The Khen of the Hmong is made of Pơmu wood with 6 different large, small, long, and short bamboo pipes, symbolizing the gathering of brothers. There are two types of trumpet: long trumpet (high sound) and short trumpet (low sound). Khen is a wind instrument, used by Hmong people in many different contexts such as funerals, Gầu Tào festivals, fairs, weddings, etc. Therefore, the content of Khen songs has many topics, different songs such as the farewell of the dead soul to the ancestral world, the mourning of relatives with a slow, gentle, sad sound, the confession of love between a man and a woman, the blessing of a young couple with a fast, strong, cheerful tempo. Khen dance includes a number of basic movements such as raising legs, rotating in place, spinning in place, spinning in place and moving heel (on a large rotation and gradually narrowing in a spiral shape), bending over, playing with Khen, rolling on its side, rolling on its back, squatting dance, walking forward and backward in four directions, cock fighting, horse fighting, jumping and squatting, one hand patting the other leg, the sound of clapping must be heard while the sound of Khen cannot be stop. Taking the breath and forging the breath to make it deep and long is a special technique. At the age of 10, Hmong boys begin to be taught Khen dance techniques by their grandfather, father, or older brother. Hmong Khen dance can be performed solo to show off technique, or performed in pairs, triples, or collectively. Hmong Khen Dance can be combined with women's dances.

In China, the art of seal engraving is recognized as one of the finest examples of traditional arts and crafts and is of immeasurable cultural value with a history of over 3,000 years. In ancient China, seals served as the personal signature of their owners, and, more significantly, also served as a symbol of legitimacy for a ruler or an entire government. Seal engraving represents the harmonious combination of calligraphic aesthetics with the precise skills of engraving and meticulous attention to detail. The seal must use what is often a very limited space in order to convey the unique character traits of its purpose or the personality of its owner. For thousands of years, it has had both a purely functional use as well as attaining the highest levels of artistic and cultural aesthetics. Seal engravers preserve artistic traditions while also reaching out in new directions and revealing fascinatingly different styles: exaggerating the thinness or thickness of a character, elaborately curving or angling a stroke, or even deliberately re-forming traditional ideograms for artistic effect. Indeed, the work of master seal engravers is no less important than the work of well-known painters or calligraphers in Chinese history. The engraving process is unique. The tools used for seal engraving include the knife, seal holder, seal ink, writing brush, and xuan paper. A design is made on paper—when engraved, the characters have to be written on stone surface opposite to what they will look like. After the engraving is completed, press the seal in the seal ink to make an impression on xuan paper. Additional text is often engraved on the side of the seals, from which rubbings can be made. Seal engraving has the following unique characteristics: 1.The artists use engraved characters to show the aesthetics of traditional Chinese culture through the harmony of positive and negative and the balance of abstract and concrete forms. 2.The artists use seals to express their accumulated ideas, artistic sensibilities, and engraving skills in a very small space. 3.The creation of seals is an integration of man and nature through the engraving process. 4.Seals display the quality of the stone and the style of the calligraphy. The art of seal engraving embodies important cultural and social functions. It is the expression of the artists’ own imagination, as well as a way of personal cultivation and the blending of art, literature, aesthetics, and language. Seals also serve as a means of communication and have been used by scholars and art collectors as a means of personal identification, a claim of ownership, or for social interaction. The art of seal engraving also reached other parts of East and Southeast Asia as part of the exchanges of culture and art among different nations. Today the art form enjoys worldwide appeal among historians, art lovers, and collectors.

