Âşıklık tradition is a multi faceted art form which includes the oral tradition, music and narrative telling. Performers of this art go through a years-long apprenticeship under the guidance of master âşıks. Âşıks have formed a distinguished style in Turkish Literature through the numerous literary works both in verse and prose; which has come to be acknowledged as the tradition “Âşık Style”. This tradition encompasses saz playing, âşık tunes, improvisations, repartee, and narrative telling with love as its main theme. Although there are various views about the origin and the formation of Âşıklık Tradition, it is widely accepted that the roots of the tradition lie in pre-Islamic and early Islamic Turkish epic narrators which are called “Ozan” or “Baksı”. Âşıklık Tradition emerged as a result of the changing political, social, cultural and economic conditions in the 16th century. Most renowned representatives of the tradition are Karacaoğlan, Köroğlu, Kazak Abdal, Pir Sultan Abdal, Ercişli Emrah, Gevheri, Âşık Ömer, Levni, Kul Himmet, Dadaloğlu, Dertli, Ruhsati, Bayburtlu Zihni, Âşık Şenlik, Âşık Sümmani, Âşık Mahsunî Şerif, Âşık Veysel, Davut Sulari, Âşık Murat Çobanoğlu ve Âşık Yaşar Reyhanî. Âşıklık tradition is transmitted from masters to apprentices through training and education similar to other oral, auditory, visual and material-based fields of Turkish culture. This transmission is completely actualized through oral channels. Âşıklık Tradition has a social side to it, in the sense some of the motifs of the poems and tales told by Âşıks are the problems of the society and âşıks themselves are perceived as enlightening and guiding figures. Poems of this tradition are written in syllabic meter, blending into a unified meaning in quatrains and gaining rhythm with rhymes. Works of Âşıks are combinations of music and poetry. Saz is an integral part of the tradition. Saz instruments played by âşıks are made of chestnut and mulberry trees. They generally have six, eight or twelve strings. Saz is usually played with a kind of plectrum called “tezene”. Âşıks of our times perform their arts in festivals, festivities, weddings, âşık coffee houses and Cem rituals. In traditional weddings, as important performing venues for âşıks, they not only entertain the public but also fulfill their teaching and guiding roles through anecdotes and tales. Âşıklık tradition is still very much alive in cities like Kars, Erzurum and Kayseri, where âşıks also perform in âşık coffee houses. Alevi-Bektaşi rituals are other gatherings where âşıks, known as “zakirs”, recite poems reflecting the beliefs and world-views of Alevi-Bektaşi philosophy. In addition to their usual performing venues, various activities and festivals organized by NGOs and local governments are emerging as new occasions for âşıks to perform their arts. Some of the most essential concepts in Âşıklık Tradition are mentioned below. Master/Apprentice Discipline: Âşıklık tradition is not only based on singing, reciting or playing an instrument but it is also a training-based tradition. The âşıks are, in general, trained by a master grasping the know-how of his master’s art, utterances and poems. Once they become masters in their arts, they start training apprentices on their own and thus the tradition is preserved. Drinking Bade: A youth destined to be an âşık would have a dream in which he is offered with a goblet of bade by a wise spiritual leader (Pir) or by his beloved. From that moment on, the young man wakes up divinely inspired to make verses, sing songs and recite poems. Choosing The Mâhlas (Pseudonym): Mâhlas is the pseudonym which the poet uses instead of his real name. The âşıks utter their pseudonyms in the final quatrain, which the âşıks call “introducing oneself” or “recognition”. Riddle: Riddle is a poetry genre in which the name of a person, being or thing is concealed. The tradition of singing the favorite riddles and unraveling those has been preserved up to date among the âşıks as a masterly skill. If there is no response for the riddle, the âşık himself unravels it. Repartee/Improvisation: Repartee is acknowledged as a cultural value, a figure of speech and pun as regards to oral tradition. This art has a function of teach and delight. During the challenging performance between the âşıks, beginning with a verbal dueling part, they compete with each other on the aptness, humor and beauty of the poetry and improvisation using alternating lines and improvising witty jibes in front of an audience. Leb-değmez: Verses with a needle between the lips: This is a style of reciting poems avoiding the consonants like “B, P, M, V, F”, pronounced by teeth and lips, to perform the masterly skills of the âşıks. The âşıks put a needle between their lips in that style of reciting poems. Folk Tales: Developed and preserved thanks to the master/apprentice discipline of the âşıks, also known as “narrators”, “Folk Tale” is a genre encompassing narrative style, poetry and music.

