspecting an interesting observation in the sky, wanted to know how close the star had come to the moon. The following night, he looked up at the sky and found that the star had come so close to the moon that it almost looked like it was interacting with the moon (this was the narrator's exact interpretation). It was a unique discovery that symbolized a happy moment. Incidentally, the day he made this discovery was the 15th of the 10th month, one of the most auspicious holy days in the Bhutanese lunar calendar. Therefore, the festival of Bja-wo Karma Nya-ru (conjunction of the Pleiades and the full moon) is believed to have originated in Bja-wo village and is still celebrated with great enthusiasm. Nowadays, it is also popularly known as Dogar Nya-ru. Nya-ru is celebrated on the 15th day of the 10th month of the Bhutanese lunar calendar and is considered a special occasion where family and friends scattered all over Bhutan gather on this day and celebrate the auspicious day in each and every home with festivity and joy. On the 13th and 14th day of the 10th month, people who work in the cities, students, businessmen, relatives and basically all people who are from the village gather to celebrate Nya-ru. In this village of Nyo-yue dhuen (old name) or Khamda Sali Chiwog (sub-block) as it is commonly known today, people prepare for the big event by washing their clothes, cleaning themselves, tidying their houses and the men discuss archery that will take place during Nya-ru while the women prepare the menu for the special day in the house and make preparations for Ara (locally brewed wine) and other drinks.

Talang or the ox sacrifice ritual is one of the three main rituals performed by Lhops community; each of which includes an animal sacrifice. Tseney is an annual festival where each Lhop family sacrifices a rooster, while the Tenlha Soel ritual involves the sacrifice of a pig. Talang ritual is derived from the name of the deity of the Laskey clan that sacrifices an ox. Although Lhops are Buddhist by nature, the Lhops continue to practice many pre-Buddhist rituals which includes an animal sacrifice with no taboo attached to it for the slaughter of animals, hence everyone readily volunteers for the ritual. The ritual is conducted on any day preceding the 19th day, since, after the 20th day; it indicates the close ending of a month, which is seen as the end of the life of the month, and thereby considering it as inauspicious days. It is conducted once every nine years, since this ritual has had huge financial implication on a household. The ritual is conducted in an individual’s family home with an elder member of the family, generally a man, with support and help from other community members. This ritual does not require any monk or a pandit or any other specialist to conduct this ritual. Usually the ritual is performed by the Laskey clan household.

The festival commonly known as Prew is celebrated in the Kurtoe region under Lhuentse Dzongkhag. Originally it was called Treu-choed, or “Monkey Month Offering,” but later became popularly known as Prew. The name Treu is derived from the year of birth of Guru Rinpoche (Skt. Padmasambhava), as he was born in the year of the monkey in the eighth century. The word Choed means "offering." The Prew festival of Kurtoe is associated with Guru Rinpoche, he visited Jasabe village via the hidden land of Baeyul Khenpajong and gave his blessings to the locals. Since then, they have been celebrating this festival out of gratitude to him for the blessings he gave them and their whole community. They also believe that Prew is a festival to honor Guru Rinpoche’s birthday. This festival is celebrated in almost all Gewog village blocks of Lhuentse Dzongkhag or district. The community of Ney celebrates its local festival every year on the 10th day of the fourth lunar month according to the Bhutanese calendar. The festival takes place in the local Lhakhang, temple, in the center of the community, as well as in each individual house. The men often play games such as archery, while the women have a picnic. Prew is similarly celebrated in Jasabe Chiwog at Tergang Lhakhang. On the 9th day of the fourth lunar month of the Bhutanese calendar, people gather at the Lhakhang to perform a ritual and make offerings. The next day, the 10th day of the fourth lunar month, they return to their village with Norjan chants, and spend a day singing and dancing in their village. The festival in part indicates the arrival of the agricultural season. Villagers offer prayers and sacrifices for good health and a good harvest without pest infestations and natural disasters.