The entire epos includes a historical range of the legendary achievements of the ancient national hero of Gorogly and his 40 cavalrymen by recording all major events of traditional lifespan of the Turkmen people. The aspiration of the Turkmen nation for a happy life, unification, freedom and justice as well as their features such as bravery, honesty, partiotism, freindship, tolerance and fairness have been reflected in the epos. The element is a combined genre of oral traditions and performing art incorporating narrating, singing, vocal improvisation and musical composition, where a prose and poetry are alternated in its perforamnce. Its bearers and practitioners are epic performers-dessanchy bagshy specialized in the Gorogly epic. It is by tradition performed by one dessanchy bagshy playing the dutar (a two stringed, long-necked lute) in a sitting position, while narrating prose and reciting poetry in a way to deliver the characters' feelings and emotions to the accompaniment to the traditional musical instruments such as dutar and gyjak (a fiddle-like Turkmen musical instrument). It is traditionally performed at social gatherings, celebrations, national ceremonies, life rituals, national festivals and special "Folklore Festivals". The element provides related communities with a sense of social and cultural identity and it is considered as a main symbol of Turkmen people to sustain their cultural identity being as an oral encyclopedia and it remains the inexhaustible fountain-head to nurture their cultural psychology, national character, mentality, creative capacity and artistic skills.

Turkmenistan 2015

The traditional turkmen carpets and carpet products are the hand-woven woollen textile goods of ornamental art with quadrangular shape in different sizes with dense texture ornamented with characteristic colored patterns pertaining each separately to one of five main turkmen tribes (tekke, yomut, ersary, saryk and salor). Their designs form patterns from clear linear geometric ornaments (dots, lines and figures). Compositional decision of the turkmen carpets has characteristic features: the central field with major patterns ("gels") in octagonal forms is limited with the borders, patterns which differ from that of the central field. The alternation of recurrence of designs represented with combination of the belt and centric ornamental compositions. Reality surrounding a carpet weaver (local flora, fauna and environment) has been reflected in a combination of the threads, pictures and colours creating carpet designs. The turkmen carpets are created on horizontal or vertical looms mainly using different coloured wool threads. Weavers use both types of knotting; double knots with double weft or one-and-a half knot with double weft. Carpets serve both as a floor covering and a wall decoration functions and substitute furniture to satisfy everyday aesthetic needs of turkmen people. There are also special carpets woven for the birth of a child, for wedding ceremonies, for prayers and for mourning rituals. Carpet products such as chuvals (sacks), khorjuns (saddle-bags), torbas (bags) are destined for clothing, transportation of various household paraphernalia and used for decorations of camels, horses, nomad tents, wedding processions etc.

Turkmenistan 2019

Mangal Shobhajatra is a vibrant procession brought out in Dhaka City on the first day of Bangla New Year . It is a creative innovation to give new social and cultural meanings to the celebration of Bangla New Year, a tradition going back to 1556 CE during the reign of Mughal Emperor Akbar the Great. In 1989, the students and teachers of the Faculty of Fine Arts of Dhaka University organized a colorful procession entitled "Mangal Shobhajatra", literally meaning well-being procession, on the first day of the Bangla New Year. Since then, Mangal Shobhajatra has become a major secular festive event in which people from all walks of life join freely and spontaneously. Pahela Baishakh, the first day of Bangla New Year, coincides with 14 April. Preparation for Mangal Shobhajatra begins a month earlier on 14 March in the campus of the Dhaka University. The students, under the guidance of their teachers, make several large artifacts for display in the procession. Each year at least one stupendous artifact is made to signify the dark forces of evil and iniquity. This one and the other artifacts vary from year to year. The Mangal Shobhajatra of 2013 comprised a monster and a reptile to signify the sinister forces, a dove to symbolize peace, a bull to stand for the revolutionary spirit, a clenched hand to embody vigour and courage, and a wide range of masks for the activists to carry in order to drive away the sinister forces and pave the way for progress.