Turkey 2009

Sing-si is a type of oil/ghee produced manually. It is purely made with locally available materials and doesn’t mix any imported ingredients unlike the oil which are available in the market today. The main ingredient used is the Se-lung- a black small oily seed. Its scientific name is Parasassafras Confertiflora. The Se-lung tree is either wild or domesticated. Usually, in bygone days, it is believed that almost many villages had a trend of processing Sing-si, however, the trend wasn’t famous unlike Thongsa village under Chongshing Gewog (block) in Pemagatshel. According to grandma Nimdaza who is seventy-four years old, processing of Sing-si was part and parcel of their lives and members from every household were engaged in performing chores of Singsi production. Further she says that the labor contribution was also done depending upon the number of members present in the household. More than one worker was engaged from the household which had more family members. The materials needed were –Tsir (a small bamboo basket), Mar-kang (wooden block), plank, stones, Neetong-ma (pestle), frying pan, Luu (pounding stone). The Sing-si was used mainly for offering butter lamps. Other secondary uses were for human and animal consumption. Humans consumed it as there weren't imported oils available those days in the shops.

The Gesar epic recounts the sacred deeds of the hero King Gesar, while unfolding a broad spectrum of oral genres, embedded hundreds of myth, legend, folktale, ballad, and proverb in narrative framework of “beads on a string,” namely “Gesar Epic Cycle,” demonstrating the sheer monumentality and vitality of verbal arts. So far we found the earliest manuscript is The Battle Between Vjang Regality and Gling Regality, which dated to the 14th century, while the earliest Mongolian woodblock version titled “Geser Khan, Guardian Lord of the Ten Directions,” was published in Beijing in 1716. As of today, there are over 120 different oral cantos on record. Not counting the texts in prose, the portions in verse alone are total over one million lines excluding different variations, indicating that the living oral epic continues to expand. As the creators and inheritors of the heroic song, the Tibetan singers and storytellers are traditionally classified in several ways by how they learn and master the epic. In oral performances, they invoke a flexible genre of bcad-lhug-spel-ma, namely ‘prosimetrum,’ by melding concisely worded prose with lyrical verse and over 80 melodies of music in responding to different contexts. They often use a variety of skills that include gestures, facial expressions, postures, and verbal sound effects to enhance the singing artistry. Among their meaningful props, the hat, bronze mirror, and costume are shaped in special ways to symbolize the traditional cosmology and aesthetics. In Mongolian tradition however, the epic singing is handed down professionally from master to apprentice. Performances usually feature musical accompaniment by stringed instruments called the “horse head fiddle” (morin khuur) and the “four stringed spiked fiddle” (hugur). The two major singing styles, “improvised melodic singing” (holboga) and “musical storytelling” (bensen ulger), are combined with oral narratives, which highlight vocal singing with deep, broad, and melodious sounds skilfully utilized as needed. Gesar epic performances play important roles in rites of passage, festival ceremonies and religious rituals in communities concerned. For instance, when a child is born, passages about King Gesar’s descending to the world are sung. The epic also reflects Tibet’s native Bon religion, in respect to beliefs, rituals, theology, divination, and so on. Moreover, the epic singing itself usually accompanies with specific ritualized practices, for example, smoke offering, meditation devoting, and spirit possessed. Hence, the epic is not only the dominant means for communicating with the hero, gods, ancestors, and members of society, but also the major entertainment in rural communities. The epic performers have acted as traditional educators who enable people understanding genealogy and history, astronomy and geography, zoology and botany, arts and crafts, medicine and treatment through their storytelling. Concrete narratives focusing on origins of nature and universe are incorporated in numerous episodes called Ode, such as Ode to Mountain, Ode to Sword, etc., revealing that the epic itself a continuum of experiential knowledge in response to their environment, their interaction with nature, universe, and history. As a Tibetan proverb goes, “On every person’s lips there is a canto of King Gesar.” It has been a constant inspiration for other art forms, including traditional forms such as Thangka painting, Tibetan opera, and Cham masked dance, as well as contemporary arts, which provides peoples and young generations a sense of cultural identity and historical continuity, while reflecting credit on the common cultural legacy, shared by generations, serves as a really all-embracing encyclopedia for the general public.

China 2009

In earlier times, Bhutanese traveled as far south as possible to buy salt, spices, and other basic products in the nearest border towns. Pasakha (formerly the southern gateway) was an important business center for the people of western Bhutan because of its proximity to the nearest Indian towns. After an arduous journey of more than 20 days through the high mountains and after nights spent in the cold, dense jungle, the villagers then reached their home, bringing their daily supplies. A young man from the village of Bja-wo once set out for Pasakha to buy supplies. Upon his return, as he prepared to spend the night in the forest, he lay down under a large tree, placed the heavy basket under his head to rest, and stared up at the sky. He saw the bright moon almost smiling at him and the stars twinkling around him. He thought about the number of nights he would have to spend like this, and wondered if the stars and moon would keep him company during his journey home. He continued his journey home during the day, spending each exhausting night under bushes and trees. Each evening he looked up at the sky and noticed that the brightest star seemed to get closer and closer to the moon each night. When he returned home a few days later, the young man, suspecting an interesting observation in the sky, wanted to know how close the star had come to the moon. The following night, he looked up at the sky and found that the star had come so close to the moon that it almost looked like it was interacting with the moon (this was the narrator's exact interpretation). It was a unique discovery that symbolized a happy moment. Incidentally, the day he made this discovery was the 15th of the 10th month, one of the most auspicious holy days in the Bhutanese lunar calendar. Therefore, the festival of Bja-wo Karma Nya-ru (conjunction of the Pleiades and the full moon) is believed to have originated in Bja-wo village and is still celebrated with great enthusiasm. Nowadays, it is also popularly known as Dogar Nya-ru. Nya-ru is celebrated on the 15th day of the 10th month of the Bhutanese lunar calendar and is considered a special occasion where family and friends scattered all over Bhutan gather on this day and celebrate the auspicious day in each and every home with festivity and joy. On the 13th and 14th day of the 10th month, people who work in the cities, students, businessmen, relatives and basically all people who are from the village gather to celebrate Nya-ru. In this village of Nyo-yue dhuen (old name) or Khamda Sali Chiwog (sub-block) as it is commonly known today, people prepare for the big event by washing their clothes, cleaning themselves, tidying their houses and the men discuss archery that will take place during Nya-ru while the women prepare the menu for the special day in the house and make preparations for Ara (locally brewed wine) and other drinks.

