Kharphu (The White God Ritual) is celebrated every year on fourth month of Bhutanese calendar. Though meaning of Kharphu cannot be stated clearly but village older bearer believes Kharphu means “white god ritual” where no animal sacrifices are made. There are two types of Kharphu namely Gudpa (Extended) and Chunku (Abridged) which are observed consecutively every year. During a larger kharphu, dish called pan is prepared and served, and is observed for 3 days, while in smaller Kharphu pan (Wild betel leave fried) serving is skipped and is observed for two days. The origin of Kharphu and its story is has been transmitted verbally from generation to generation. Ex.Tshogpa Lhalungla is a descendent of one of the host family, he shared that as per the story he received from the older people of village that when the people settled in Chali as per their karmic action, during those days no matter how much they work, the grains and cereals were not enough to feed their family, food they eat didn’t contain nutrition, cloth they wear don’t provide the warmth, even they can’t sleep soundly. Then people gathered to discuss over it. During meeting one the villager pointed out that we don’t have a god to guide and protect us, and this may be the reason we have been suffering. Then all the villagers agreed that then need a god. Among them there was a man named Sherub, who is farsighted, knowledgeable and reliable man. Then villagers insisted him to go and receive god. He denied, saying he is incapable for this task. He said this task can be only accomplished by Gomchen phawang (Bat). Then sherub went in all the direction in search of bat but met with gods of four directions but couldn’t find bat. Then one of the god from four direction prophesied that bet is inside their village only, inside a cave call Asi-kaure draphy (cave) which shadow falls in water and water splashes on the walls of cave. And this place is believed to be located at the bottom of Kongla bra (Kongla cliff) at the end of Chali and still there are many bats in it. Bat was brought to the village and at first, bat also denied the villagers request but towards end of the day bat accepted but he said gift has to be taken for sons and daughters of god. For sons they arranged three armful of arrows and for daughters three Urka (Lether sack) full of Bakur (square shaped bamboo container). Then, bat made his journey towards north. After a long journey bat reached Tsampa, place believed to be located in Tibet, where god Gung-Lha-Lhapsang Gyelpo resides. Finally he could meet the god and shared his reason for visit. God criticize him about his face, legs and wings, so, he can return him alone, but he changed every criticism in positive way by saying “my rat like face is to sing a song for god father and mother, my skinny leg is to perform dance in front of god father and mother, my lathery wings is to fan your god father and mother. Bad couldn’t send back with all the means and strategies of god, finally promised to send one of his children. Gunglha lhapsang Gelpo has four daughter and four sons. He told to send one the daughter to god mother and she said to god to send one of his son. God father and mother had a very hot discussion over it. And they decided to roll a die, and god father lose the game and had to send his son along with bat to bless Chalipas (Residents of Chali). Here at Chali goat was received by Sherub along with the villagers. Since then Sherub was known as Bonpo pa Sherub, since it was a Bon Lha (God of Bon religion).And his descendent has to perform Bonpo Wanboo (Shaman). And Bonpodpa Sherub became host along with another rich household. And currently there is four household descendent holding as host during Kharphu. But, with passing time and generation Bonpodpa Sherub’s descendent couldn’t shoulder the responsibilities of Wanbu and is appointed one of the interested and capable people from their village. There is no as such rule to appoint Wanbu. There is unique lyric and tune from journey of god’s son of including all the places where till Chali, different household visiting household lyrics and blessing, farewell lyric and unique tones.

Just like any other communities, the livelihood of Lhops also started with hunting and gathering activities. In the past, Lhops gathered wild edible plants like Burr (Kochu or Colocasia) or Lohbol (Tapoica), and hunted as well as fished. With the recent developments in the community, Lhops have adopted agriculture as their source of food and nutrition, and with the passage of time, agriculture has become a way of life for subsistence and commercial means.

Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.