Bangladesh 2016

Having originated in bhani, a type of drama, mentioned in at least 10th century inscriptions of Cambodia, Lkhon Khol today is performed by males, wearing masks with the accompaniment of pin peat, a traditional orchestra, and melodious recitation. It performs only episodes from Reamker, a Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana. Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is distinct from the generic form because its specific aim is to propitiate Neak Ta (guardian spirits of a place and its people; in this case the community of Wat Svay Andet), and in so doing, protect and make prosperous the community, its lands and harvest. When Lkhon Khol is performed especially during a fixed date after the New Year, spirit mediums are presented to facilitate interaction between the Neak Ta, performers and villagers. Spirit mediums, who predict the situation for the upcoming year, attend the performance and become possessed by the Neak Ta and then might get on the stage. When the spirits are satisfied by the performance, villagers are blessed by them, and if not, dancers will stop; the music continues; and the audience will fall silent and carefully listen to the spirits. Then the episode must be performed again. nIn Wat Svay Andet, Lkhon Khol has such spiritual significance in the community that some Reamker characters have become local deities in themselves. For example, on the campus of the monastery, a shrine for Hanuman (Monkey General) locally called Lok Ta Kamheng is built and venerated. The mask for Tos Mok (Ravana, King of the Demons) also lives and is venerated in a spirit house at the home of the family that has danced that role for several generations. In addition to the intrinsic specificity of the Wat Svay Andet form, some external differences are noted, such as the fact that three of the key roles are not masked. In fact their faces are painted white, indicating that they are neither mortals nor gods. The costumes, which are very refined with magnificent embroidery, are also different especially from those of the Battambang Troupe. Melodies for recitations are also different and richer. nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is not performed by professional artists, but by the villagers themselves, and they do not perform for money but for merits and their community’s well-being. Everyone in the community is obliged to contribute, either by direct participation in the performance or by sharing support, e.g. financial or labor. Even villagers, who have migrated for work, tend to come back for the ritual and believe that if they don’t come, they could be struck by illness or bad luck.

Cambodia 2018

The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented with the names Lavash-Katyrma-Jupka-Yufka, is a set of traditional knowledge, views, skills and rituals related to preparation, baking, storing, using and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey and is transmitted from generations to generations. Flatbread tradition is a symbol of shared cultural identity and serves expression of mutual respect among communities. The five countries share a number of common features, skills and knowledge related to preparation and use of the flatbread. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. The dough is rolled by hand or using a dough roller into round or oval shape. In Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey and some communities of Kyrgyzstan, flatbread is baked in earthen or stone ovens called “tandyr” or “tanūr” buried into the ground. Some communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Turkey bake the flatbread (yufka or lavash) on a metal plate known as “sac” (“saj” or “sāj”) over the fire. Communities in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners. The preparation of flatbread involves traditional practices based on collective labour and sharing within family and neighbourhood. As expression of social solidarity in rural areas, families prepare and bake flatbread together with their neighbours, especially as a preparation for winter. The flatbread is baked both at homes by family members and flatbread bakers, who learn the practice through a master-apprentice relationship. The flatbread preparation bears a great variety of social and cultural functions for its communities in terms of its usage at special occasions and its relation to transition between seasons. Communities of five countries consider flatbread preparation places sacred. In Kazakhstan, communities believe preparing flatbread at funerals helps the deceased get protection from the burning Sun, while waiting for decision of the God. To wish prosperity and wealth to newly-married couple, in Azerbaijani and Iranian weddings the flatbread lavash is often put on shoulders of the bride, while in Turkish weddings dried flatbread yufka is crumbled over the head of the bride. In Kyrgyzstan, tradition bearers believe that flatbread helps sick people. In some religious ceremonies and traditional weddings in Iran flatbread is served as a component of the sacred offering. During the preparation of flatbread, it is shared with all passers-by as a sign of hospitality. Flatbread culture is expression of belonging to common cultural roots. It reinforces cultural links and serves as marker of hospitality, conviviality and friendliness within the societies of five countries.