When you arrive in Haa, you are greeted by three giant identical hills rising steeply to the west, known as Miri Pun Sum, also styled as Miri Pun Suum or sometimes Me Rig Puen Sum: The Three Brothers Hills or The Three Sisters Hills. Located on the border between Kartshog and Uesu Gewog, one can admire the aligned hills in the middle of Haa Valley. For centuries, the Miri Pun Sum has been worshipped as the abode and embodiment of the Rig-sum Gonpo, Lords of the Three Families: with Jampleyang or Manjushiri on the left; Chenrizig or Avalokiteshvara in the middle; and Chana Dorje Vajrapani on the right. These three deities are considered the most important deities in the Vajrayana Buddhist pantheon, Miri Pun Sum symbolizes and emplaces them in the landscape, so they are worshipped as guardian deities protecting the Haa Valley. Legend has it that people suddenly appeared out of nowhere from Miri Pun Sum, and built the Lhakhang temple of Karpo and Nagpo, which stands in front of the three hills today. It is also believed that this sudden appearance of people from these three hills gave the place its name "Ha". Locals believe that the three hills themselves embody Buddhist powerful beings, and each is associated with a village as well. The people of the Bji and Kartshog Gewog village block are represented by the hill of Chana Dorji, the Vajrapani bodhisattva; they are known to be darker and tougher than their neighbors. While the notoriously meek people of the Uesu gewog are represented by the hill of Chenrizig, the Avaloketeshvara bodhisattva of compassion. Finally, Samar, Gakiling, and Sangbay gewogs are represented by the hill of Jampelyang, Manjushri bodhisattva of wisdom, to reflect their gentle, down-to-earth, and easygoing nature. People also believe that the collective welfare of Haaps depends on the condition of Miri Pun Sum, which is why the Haaps protect the three hills with great reverence. Locals believe that the Miri Pun Sum maintain peace in the valley. It is also believed that these three hills are responsible for rain, harvest, and prosperity of the families. Only when in the presence of these majestic hills can one truly fathom and appreciate this unique, fascinating landscape. Miri Pun Suum is considered a sacred landmark, revered by all Haaps with great respect and devotion. Since time immemorial, Haaps have offered Soel-kha propitiation rituals to Miri Pun Sum. In 2013, under the leadership of the Lhayul-kha people, the Haaps officially erected a Lha-chhim deity shrine in front of Miri Pun Sum to specifically perform Mang-chhoe, a great offering ritual for the welfare of the entire population, or Soel-kha for Miri Pun Sum. This Mang-chhoe is performed annually on the 30th day of the twelfth lunar month. The Lha-chhim is looked after by two administrators whose posts are filled alternately by the residents of Lhayulkha village.