China 2009

The Traditional Coaxing ritual expresses the peculiar relationship between a man and animal. The ritual comes under the domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” and in cases where there is participation in the ritual by a singer and musician, or by a few musicians, it might also come under the domain of “performing art”. While elsewhere spring is a pleasant season for peasants, it isn’t convenient for Mongolian herdsmen. The mother animals give birth to their young in a harsh and dusty spring, so there is a big risk of losing a mother or a baby animal. Mongols have a variety of rituals relating to husbandry in traditional Mongolian society. One of them is a chanting ritual for a new-born baby animal and its mother. To chant is to stimulate, through the use of special words and melody, the adopting of a baby animal to a mother. There are different gestures, melodies and chanting techniques for the five types of livestock in Mongolia. Coaxing (khuuslukh) a camel is a ritual for a mother who rejects her baby; or for adopting an orphan baby to another female who has lost her baby, because only a suckling mother will have milk in harsh spring time. For the nomadic Mongols the camel milk has been not only the source of food and drinks in the severe Gobi Desert conditions, but also the basic means of preventing illness or for healing diseases. Therefore, the coaxing rituals originated from the everyday occurrence of the herdsmen and became one of the important elements of Mongolian folk knowledge and ritual. The performance of the ritual continues for a few hours at early morning or at twilight and requires a high skill of handling camels and a singing talent or skill for playing on a musical instrument such as the horse head fiddle or flute. Most herdswomen engage in techniques and methods of coaxing, but these techniques and methods aren’t enough sometimes, for performing the ritual successfully. If there isn’t a singer or musician in the family, the owner of the camels will invite a coaxer or a few masters in coaxing and players of a musical instrument, from another place. In this case, the coaxing ritual will compose of a small performance by several actors: a singer along with a horse head fiddle, flute or mouth-orlgan players. A mother is tied close to the calf, nearby to a yurt. A singer will begin gently their monotone song ""khuus"", ""khuus"" with a horse head fiddle or without any musical instrument. A mother will bite, savage or spit and show her ignorance to a calf at the beginning of the ritual. The coaxer can change their melody, depending on the mother’s behavioural reaction. Most musicians will perform the ritual traditional Mongolian -sad stories about camels- songs such as “Unchin tsagaan botgo”, “Goviin undur” etc. The musician performs his play with different sounds of walking, running and bellowing of a camel and absorbs words into poems, songs and epochs. When a mother camel is being coaxed into accepting a rejected or an orphan calf, it is said to break into tears at the gentle sound of ""khuus"" and the enchanting melody of the horse head fiddle sung and played by someone skilled in the art of casting spells on animals. In some cases, to perform the ritual more effectively herdsmen use additional techniques such as skinning a dead calf and covering the orphan camel calf with the hide, tying a mother together with a baby quite a far distance from the ger camp for the whole night, or soaking the calf in salt, saltpetre or in the mother’s milk. Also it was common to place the ankle bone of a wild sheep (there is a myth that wild ewes never reject their babies) around the neck of a mother or a calf. But nowadays it is very hard to find these anklebones, as wild sheep are enlisted to the endangered-species list. There is also an exotic remedy in the coaxing ritual where the mother is led to a ger at twilight and shown the fire inside. (A camel can’t enter a ger, because of its size.) All participants in the ritual wear good clothes, remain attentive and focused, using their own psychic vision and imagination in the coaxing process, because the participants express their gratitude to gods of the camels, mountains and waters within the ritual. After finishing the ritual a coaxer or small group of masters will be honoured guests of the family. A person, who had performed coaxing rituals prosperously, will be invited again and again by the families in need of the ritual. When, where, how many times they have been invited - is the main criteria for evaluating the talent of a cultural bearer of this ritual. The evaluation is a prerequisite to their popularity in a society. The coaxing ritual has been transmitted from generations to generations and been enriched by the exchange of camel herding knowledge between the herders of Umnugovi, Bayankhongor, Dundgovi provinces, which are the main territories of Mongolia’s Bactrian camel population. “We should not forget this ritual while we are herding camels, because in both the animal and the human - it transcends genre to become a deeply affecting allegory about the importance of patience and acceptance in so many relationships” that is the conception of elders, the cultural bearers’ communities and camel herders. The knowledge and skills relating to the ritual’s transmission occurs from parents and elders to youth, in home tutoring: Elders with long experience of herding, herdswomen with singing talent and the talented musicians, who can influence the camel’s behaviour, are the main actors of the coaxing ritual. The ritual acts as a symbolic medium for creating and maintaining the social ties of individual nomadic families and dependencies to the community, because it is one part of the traditional intangible cultural heritage of the relationship between man and livestock.