Azerbaijan,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2016

“Chogān” is a traditional horse-riding game which is accompanied by music and storytelling. In Chogān, two rider teams compete and the aim is to pass the Gūy (ball) through the opposing team’s goal posts by using a Chogān (wooden stick). The team with a higher number of goals wins the game. It is played in an open area called Meydān in several “Chukkeh”s (rounds). Chogān differs in the size of the Meydān, the number of Chukkehs and "Chogānbāzān" (players) depending on the region. The game of Chogān includes: Chogānbāzi (the main game), the corresponding musical performance and, storytelling (Naqqāli and Morshedkhāni etc.). Given that the game needs a level Meydān, several Chogān horses, and skilled Chogānbāzān, it is mostly performed in specific places and major events including Nowrouz, and other local and national occasions. The audience for the game are mostly locals, the players’ family members and people interested in this entertaining game. Chogān has more than 2000 years of history in Iran and has mostly been played in royal courts and urban fields. Because of its connection with elements like the family (players and artists), nature, horses and arts, Chogān is of paramount importance in the Iranian culture. Today, the patterns and figures related to Chogān have a strong presence in the motifs used in Iranian handicrafts, traditional miniature paintings, architectural ornaments and stone engravings as well as the Iranian literature and languages.

Iran 2017

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Korea and the rest of East Asia, engaged in rice farming for several millennia, have formed a rice culture that can be compared to the wheat culture of Europe. Ganggangsullae is one of the most representative seasonal rituals of Korea’s rice farming culture, which permeates nearly every aspect of life among Koreans. Ganggangsullae gives hints about the origins of recreational music and dance emblematic of the Korean peninsula, as it used to be widely performed in the southwestern coastal region of the peninsula and is closely linked to inland circle dances accompanying music, including Notdari Bapgi (Walking Over a Human Bridge) and Wolwoli Cheongcheong (Moon, Moon, Radiant Moon). A combination of various recreational elements based on the basic form of holding hands to form a circle while singing and dancing, Ganggangsullae has been named as such since the refrain “ganggangsullae,” whose exact meaning is unknown, is repeated with every bar. It was originally performed by unmarried youngsters aged between 15 and 20, and sometimes allowing the participation of recently married youngsters. But, when it was designated as a state cultural heritage the community members, largely women in their 40s or 50s, rendered the performance. Since then, Ganggangsullae has been handed down by middle-aged female members of the community, displaying proficient skills, rather than the creative vividness and dynamics of youngsters when they perform it. Traditionally, Ganggangsullae was performed on Korea’s representative seasonal occasions, including Seol (the lunar New Year), Daeboreum (the first full moon day of the year), Dano (the fifth day of the fifth lunar month), Baekjung (the fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month), Chuseok (the fifteenth day of the eighth lunar month), and Junggu (the ninth day of the ninth lunar month), with the one on Chuseok being the largest. As such, Ganggangsullae has been developed into a performance most commonly conducted on Chuseok (Korea’s Thanksgiving). Under the bright full moon, dozens of young village women hold hands to form a circle and sing and dance. While the sun symbolizes men, and the moon, women, and women’s physical features are represented by a round shape, Ganggangsullae assumes the characteristics of the law of imitation, one of the laws of magic, reflecting primitive aesthetics. Because the dancing is strenuous, only young women are allowed to perform, but it is also their privilege as women of child-bearing age. Ganggangsullae is a ballad dance unique to Korea. The songs are poems written by ordinary people and a lead singer set the pace. Fellow performers follow the lead with the next lines in a song. Besides folklore and folk dance, folk music is also incorporated in the performance as traditional Korean music instruments such as a drum and an hour-glass shaped drum accompany the dance, adding to the entertainment. Ganggangsullae is so exciting and dynamic that participants often lose themselves and end up performing from the early evening when the moon rises until the moon sets. Depending on the tempo set by the lead singer, the music is categorized into gin (slow) Ganggangsullae, jung (middle) Ganggangsullae, and jajeun (quick) Ganggangsullae. The tempo of the dancers’ movement also varies according to the music. During interludes, games reflecting life in farm or fishing village are played. They include imitating the Korean terrapin (one person goes into the circle to dance and the next comes in and imitates her), gathering brackens, tying herrings, treading on roof tiles, rolling and unrolling straw mats, catching a mouse (picking the tail), playing gatekeepers, riding palanquins, and looking for a handkerchief. The archetype of Ganggangsullae is found from agricultural folk customs of Mahan, a Korean state that existed 2,000 years ago, according to ancient Chinese historical texts. In the history of man, it is not common to see an intangible cultural heritage handed down for such a long time. This long transmission of Ganggangsullae implies that expectations for the role of women both in the society and in the family have continued for such a long time as well. Traditional Korean society was male centered, and young women were not allowed to sing aloud or go out at night. On Chuseok, however, women could freely sing and enjoy outdoor amusements under the full moon, venting their long-suppressed emotions through Ganggangsullae. The festival guaranteed women a chance to break away from usual restrictions and enjoy the festive mood. Throughout its history, Ganggangsullae also had other functions. It is said that in 1592, Admiral Lee Sun-sin had women perform Ganggangsullae at night around a fire. The flickering shadows fooled the invading Japanese into overestimating the size of Lee’s forces, who ultimately prevailed. Also, listening carefully to the song verses, one can notice that there are many lines criticizing the society. In particular, the words written under the Japanese colonial rule reflect the Koreans’ resistance to the occupation forces. Ganggangsullae is rarely performed in today’s rural villages since most young women have left for cities. But thanks to its national designation as an Important Intangible Cultural Heritage and state-level cultural and educational policies, Ganggangsullae has spread outside its traditional base in the southwestern region of the Korean peninsula. Today, Ganggangsullae is part of the music curriculum of elementary schools and is performed at many secondary schools and universities as well as public festivals across the country. In recent years, research has been conducted regarding the application of Ganggangsullae in the field of art therapy. Ganggangsullae is expected to help those suffering from psychological problems such as depression. Also, new possibilities are being explored as an alternative therapy to help obese women lose their weight and as a means to enhance the well-being of lonely senior citizens.