"Udumvara/Udumbara" is a Sanskrit word meaning an auspicious flower of the sky. This type of flower is believed to bloom only once in 3000 years. In the Mahayana Buddhist scriptures (Arts, 2011), it is said that "Udumbara is the product of unwholesome and supernatural phenomena; it is a heavenly flower and does not exist in the mundane world." According to the Monlam dictionary, "In Tibetan, it is called Phag-chog or Tsher-zag. There is also a plant called Dud-jom-shing, which bears a flower that is unique and is called Udumvara because of its rarity in the world. Udumvara exists only when there is a living Buddha in the world. It has attractive colors and a sweet aroma that can spread over a large area. The plant is known for treating eye diseases, phytic abnormalities and is also known for other medicinal properties. Whether the flower is a specimen of its kind or an unknown plant, I have heard a few times that this plant grows in the Yangthang Goenpa area. There are various online sources or books written about the properties of Udumvara, one of the authors has the following to say about Udumvara; "Udumbara flowers are tiny white tulip-shaped flowers that grow on a white thread-like stem. The flowers have no leaves or roots and grow on anything" (Haddock, 2018). On the other hand, the udumvara growing in front of Yangthang Goenpa is different from the one in the online sources or images available online. The Udumvara seen at Yangthang Goenpa has a green color and my interviewees said that until today, no one is able to identify the species of this plant. Perhaps the plant was named by Drubthop itself because it is a very rare species of its kind. It was in 2015 when the plant bloomed in June just before His Majesty's visit to Yangthang Goenpa. Everyone was amazed when the five petals of this plant opened. According to Lopen Tshering Wangchuk, who has been in charge of the Goenpa for four years, he did not observe the plant's blooming. However, he believes that the plant blooms once a year, on the 15th day of the 4th month in the Bhutanese calendar. So far, propagation of the plant has been unsuccessful. Currently, the plant is well protected and surrounded by a tall structure to prevent visitors from stealing or touching it. He has heard from previous caretakers that the flower resembles a peony. The literature states that peony consists of 33 species, including annuals and perennials, all native to Central and East Asia, including eastern Tibet. The first indication is that Udumvara came to Yangthang Goenpa via Tibet. The Yangthang Zabdon Chholing Goenpa or Lhakhang is located at an altitude of 2920 meters above sea level and was founded by Lam Thinley Gyatsho, a follower of Lama Drakpa Gyatsho's disciple Lam Choeying Gyatsho, in the 17th century5. The Yangthang Goenpa has important cultural and religious significance not only for the Yangthang community, but for all Haaps in general. The Goenpa was rebuilt in 2012 under His Majesty's command after being damaged by an earthquake in 2011. All sacred artifacts are restored inside the Goenpa. The Goenpa consists of a two-story building; the top floor houses the Choe-long Trul-sum Lhakhang and the Lami Lhakhang, and the first floor is dedicated to the Chenrezig Lhakhang6. The inauguration of the Goenpa was performed by His Majesty and Gyaltsuen, led by His Eminence Dorji Lopon Kinley (also known as Sonam Jamtsho) from Zhung Dratshang. During this time, hundreds of people gathered and presented various cultural programs. His Majesty offered prayers for the safety and happiness of the country and its people. According to local oral sources, around the 15th century, a Tibetan saint named Drupthob Dondup was on a pilgrimage and took the seed of the plant Udumvara during his lifelong pilgrimage. According to an oral account, "he promised to sow the seed wherever he finished his journey. However, it was believed that he ended his lifelong pilgrimage at Yangthang Goenpa. He sowed the seed of Udumvara in front of the Lhakhang and also left behind a Tashigomang; (auspicious multiple doors). The Tashigomang is shown or displayed to the public only during a specific event. Such significance of the Goenpa attracts not only the locals but also visitors from other Dzongkhags. When tourists visit the Goenpa, they primarily ask about the Udumvara plant. On important occasions and events, many people come to receive offerings and blessings.