Mongolia 2017

According to our conventional wisdom, once a woman stops menstruating, and starts vomiting in the morning as well as experiencing loss of appetite, she is pregnant. Henceforth, she avoids doing any heavy work, and elders and experienced people advise her on the dos and don’ts of birthing-related subjects. Although pregnancy was socially acceptable for a woman who had a husband, there was a social stigma against unmarried pregnant women. Not only did people gossip behind their backs, but some communities even ostracised them on the pretext that their pregnancy outside marriage would cause accident or disaster to the people, animals and community, especially if they happened to pass through any restricted areas such as ladam or ridam (restriction of mountains and forests near the community and believing these sites as the abode of local deities. Restrictions these sites starts from the sowing of seeds in the field and until the harvest). Although no nasty actions are taken against unwedded pregnant women these days, they are still the subject of gossip, and social stigmatisation persists, though perhaps to a lesser degree now than is mirrored in the well-known traditional saying: "If the bastard is faced to the rocky cliff, the cliff breaks down; and, And if the bastard is faced towards the lake, the lake dries up." Although due date for the birth could not be predicted precisely, impending birth is determined based on the size of the abdomen and frequency and intensity of labour pains. As soon as childbirth seems imminent, the woman readies herself by preparing ara (distilled wine) or changkyoe (fermented rice) as well as stocking up with other nutritious foods such as meat, egg and fish. She also avoids crossing the tethers of horses, as it is believed that this will delay birth, since pregnancy in mares lasts about a year. Besides, roaming or journeying at night is strictly forbidden. When it is time, a few elderly women will be called to assist the pregnant woman, as it is also believed that it will be easy to give birth if there is an experienced woman nearby. According to the Eastern Bhutanese belief, if the woman is in protracted labour, various methods are followed to aid her in delivering the baby, such as: opening a container of fermented rice (Changkoe or phafin, also known as buchang) and serving it to her; a family member going to a cross-section of paths and stamping the ground hard three times, collecting the dust from that spot, and then rubbing it on the abdomen of the expectant woman; or her brother (phuga ajang) dresses up and covers his body with a lhiu (rain coat made from yak hair) and then, carrying a quiver and holding a bow in his right hand, he jumps across the abdomen of his sister who is lying on the bed. These are some of the popular practices claimed to have saved pregnant women from suffering further. After delivery, the child is picked up by the kindest and most gentle person present, as it is again believed that the new-born will take on the character of the person who first picks the baby up. Once the child has been picked up, its umbilical cord is cut with a sharp knife or a scissor. The child is washed with lukewarm water and welcomed by inserting a piece of butter in the mouth, placing another piece on the head, and uttering many good wishes and prayers for his/her long life. While the child is being washed, the mother awaits expulsion of the placenta. The placenta is buried in the ground, placing the umbilical cord towards the surface. However, in some cases the placenta is taken to a river and pressed under a heavy stone with the umbilical cord turned upstream. Either way, if the umbilical cord is not placed correctly, it is believed that the child will vomit. After washing, the baby is allowed to suckle at the mother’s breast either before or after expulsion of placenta, and following that ara and nutritious foods are given to the mother. However, if placental expulsion does not occur, a rundi (kind of flat rope made from bamboo, used when carrying loads on the back in Tshangla Community) is cut in half and burned. The ash is given to the mother to eat. In some cases, the cast off skin of a snake (buesop) is fed to the woman. People believe that these practices will help the body expel the retained placenta. As the birth of a child is considered impure, outsiders will avoid visiting the family for three days after the birth. After three days, where possible, a lama or tsip (astrologer, or lama who knows astrology) is invited to the house to perform a purification ritual called lhabsang and define the child’s horoscope and bestow a name. Following this, well-wishers and neighbours will visit, bringing a ceremonial scarf and a pitcher of ara, a small amount of dried meats, eggs or anything else that is considered valuable to the weak and recuperating mother. The next very important function for a child is the first cutting of hair, which can be done at any suitable time after the hair is long enough. The practice is that the first haircut is done by a brother of the child’s mother, or in some cases (for example if she has no brother), it may be done by a lama.

It is a customary social and cultural practice related with Pyongyang Raengmyon (cold noodle), on various meaningful occasions such as weddings, birthdays and holidays. Pyongyang Raengmyon is served in a brass bowl. The main ingredient is buckwheat regarded as conducive to health. The noodle strips are topped by trimmings of meats, Kimchi, vegetables, fruits and garnishing. Cool meat stock or Tongchimi (watery radish Kimchi) juice is poured around noodle strips to finish the preparation. There are certain knowledge and skills related to Raengmyon's taste and form. A historical record praising noodle in the 12th century reflects its development well before that time. Pyongyang Raengmyon is a special folk food deeply rooted in the life of Pyongyangites expressing long life, happiness, hospitality, convivial and friendly atmosphere. A day before Jongwoldaeborum (one of Korean folk holidays in winter), family members or neighbourhood would together enjoy noodles hoping their life to be as long as the noodle strips. At celebrations like birthdays and weddings, Pyongyangites serve it to elders, relatives, neighbours and friends coming with blessings, and share happy and delightful moments of life in a convivial and friendly atmosphere, fostering respect, intimacy and harmonious unity. Housewives make Raengmyon with great pleasure and devotion. To have some liquor before Raengmyon is a customary practice even set as a phrase "Sonjuhumyon". Expressing the common wish and aspiration of people, today, the element is practised and spreading beyond special occasions and regional differences along with establishment of scores of Pyongyang Raengmyon restaurants like Okryu Restaurant.

North Korea 2022