South Korea 2009

Inscribed in 2013 (8.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity As the temperature falls in late autumn, the topic of choice for most Koreans is kimjang, making a large quantity of kimchi to sustain them through the country’s long and harsh winter. Kimchi, a categorical name for Korean-style preserved vegetables seasoned with local spices and fermented seafood, was recorded as part of Korean diet as early as 760 years ago. Kimchi has been an essential part of Korean meal across class and regional differences. The most humble meal consists of cooked rice and kimchi, but even the most luxurious banquet is not complete without kimchi. Kimjang incorporates Koreans' understanding of their natural environment, and closely reflects their regional ecosystems. Over time, Koreans have developed methods that best fit their specific natural conditions. Kimjang is thus deeply rooted in the natural milieu of Korean habitats. Preparation for kimjang follows a yearly seasonal cycle. In spring, households secure shrimp, anchovy, and other seafood for salting and fermenting. In summer, they purchase sea salt to be stored for up to two or three years, to let the bitter taste of brine out. In late summer, red chili peppers are dried and ground into powder. In late autumn housewives carefully monitor weather forecasts to determine the optimal date for kimjang: it is important to choose the right temperature for the kimchi to acquire the best taste through storing it in cool and stable conditions. In the custom of exchanging kimchi among households after kimjang, innovative skills and creative ideas are shared and accumulated.