Nub Tshona-patra literally means "The Great Lake in the West" and is beautifully situated between the ancient trade route of Haa and Tibet. From some sources, "Nub" may also be known as Nob, which means Norbu (precious treasures). Nub Tshona-patra is considered one of the most sacred and revered lakes in Bhutan. It is believed that the lake is so large that two types of vegetation grow on the lake. On the Tsho-gu (head of the lake) grow plants commonly known as Chukar meto (Rheum nobile), which grow only in mountainous regions such as Jomolhari, while on the Tsho-ju (tail of the lake) grow Dungshing plants (Abies densa), which grow in low regions such as the Haa Valley. Nub Tshona-patra is one of the holiest lakes in Bhutan and can be hiked from Haa on many different routes. The most common routes are from Kipri in Uesu gewog, from Karjena in Kartsho gewog via Changzur Nyela to Drakna Trashiding-kha Gonpa and also from Tokey in Bji gewog. Nub Tshona-patra can also be reached through Jula Pass, Talila Pass, from Miri Pun Suum and from Norbugang in Samar gewog. The river that flows through Dozam at the foot of Chana Dorje (Vajrapani bodhisattava) hill is fed by Lake Tshonapatra. This river feeds the Haa fishery at the foot of Chana Dorji hill. This river flows through Nakha Tashigang and Shubji in the Sangbay Gewog and joins the Amochu further downstream. The river from Baytsho also flows along this river. The sanctity of the lake brings about the fact that Terton (treasure revealer) Sherab Mebar (1267-1297?) came to Bhutan from Kham in Tibet in the 13th century at the age of thirteen, settled in Paro Pangbisa and established the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple as his seat. Even today, this two-story temple is considered very sacred. According to oral traditions, he was destined to recover treasures from a lake in western Bhutan. He was also destined to visit Bumthang and the Jawar Tsedrag Goenpa (temple). To find the treasures, Terton Sherab Mebar traveled to Haa. After finding the lake (now Nub Tshona-patra), he unveiled many treasures including gold, religious artifacts and religious instruments such as dung (trumpet), Nga (drum), Nge-tok (drumstick) and a pair of Rol-mo (cymbals), among others. Terton was prophesied to visit Nub Tshona-patra seven times. When Terton came across a huge lump of gold in Nub Tshona-patra, it turned into a giant frog as big as a hill and swallowed (and held) all the water of the lake in its mouth. He asked a carpenter to carve the gold nugget into a pillar to be used in Paro Dzong. The carpenter was instructed to take the splinters and fragments of the pillar as payment for his work. However, the carpenter tried to shear off too much of the column in order to receive his wages. The Terton feared that the column would be too short, and when he tried to talk to them about shearing too much out of concern, a drop of water fell out of his nose and spilled into the lake, drowning them all along with the gold. Some locals believe that those who cut off the gold pillar were his one hundred and five monk disciples from the village of Pangbisa, while others say that his team consisted of thirty-two strong men who were farmers and carpenters. The angry deity of the lake Tshodag/Tshomen (mermaid) sensed this and began to pursue the Terton. While he was running for his life, religious instruments such as cymbal, trumpet, drum, drumstick and a sickle fell from him, and lakes sprouted in the place where the treasures fell. Locals know these lakes as Drum Lake (Nga-tsho), Drum Lake (Dungtsho, in Jarey), Drumstick Lake (Ngetok-tsho), Cymbal Lake (Roel-tsho, in Rigona), and Sickle Lake (Zoutsho), which are now found in the Haa Shongana region (also known as Shokuna), including Nub Tshona-patra in Tshona Diga. Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho are located close to each other at Tsoo. Yak herders spend their summers in Tsoo. Locals believe that the Terton also spent time meditating (thukdam/tsham) in Yatokha, the area behind the hills of Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho, to see clear visions and find hidden treasures. Some sources say that the Terton also dropped other treasures such as religious artifacts and religious instruments made of gold, turquoise, silver, shells and a vase during his escape, which led to the formation of Ser-tsho, Yu-tsho, Ngyul-tsho, Dungkar-tsho and Bumpa-tsho (in Jarey Damshog). The terton Sherab Mebar turned into a bird and the angry deity into a falcon. When they reached Tergola (which means "gateway to hidden treasures," as it was believed that many treasures were hidden behind this mountain pass), the deity of the mountain (Tsan) negotiated peace between the Terton and the angry deity of the lake. Some consider this Tsan or Drak-tsen to be Ap Chungdu. Some sources also indicate that the negotiation actually took place in Lab-dza of Tshellu-tsho. It was agreed that both Terton and the deity would not enter their respective territories. Terton and the descendants of his followers would never set foot in Haa Shongana. Similarly, the lake deity agreed not to cross Tergola. Thus, all connections between the people of Haa Shongana and Paro Pangbisa were severed, even though these two places are considered to be close to each other. Even today, when the descendants of the Terton people in Pangbisa cross the Tergola Pass, it rains even when the weather is fine, and people die when they enter the Haa Shongana region. Animals also die when they cross the border, or if animals are traded between these two places, they do not survive. However, some of the locals believe that this border does not apply to livestock. To resolve the conflict between the two, the mountain deity erected five Do-tshams (boundary stones) between Gangche-la and Zou-tsho (Sickle Lake) to mark the border. It is believed that the boundary was initially marked with dried yak and sheep dung, which later turned into stones. The cairns are still preserved today. The Do-tshams are located in Ramzur, under the Uesu gewog. The stone mounds look as if they would collapse at any time. But if you actually touch them, it is not easy to dismantle them or break them into the ground. People say that stones and pebbles can be added to the piled up structures, but they should not be removed or disintegrated. When the Terton died, he left the only Rol-mo treasure (basin) and a Phurpai ku (three-sided ritual dagger statue) in the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. The Phurpa ku can be seen in this temple to this day as one of the Nangten (sacred religious objects). It is said that after the death of Terton, his Kudung (sacred body) was taken from Pangbisa to Rinpung Dzong (fortress). However, the people of Pangbisa wanted to reclaim the Kudung, and when they tried to steal the Kudung through the U-tse (central tower) of Rinpung Dzong, the "head" detached from the Kudung, and the headless Kudung was left in Rinpung Dzong, which later burned in a fire tragedy. Today, the skull of Terton is revered as one of the most important sacred relics of the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. In lieu of formal punishment, the people of Pangbisa had to cede the only treasure, the Rolmo, to the Rinpung Dzong. This cymbal can be visited today as one of the most important sacred relics of the Rinpung Dzong. The cymbal is shown to the public once a year, on the first day of Paro Tsechu, to give blessings, and it is also used to determine the timing of the mask dancers during Tsechu. The other cymbal that belongs to this treasure was newly made; therefore, this pair of cymbals sounds slightly different from the other normal pairs of cymbals. Some believe that the Nub Tshona-patra was originally located in the village of Sangbay Ama in the Sangbay gewog before it was settled in its present location. People say that a mermaid carried the lake in a dung-chung (slender container made of bamboo used to store salt) and planned to move the lake to another location because the lake's location was either dirty or it was time to move away from Sangbay Ama. On the way to the present location of the lake, the mermaid stopped for a night at a Norgi-jangsa (settlement of cattle herders). It is believed that the mermaid gave cattle to the Nublang cattle as a reward for the kindness shown to her by this local herdsman. Today, this particular breed of Tha-nor (low altitude cattle) exists only in the Sangbay gewog of Haa. Before the lake was built on the present site, the place was a Bjobi-lakha (nomadic settlement). The mermaid asked the shepherds to move their camp so that the lake could settle there. The mermaid found that even the next morning the shepherds had not moved away. So, the mermaid emptied the Dung-chung that contained the lake's water, drowning all the shepherds along with their camps. It is believed that some lucky people on a clear day can see the entire Nogi-jangsa, including dogs, yaks and people. Legend has it that once a woman from Tshaphel village was washing clothes on the lakeshore and polluted the lake. Nothing happened to her for five years. But in the sixth year, the lake "consumed" and she drowned along with her livestock and camp. To this day it is believed that at Nya-chhu, the source of Haa fishing, people come across pieces of clothing or Bjob's hat. It is believed that it is a bad sign to find such items. Locals also believe that whenever the waters of Lake Nyaku-na appear in Tshaphel, people either die or mysteriously disappear. It is believed that Dungkar Aekhil (a shell with a right head) appears to those who have good luck when visiting the lake. Lam Duetsi from Dumchog village in Uesu is said to have seen this shell while visiting the lake. Local people believe that a hundred cattle once drowned in the lake because the water of the lake appeared so calm that the cattle mistook the water of the lake for the ground. Later, about nine tethers that were used to tie the cattle were found at the water source that feeds the fishery in Haa.