Mongolia 2015

Hua’er has been one of performing arts of folk songs in Gansu, Qinghai and Ningxia of China for over 600 years long since Ming dynasty. Hua’er is a folk song created by nine ethnic groups, such as Han, Hui, Tibetan, Tu, Mongol, Dongxiang, Salar, Bonan, Yugur, and each nationality shares it with others. It is an important artistic form of cultural exchange, emotional communication among nationalities, which is only folk song of its kind created and performed by multi-nationalities in China. Hua’er’s music has been drawn its inspiration from ethnic and traditional music, it has more than 100 tunes. Their titles are called so-and-so ling, just according to the names of nationality, town or flower, such as Dongxiang ling, Tu People ling, Hezhou ling, White Peony ling etc. Hua’er’s music is based on five notes of pentatonic scale, high in tune, wide in range, free rhyme and rich expression. The libretto of Hua’er is improvised by folk singers under a certain formula, each has 3,4,5 or 6 lines, each line consists of 7 characters, it has their own metre. Its content involves daily life of farmer, and richer in love. The forms of performance of Hua’er could be solo, duet, and group competition. More than 100 traditional Hua’er folk festivals are held in Gansu and Qinghai once a year with their own time and venues, which is important place to show folk singers talents. Hua’er, as folk song of local nationalities handed down from one generation to another, is an important tool to express people’s mind and feelings with unique social function and cultural function. “Singing my dresses, singing happiness in my heart”, “one song after another, the more songs I sing and the younger I am”, these librettos play a role to shake off their weariness and depression in the heart of singers. “Singing one by one, just for my sweetheart”, these show Hua’er is a tool of love between young man and young woman. Folk singers are low educated farmers and herdsmen, they are practitioners of Hua’er, and also spokesmen of common people. Their improvisation and performance play a part of “time mirror” with expression of the people’s voice. For instance, “Wife’s having hair dyed, daughter wants her hair in a bob, mama is having hair permed, all wants to follow the fashion, and I will pay for that.” This Hua’er says the huge change and pleased heart of farmers’ life in countryside of the northwest of China, this is also vivid oral record of social progress in China. For the reason that Hua’er Folk Festival in Gansu and Qinghai has been included into the list of China Intangible Cultural Heritage, a large number of excellent singers were put into representative list of China Intangible Cultural Heritage Practitioner, this drew much attention to Hua’er, and increased the sense of Hua’er identity and continuity. The folk singers and persons in charge of cultural communities and cultural centers realized the importance of protecting Hua’er.

China 2009

Nowadays, almost everyone misunderstands that Chol Mlub, which is a traditional rite of passage for Cambodian women has disappeared, and even the purpose of the ceremony is also somewhat confused, because it is understood that women during rite of passage learn to be housewives, mainly to lighten the skin or whiten the skin, learn female law, learn the five precepts, the eight precepts until the ten precepts and sew embroidery. The fields of housing and education mentioned above belong to women, but that does not mean that woman has to learn while she is in the rite of passage. She can know before or after. The main purpose of the "Rite of Passage" is to be ready to be a man's wife in the future (ready to have a husband). Traditionally, every family always wants their sons and daughters to live as adults with honor in society. For sons to be ordinated as monks to show gratitude towards parents while daughters to enter the rite of passage to show gratitude toward mother. These factors motivate families with daughters to have at least one of their siblings to be in rite of passage. If you make the eldest daughter, youngers daughters will be accompanied, so when they reach puberty too, there is no need to organize a rite of passage, which saves the cost of the family. In fact, parents love and want their children to do the same. With this in mind, some locals still implement and practice rite of passage tradition, even in modern society. According to previous research, the villages and districts that still practice this tradition are in Boeung Preav commune, Sre Ambel commune, Dong Peng commune, Sre Ambel district, Koh Kong province, Tumnup commune, Taing Krasang commune, Batheay district, Kampong Cham province, Kien Sangke commune, Sot Nikum district, Siem Reap province. Rite of passage is women’s most important subject that they have to learn and there are many stages of the rite. The first stage is to prepare themselves for "first menstruation" that