South Korea 2013

Gagaku is one of the Japanese performing arts, which are expressed by playing musical instruments, with long, slow songs and dance-like movements, and performed at ceremonies or banquets at the Imperial Palace or in a theatre, such as the National Theatre in Tokyo. Gagaku consists of (i) Kuniburi no Utamai, (ii) the Japanized dance and music which had been derived from the Continent, and (iii) Utamono. The substances or repertoires have been created in the history and culture of Japan and become distinctive. Kuniburi no Utamai had been formed up around the tenth century with original Japanese songs and dances long before foreign music and instruments were brought into Japan in the fifth century. While the dance and music that came via the continent use only musical instruments, Kuniburi no Utamai is mainly composed of songs and played just partly with a Japanese harp and Kagura flute. The choreography of Kuniburi no Utamai is simple but noble and grave. The Japanized dance and music which had been derived from the Continent consist of an instrumental tune, kangen, which developed from such Asian music and dances that reached Japan via ancient China and the Korean peninsula during the four hundred years from the fifth century through the ninth century, and was shaped by the history and culture of Japan, and (b) bugaku, the ceremonial dance to this tune. The Japanization is the process as follows: (i) the configuration of performance consisting of those derived from China, Central Asia, and India and those from the Korean peninsula: (ii) the selection of foreign music instruments and the formation of the smaller chamber music ensembles. Those used here are wind instruments (Sho, Hichiriki and Fue), strings (Biwa and So), percussion instruments, and others. Utamono is the vocal music that was newly formed around the tenth century in Japan under the influence of music from abroad. Some of its lyrics are Japanese folk songs and some are ancient Chinese poems. As briefly explained above, the history of Gagaku stretches over more than a millennium. Gagaku-ryo, i.e. the department of Gagaku, was set up as a national institution by the enactment of the year 701. The Imperial Court aimed at establishing a centralized State under the rule of written laws and regulations, known as Ritsu-Ryo Kokka. Historians think that Gagaku was incorporated into the national system as an essential part of official ceremonies. In 752, for example, these performing arts were performed at the ceremony to bring the soul into Great Buddha statue in the temple of Todai-ji, which has been a UNESCO World Heritage Site since 1998. In the tenth century the performing arts from the Asian continent were sophisticated and Japanized while new Utamono and new repertoires of Bugaku were composed under the influence of performing arts from abroad; the form of today’s Gagaku was being established. Moreover, the style of acting and the performance space were also being set. The individual members who compose the Music Department of the Imperial Household Agency in charge of the transmission of Gagaku are mainly descendants of specific families who occupied such posts as a family profession. Although the tradition of Gagaku faced difficulties several times because of the decline of the Imperial Court and the aristocracy, who were patrons of Gagaku, and because of political turbulence and conflicts, certain families in Kyoto, Osaka, and Nara have kept the tradition, and do not let it cease. In the latter half of the 18th century, the Musical Department of the Imperial Household Agency was established, incorporating musicians from several localities, and this was the predecessor of the Musical Department of the Imperial Household Agency. As explained above, the Department members recognize Gagaku as part of their precious cultural heritage transmitted from their ancestors. As Gagaku has been designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property of Japan since 1955, it is recognized as an item of important cultural heritage which has high historical and artistic value for the Japanese people. Gagaku is the oldest tradition among the Japanese traditional performing arts. The Music Department of the Imperial Household Agency is widely recognized as the authentic transmitter of the tradition. The transmitters recognize Gagaku as their own unique culture of which they can be proud before their contemporaries in Japan and throughout the world. The transmission and performance of Gagaku contribute greatly to raising the holding community’s sense of identity and continuity. Thus, Gagaku has been transmitted from generation to generation for a long time, developed corresponding to the politics and the surroundings of each time, and constantly recreated. The history of Gagaku illustrates very well how Japan has transformed culture from abroad and sophisticated them as part of our own culture. The performing arts transmitted to-day varies from those originating in ancient Japan to Japanized, sophisticated and developed ones derived from abroad. In this sense, Gagaku is the crystallization of the culture created by the society and history of Japan. In 1955 Gagaku was recognized as a part of cultural heritage, and designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property. Therefore, Gagaku functions as one cultural tool to reconfirm the Japanese identity.