‘Sada Shin Noh’ is a performing art expressed by the people’s dance-like movements to musical instruments such as drums to re-enact the power of the deity with which the people are blessed. It is always performed on September 24th and 25th every year on a special stage, called Gakuden, constructed within the precincts of the Sada Shrine which is the tutelary presence of the community. During these two days at Sada Shrine, people replace the rush mats, called Goza, with new mats on which the deities seat themselves. The replacement re-enacts the deities’ power. During the performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, a ritual dancer performs with Goza in his hand. The Goza are purified by this dance. People consider that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is indispensable to the re-enactment of the deities’ power. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is also performed at other neighbouring shrines, whenever requested. The repertoire, choreography and music in ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are traditionally fixed. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is accompanied by flute music, three types of drums and singing. The players sit down around the stage, and the dancers perform at the centre of the stage. The repertoire performed in this performing art is classified into three categories. The first seven numbers belong to Category I. The performers do not wear masks, and perform the ritual dances with swords, holy wooden sticks, and bells in hand, depending on the number. In the ritual dance, Gozamai, the dancers perform with the rush mats for the deities in their hands in order to purify them before serving them to the deities. Category II has the three ritual dances performed with a mask of an old man. It is said that these dances were performed in Kyoto in the early seventeenth century. Category III has twelve numbers called Shin Noh which are performed with a mask of a deity. Japanese myths are depicted through these dances. This composition of dances is a typical example of Japanese performing arts. However, the main feature of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is the dance of purification of the deities’ seats. People believe that ‘Sada Shin Noh’ should be regularly performed in order to re-enact the power of the tutelary deities in the community. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is natural and nothing special in the daily lives of the people around Sada Shrine who share the worship. ‘Sada Shin Noh’ is an interaction between people and the deities that supports and guarantees a rich and peaceful future for the people, their families, and the community, making the social and cultural functions of “Sada Shin Noh” significant. The people who worship Sada Shrine as a tutelary presence are eager to transmit ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They have practiced diligently to acquire the skills needed for their performances, and have been publicly approved by the people of the community. Those who are in charge of the transmission of ‘Sada Shin Noh’ are first, the members of the Association for the Preservation of Sada Shin Noh. They are ordinary citizens engaged in respective jobs, but they practice regularly and have acquired the traditional performance formula. They bear a direct responsibility to perform it in a traditional style in public. Second are Shinto priests, who maintain the Sada Shrine. They have the responsibility of offering the opportunity and place for the public performance of ‘Sada Shin Noh’. Third are people inside and outside the community, who consider it necessary to continue transmitting ‘Sada Shin Noh’ to the future. They appreciate the public performances of ‘Sada Shin Noh’, and make financial contributions to the Shrine and the Association from time to time. The people of the community have long regarded ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as an important performing art. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property by the National Government in 1976, it has been widely recognized in Japan as an important element of the Japanese cultural heritage that indicates the transition of the Japanese lifestyle. The transmitting group and community consider ‘Sada Shin Noh’ as one of their own distinctive cultures of which they are proud. By transmitting and performing it in public, it offers them an opportunity to renew a sense of identity with the community and society, thus contributing to its continuity.

Japan 2011

The Hezhen people, once known as “Hejen,” have long inhabited the reaches of the significant “three rivers”—Amur River (Heilongjiang), Sungari River (Songhuajiang), and Ussri River (Wusulijiang)—in northeast China. With a population of approximately 4600 people, they are one of the smallest ethnic minorities in China. Yimakan storytelling is a multi-canto oral genre performed in the Hezhen language, or “Nanay” in linguistic terms, which belongs to the Manchu-Tungusic branch of the Altaic language family. It can be traced back many centuries, and is closely connected with the Hezhen people's life-world, which depends for its existence on fishing and hunting. In China, the Hezhen Yimakan Storytelling was first reported by Ling Chunsheng, an anthropologist, in his work entitled, The Hezhen People Living in the Lower Reaches of the Sungari River, in 1934. Yimakan storytelling varies in themes and story-pattern, and resembles an extended narrative tradition celebrating heroic feats and tribal alliances. The ‘mergen’ or hero is perhaps the most iconic and enduring superhero ever created, and likewise heroic narratives, centering on depicting ancient warriors, are also among the most popular tales. The basic storyline is devoted to narrating how the hero becomes the tribal chieftain after enduring many trials and tribulations, and how he finally rehabilitates the Hezhens’ homeland, leading his people to undertake a peaceful life. So far, one of the most ancient stories is the Sirdalu Mergen, which is considered “the very first heroic story since the creation of the world” by local people. Other stories take shape at later stages, such as Antu Mergen, Mandu Mergen, and Shensu Mergen. Apart from heroic narratives, other stories about hunting and fishing, beauty and bravery, love and wisdom, local knowledge and daily chores can also be found, such as Gimtekewe Anaburan and Muzhurin Mergen. Thus far about fifty cantos have been recorded, including Mandu Mergen, Yargu, Shirgu, and Princess Yingtu Flying to the Moon, etc. The episodes of Mandu Mergen may last as long as 8 to 9 hours. The Yimakan performance is a mixture of singing and narrating, and is conducted by an experienced storyteller, with no instrumental accompaniment. Generally speaking, the tradition can be roughly divided into two types: ‘sagdi jarimku’ and ‘uskuli jarimku,’ or BIG SONG and SMALL SONG, respectively, in terms of thematic content and the length of the storytelling. The Big Songs are longer, dealing primarily with heroic stories and creation myths, and they occur mostly in the form of narration; the Small Songs are shorter, depicting love stories, fishing and hunting lifestyles, and the like, and they are rendered with specific melodies. The solo voice of storytelling differs according to gender and age. For this reason, youth melodies, elderly melodies, female melodies, and similar phenomena, can be applied to particular characters and plots. Melodies of narration typically vary from place to place and continually adapt to match up with the given scene and ad hoc plots, thus producing a vivid spectrum of narrative tones in combination of the sonorous or prolonged strains, slow or quick movements. The formulaic singing and reciting can be identified as “traditional” in many facets, though improvisational elements are still quite common and vary according to the level of emotive interaction between storyteller and audience. The traditional performers of Yimakan, called ‘Yimakanqi mafa,’ are usually amateurs, trained in a master-apprentice relationship by a clan or a family. During the first half of the 20th century, master storytellers emerged in rapid succession within a clan or a family. At present, however, outsiders are more and more often accepted for apprenticeship. In the Hezhen context, Yimakanqi mafa refers to a personage with high language skills and a quick mind, who is thus highly respected by the folk. Being a small group of wordsmiths, they can smoothly improvise during the performance, while carefully following the traditional story-patterns, motifs and formulaic diction. Embedded within its society and culture, Yimakan has been the major form of entertainment in the native regions. The Hezhens always enjoy listening to this storytelling during hunting and fishing, upon wedding or house-building ceremonies, and on feast and festival occasions. In particular, the cold and long winter has traditionally ushered in a special time for storytelling. Accordingly, the oral storytelling, as a cultural complex, has been deeply ingrained in the Hezhens’ hearts. In current times, it also supplies a vehicle for younger generations to learn about their history and culture, while opening a window for outsiders to access the Hezhen communities. Since there is no writing system available for these particular communities, Yimakan plays a key role in preserving Hezhens’ past through oral means. This traditional storytelling, as an ideological form of living oral history, reflects the Hezhens’ historical development, social situatedness, and conceptual systems, along with vivid portrayals of daily life, nature worship, shamanic practice, customs, folkways, and remnants of matriarchal kinship, and to a certain extent has made up for the few written records of the Hezhens that exist. It not only manifests almost all aspects of their cultural creativities, but also plays a core function in maintaining the Hezhens’ mother tongue—a ‘severely endangered language’ as reported in ATLAS OF THE WORLD’S LANGUAGES IN DANGER (UNESCO 2010, p.54)—as well. Through practicing Yimakan, the Hezhens’ everyday language, sacred songs, and divine chants have been easier to keep intact, and the transmission and development of the mother tongue has become a more realistic possibility to cultural resurgence. By and large, Yimakan storytelling will undoubtedly have a profound influence on the Hezhens’ traditions, history, values, and ethos. Since it has long been the major carrier of the Hezhens’ historic memory and cultural expression, this time-honoured oral tradition possesses irreplaceable social functions for enhancing ethnic cohesion and identity. Furthermore, having linked the past to the present through an unbroken corpus of living memory and culture, Yimakan serves as a treasure house for the maintenance of the Hezhen language. For all of these reasons, Yimakan presents a specific example of a living and thriving cultural diversity that is under threat of extinction.