Japan 2009

Yuki-tsumugi is the production technique for pongee fabric. The fabric of Yuki-tsumugi is warm, comfortable, light and durable and is completed through numerous, intricate processes. Only the finest fabric, made by members of the bearing body of the technique, the Association for the Preservation of Honba Yuki-tsumugi Weaving Technique, following the requirements for designation below can be termed as a work of Important Intangible Cultural Property. The requirement for its designation defines especially distinctive handiwork and the use of traditional tools among the processes. By setting these requirements, the transmission of this tradition is secured. The requirements for the designation: i) A yarn should be spun by hand out of silk floss. A hard twist yarn cannot be used; ii) To make an Ikat (kasuri) pattern, the skein should be tied only by hand before the dyeing process; iii) A back-strap loom should be used; The traditional techniques to produce Yuki-tsumugi have been transmitted by the members of the Association for the Preservation of Honba Yuki-tsumugi Weaving Technique. They have been directly engaged in maintaining the high standards of spinning, dyeing and weaving that have been passed down from generations to generations for a long time within the community. They recognize Yuki-tsumugi as a very important cultural property and strongly believe that it is their vocation to preserve and transmit it to the future. Moreover, they are very proud of ‘Yukitsumugi’. One of the reasons for the continuous refinement of this technique to produce qualified silk pongee fabrics is that the fertile lands in a warm climate of this area, where mulberry trees can grow well, are suited for the sericulture. Some researchers point out that the local mentality is the reason for the persistent observance of the tradition; the people tend to protect their own lands inherited from their ancestors and to succeed to the occupations of their parents. The National Government designated Yuki-tsumugi as Important Intangible Cultural Property in 1956 for its high artistic value, and the precious techniques needed for this art, its significant position in the history of industrial arts, and cultural characteristics of the community. The designation system of Important Intangible Cultural Property under the Japanese Law for the Protection of Cultural Property raises the interest of the Japanese in intangible property, and helps deepen their understandings. Today, most Japanese consider that all designated elements of Important Intangible Cultural Property are priceless heritage of Japan. In modern times, due to the rapid changes and the westernization of Japanese lifestyle, opportunities to wear kimono have decreased. However, there are still many Japanese, especially women, who are very fond of kimono. Kimono can be worn as formal attire at ceremonial occasions, as well as less formal, social events. It can be said that kimono is a traditional Japanese costume. The existence of Yuki-tsumugi can help to continue the customs of this tradition, and pass them down to future generations. Although Yuki-tsumugi had been known as a specialty by the Edo era (1603-1867), even today, the production of pongee fabrics continues to have an important social function of supporting the lives of the people of the community through the sericulture industry. The empty cocoons after the hatch of moths cannot be spun into qualified yarn. Together with the deformed cocoons, they are made into silk floss which is raw material of yarn for Yuki-tsumugi. This recycling process of materials has a socially significant meaning in today’s society. With the introduction of chemical fabrics, and the development of machinery for spinning, those who bear the technique of Yuki-tsumugi have declined in number; hand-made fabrics take a lot of time, but very unprofitable. There were 171 members in the Association for the Preservation of Honba Yuki-tsumugi Weaving Technique in 1976, but at present, the number has decreased to 128. Nevertheless, the members continue with their efforts to preserve this tradition. The Association for the Preservation of Honba Yuki-tsumugi Weaving Technique constantly aims for the preservation and transmission, and through this aim, its unity is strongly identified. The traditional skills are transmitted through their activities of exchanging their skills, training for young generation, demonstration and promotion of the skills, thus leading to their continuity to the future. Such activities have important meaning for the people who transmit Yuki-tsumugi of which they are proud of; they are strongly supported by the local community of Yuki City, Oyama City, and local governments of Ibaraki and Tochigi Prefecture.