China 2011

Chinese paper-cut, a traditional handiwork created by cutting patterns on paper via scissors or graver, has been a time-honoured folk art piece for decorating purpose on festivals or coordinating with various folk custom activities. As a folk art form adored and practiced by Chinese folks, Chinese paper-cut has been developed for more than 1,500 years with its fabrication skills and sculpts being preserved to these days. Chinese paper-cut comprises two classifications including “paper-cutting” and “paper-engraving”. The former relies on manual cutting and often produces one art piece in one process; the latter relies on engraving with graver and often produces multiple art pieces in one process. The Chinese paper-cut art pieces have unified color or multiple colors. Besides, mosaic or setting-off skills are adopted to enrich the color effect of Chinese paper-cut art pieces. For many centuries, Chinese paper-cut art pieces have been extensively applied to people’s daily life and on various folk custom activities such as fete, festivals and etiquettes. They have diverse patterns including: the paper-cut art pieces on window, lintel, bed and ceiling for the purpose of interior decoration; the paper-cut art pieces on occasions of wedding ceremony, birthday party, lantern festival and dragon boat festival; the paper-cut art pieces that are taken as the sample for embroidering pillow, shoe and bellyband; the paper-cut art pieces for the purpose of praying for rain, dispelling the evil and ushering in the auspice. Among numerous patterns of Chinese paper-cut, each one symbolizes certain conventionalized meanings, i.e. pomegranate symbolizes multiplied offspring while dragon and phoenix signifies love. Usually, Chinese paper-cut artists create paper-cut works off the cuff and the themes of paper-cut art pieces relate to a wide range of scope including folk belief, myths, historical stories, daily labor activities, universe and nature. The bold and vivid sculpt in Chinese paper-cut sufficiently signifies the romantic thinking and wild imagination of Chinese people. Due to the vast territory and great difference of folk customs in the northern and southern regions of China, there are diversified styles in Chinese paper-cut. Comparatively speaking, the paper-cut art pieces in North China are characterized with bold and crude artistic styles while those in South China are fine and delicate.

China 2009

Renowned for its elaborate puppets and complex musical styles, this ancient form of storytelling originated on the Indonesian island of Java. For ten centuries wayang flourished at the royal courts of Java and Bali as well as in rural areas. Wayang has spread to other islands (Lombok, Madura, Sumatra and Borneo) where various local performance styles and musical accompaniments have developed. While these carefully handcrafted puppets vary in size, shape and style, two principal types prevail: the three-dimensional wooden puppet (wayang klitik or golèk) and the flat leather shadow puppet (wayang kulit) projected in front of a screen lit from behind. Both types are characterized by costumes, facial features and articulated body parts. The master puppeteer (dalang) manipulates the swivelling arms by means of slender sticks attached to the puppets. Singers and musicians play complex melodies on bronze instruments and gamelan drums. In the past, puppeteers were regarded as cultivated literary experts who transmitted moral and aesthetic values through their art. The words and actions of comic characters representing the “ordinary person” have provided a vehicle for criticizing sensitive social and political issues, and it is believed that this special role may have contributed to wayang’s survival over the centuries. Wayang stories borrow characters from indigenous myths, Indian epics and heroes from Persian tales. The repertory and performance techniques were transmitted orally within the families of puppeteers, musicians and puppet-makers. Master puppeteers are expected to memorize a vast repertory of stories and to recite ancient narrative passages and poetic songs in a witty and creative manner.

Indonesia 2008

Among the various types of Thai traditional puppet performances, “Hun Lakorn Lek” is one that stands out. This type of puppet is distinct from other typical Thai forms 0f puppetry, as normally the marionettes will only have moving heads and hands on an otherwise static body. In contrast, Hun Lakorn Lek is performed with figures that are completely moveable, allowing head, body, arms and legs to act independently. This results in a puppet that, if operated with masterly skill, can move like a real human. This impression is further strengthened by the well-measured proportions of the puppet, which also match those of real humans, albeit at a smaller scale. The puppets are used to perform a wide repertoire of stories that mostly draw on traditional Thai literature with some exceptions that instead depict contemporary tales. Since the ancient civilizations of Southeast Asia have long been influenced by Indian cultures there is a clear impact of Indic mythology in traditional Thai art and literature, which is also evident in the traditional puppet shows. One of the most well-known myths with Indian origins in Thai culture is the Ramayana. This epic follows the life of Rama, from the time when he was a prince of Ayodhya city in the kingdom of Kosala and got exiled in the forest for fourteen years by his father. The tale picks up in intensity when Rama’s wife Sita got kidnapped by Ravana, king of Lanka, one of Rama’s enemies over whom he manages to triumph in the end. After returning back to Ayodhya with his wife, the successful Rama is crowned as king. However, when Thai poets learned about this story they also adapted and rewrote it into a new version known in Thai as “Ramakien" in order to make the story fit better with the local background.