Japan 2010

‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual in which people worship the deity of rice fields, and pray for a good growth and abundant harvest of the rice crops for the year through ploughing fields, and transplanting rice seedlings. The Mibu community, located in a mountainous area of Western Japan, has developed and transmitted “Mibu no Hana Taue.” Both the Mibu and neighbouring Kawahigashi communities have been areas of rice cropping for a long time ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is carried out on the first Sunday of June every year after actual transplantations in the community are completed. Villagers gather at a large rice field, specially kept in reserve for the ritual. The deity of rice fields is welcomed, and a series of agricultural works such as ploughing, preparation for the transplantation and the actual transplantation are demonstrated in the presence of the deity. On the day of the ritual, villagers bring more than a dozen cattle to Mibu Shrine to be dressed with elaborately decorated saddles called Hanagura and a colourful necklace. The cattle are then equipped with agricultural implements called Manga, and pulled into the rice field, following a man with a sacred stick in his hand. The man who manages the first cattle in line is called Omouji or Omouji-zukai. He skilfully controls the cattle to plough the rice field. This is an honourable role in ‘Mibu no Hana Taue.’ When most of the ploughing is completed, girls called Saotome begin to prepare for the transplantation. They wear colourful dresses, and hats called Suge-gasa. They take the seedlings that grow at the edge of the rice field and put them into a case called Naebune while singing a song under the conduct of an elder man, called Sambai. After the ploughing and preparation for the transplantation are completed, a man called Eburitsuki begins to level the rice field with an implement, called Eburi. It is said that the deity of rice fields rests on Eburi. Transplantation begins in the presence of the deity. Saotome aligned with Sambai transplant the seedlings one by one, walking backwards. While the Sambai sings a leading song, locally considered as a parent song, with lengthwise-cut bamboo called Sasara in his hands, Saotome sing another song, locally considered as a child song. Eburitsuki and the person who carries the seedlings in Naebune follow Saotome, and level the rice field as the seedlings are planted. A musical band follows them, and plays the drums, flutes, and small gongs accompanying the songs of Sambai and Saotome. Once the transplantation is completed, Eburi is placed upside down in some water, and three bunches of rice seedlings are put on it. Some say that the deity of rice fields resides in this Eburi, while others say that the deity launches from it and goes back to the heavens. In this way, an abundant harvest of rice can be expected. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ has been transmitted as an agricultural ritual indispensable to the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities. The people in both communities gather for this ritual to transplant the rice seedlings in the presence of the deity of rice fields, and pray for an abundant harvest. The ritual features the fundamentals of the Japanese lifestyle and culture that make the ritual’s social functions and meanings important. The farmers and local people of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have preserved and transmitted ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ as an agricultural ritual. The elderly called Sambai are in charge of a smooth execution of the entire ritual. They are familiar with the songs and music for rice planting, and belong to the Association for the Preservation of Mibu no Hana Taue. Some even say that the deity of rice fields rests upon them. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ is an agricultural ritual carried out on a specially reserved rice field by habitants of the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities together in a vibrant way every year. It is said to have declined during the Meiji period. Later, however, people became eager to pass it on the future generation as a valuable element of cultural heritage, and the ritual has become quite active up to today. Therefore, the people in both communities consider the ritual as part of their own cultural heritage. ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’ dates back to before the Edo period, and has been transmitted from generation to generation. The people in the Mibu and Kawahigashi communities have gathered every year to transplant rice seedlings at the season of rice transplantation when rice cropping enters its crucial stage. It inevitably gives them a sense of identity. The ritual assures an abundant harvest in these communities. As a result, it gives them a strong sense of continuity. In order to pass down the knowledge and skills concerning ‘Mibu no Hana Taue’, practice sessions of the ritual’s songs and music are held regularly for the pupils at Mibu Elementary School. Many of the current Saotome and music players also come from these practice sessions.

Japan 2011

achi no Dengaku is a performing art expressed by the local people through ritual dancing to flute music and beating drums to wish for an abundant harvest of rice crops. The repertoires, manner of dance and music have been fixed through its long tradition. In 1976 it was designated as an Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property, and is currently recognized as an important cultural heritage that represents trends in Japanese people's way of living. It is performed on a stage of approximately 4m square, temporarily installed during a festival in ""Kumano Nachi Taisha,"" a tutelage shrine in the region. The festival is known nationwide as the Nachi Fire Festival, and Nachi no Dengaku is recognised as an important tradition that is a key component of the festival. Nachi no Dengaku is performed by one flute player, 4 drummers with drums around their waists, 4 players of ""Binzasara,"" a musical instrument that is only used during Dengaku, and 2 others. The flute player performs at the side, while 8 to 10 performers appear on stage and dance in accordance with the drums and Binzasara. They change their formation in various ways, by swapping positions, dancing in a circle or symmetrically. There are 22 repertoires, each performed in 45 minutes. The Binzasara is 8cm by 2cm, 1cm thick and is made by stringing together around 70 wooden plates. The dancer holds each handle of the Binzasara, and dances while making a sound by moving the wooden plates like a wave.

Japan 2012