will last for 2 to 3 days, a ceremony called "Sen Chhol", will be commemorated to inform the ancestors about the rite of passage of their daughter. The second stage is the period of "Staying in the rite of passage”, women will be obligated to be on a proper diet such as eating vegetarian food, no sunlight exposure as well as other tasks that must be done every day for an average of 1 month, 3 months, 6 months or There are also 9 months. The third stage is "Leaving rite of passage" it is the last stage but there are many more tasks to be completed, the ceremony has to be held similar to a wedding ceremony (one night and two days). The symbolism of the work in the first stage is compared to "sperm" that propel in the mother's womb. Second stage is compared to a baby in the womb ready to be born. Stage 3 is compared to a mother is "having a contraction" waiting for the birth of a baby to come out of the womb. The whole ceremony is quite similar to a wedding; it is somehow called a single wedding or sometimes there is an escort who represent the husband. These are the wedding trials which women have to experience before a real one that take place in the future. The rite of passage that prepare women to get ready to be a wife has a tough discipline than men. Women are secluded in a room whereas men are in pagoda, focusing on the study but they are free to chat or meet people on holy days. The pagoda area for the venerable symbolizes the mother's womb and during a monkhood, men seems to be more relaxed than women, there is sunlight all over the large courtyard, but during rainy season, the monks are not allowed to leave the pagoda. In order to study dharma and other subjects for one year (equal to one Vorsa), which is equivalent to one quarter, the monks rushed to study only dharma (literature). But if monks want to continue to study for many years, they can learn more skills such as lime carpenter, carpenter, and sculptor. After leaving monkhood, they will be able to earn money with their skills and start a family. Beside, studying in pagoda monks also follow a strict diet which they can eat only two meals a day which is morning and noon (fish-meat) and in the evening only tea, milk only. For women, when they are in the rite of passage, they do not leave the room or outside the house, generally speaking, no sun exposure except at night when they shower or use toilet, because a dark sky represents mother’s womb, and the daughter in the rite of passage represents the baby in the mother's womb. That's why they try to keep the baby in the womb out of the sun until it is born. If the mother expose with sun, baby will pre-maturely born, it will definitely be worse for the baby. Strictly speaking, two-course meal like the monks, but a vegetarian dish without meat, such as porridge or rice with salt, soy, cucumber, sesame, ripe coconut, ripe banana, ripe mango, watermelon. Some foods are avoided such as bacon fat or fish sauce. At this point, it is not considered that rite of passage is when women learn to be housewife, because they don’t eat or anything. In fact, a woman knows how to cook before she enters the rite, and so does sewing, embroidering, and sweeping the house, these skills are important for women when they have husbands. The study of the five precepts, the three precepts, or the ten precepts deeply, is not seen at all, that is, only the chanting of the Dharma of worshiping God (Vantea Preah) every morning and evening. Some of the work women do while in the rite of passage are just to get rid of boredom. Others say that they Chol Mlub to exfoliate their skin complexion, because they have not been applied makeup or any powder, only wearing a long sleeves shirt to cover her body and staying in a mosquito net. Wearing a multi-layered shirt is not just for the sake of a bright skin, it represents a baby in a mother's womb covered by a few layers of belly. If women have only one layer of belly, it will affect the baby when the mother eats spicy or hot. Generally speaking, staying in the rite of passage is a way of guiding women during their puberty to get ready to be a wife. They do not have to get married immediately, at least wait two to three years The symbol of leaving the rite of passage is like a mother during a contraction of childbirth delivery, because on the first day of the ritual, the woman is not yet exposed to the sun. Even though she leaves the room in the house but she needs to use an umbrella and still be in mosquito net, waiting for the next task, with the Khmer grandmother as the guard next to the mosquito net. In some villages in Sre Ambel district, Khmer grandmothers who know how to give birth midwives called (Daun Khner) are obliged to monitor the baby's movement by taking care of the mother's womb, such as touching or waiting for the baby to be born. Next important task, an old single man called (Jas Komlos) will dance with a movement of digging (Daun Khner) with a traditional music, which metaphorically means to ease the process of child delivery to be quick. Then, Daun Khner will hold the woman’s hand out of the room to a ceremony hall. This represents a baby who was just born and it will be covered by a piece of while cloth and the body of a baby is compared to the mother’s placenta. At that time, it was old, hot, dancing, digging, digging, Daun Nhe (Daun Khmer) accompanied by the traditional song titled, "Kors Daun Nher". The process of carrying a child by the Khmer grandmother from the room to the ceremony hall on the ground is the process of being born from the surface or out of the abdomen one step at a time with a piece of white cloth as a way or covering the body of the child is like the placenta of Mother. Waiting until a next sunrise, it is assumed that the baby is successfully born. There are many following rituals such as cutting hair, ear piecing, tver tmenh (), which serve as a confirmation the woman is ready for a wifehood. The rite of passage process is almost the same as a wedding, which includes: Krong Peali ritual (Sen Krong Pali), Sen Chong Dai, Bok Lak (game to find Lak). All work is done continuously from the evening until Acha tied the hand of the Cho Mlub child with his sister and cousin to participate in the ceremony (Photo: San Phall, 2016) 1AM, Kors Duan Nher ritual will be done at midnight. On the morning of the second, the child will be accompanied to the ceremony hall to worship the sun, get haircut, do teeth, get ears pierced, reav ang kor reab, porpil rotate and tie hands as a finale. This Chol Mlub tradition plays an important role in educating people in society by showing the process of a woman in her puberty who has to go through the rite of passage in order to be qualified for wifehood and to become mothers. Women is considered as a land for sowing seeds and the gender roles they inherited include housekeeping, child care, in general, to manage the family economy. For men, they pick up profession or skill to earn money for the female to manage. Men and women are always in pairs, one of which cannot be missed, that is how society created.

Local tradition maintains that Pema Lingpa was looking around Choekhor valley to find a suitable site for his temple when he saw a wild boar digging in the soil. He realized that it was a sign from the enlightened being Dorje Phagmo (deity Vajravarahi) meant to show him the appropriate site. Once the temple was built, during its consecration he instituted a festival dedicated to the guardian deities as a symbol of gratitude. Since the prophecy as well as the ground breaking for Tamzhing temple is believed to have been guided by Dorje Phagmo, the festival is dedicated to her and named Phagla Chodpa. Sherab Wangdi remembers that before the Lhalung Dratshang community arrived at Tamzhing, there were two different grand festivals at the temple, a drub held in the seventh lunar month and Phagla Chodpa in the eighth lunar month. The monthly rituals, the drub, and the mask dances were organized and performed by the Tamzhing drapa (Lay-monks), while the Phagla Chodpa had been coordinated by the late Lama Phuntsho, who traveled from Trongsa Samchoeling. Before Lama Phuntsho would arrive, the Tamzhing threlpa would construct a temporary residence above the temple. Each morning during the Phagla Chodpa, the mask dancers (champa) and female dancers (maniwa) received the lama in a chibdrel procession that moved toward the temple. Oral tradition maintains that ever since the Tamzhing Phagla Chodpa was founded, the mask dances have been performed by the Tamzhing drapas, while the threlpas have sponsored all the food and drinks from the rehearsal day until the last day of the festival. Initially, the Phagla Chodpa lasted only two days, excluding the mewang and chamjug. After Lama Phuntsho passed away, the Phagla Chodpa was not performed for nearly seven years (from 1972–1978) due to misunderstandings between the Tamzhing Choeje and the drapas. The drapas settled in other villages for a number of years. Apparently, after some time they came to decide that the festival is an important ancestral tradition to offer gratitude to the local deities. Thus, the drapas approached the late Lyonpo Tamzhing Jagar—then the Minister of Home and Culture—and made a collective pledge to revive the Phagla Chodpa. The minister appreciated their volunteerism and provided new costumes and some masks for the dances. Performances resumed in 1979, this time incorporating some mask dances performed by the Lhalung monastic community. The addition of Lhalung’s mask dances had the effect of extending the two-day-long festival to three days. Tradition maintains that Tamzhing Choeje has been coordinating Phagla Chodpa and sponsoring one meal during the first day of the festival, while the Tamzhing drapa shouldered responsibility of contributing mask dances, folk dances, and a collectively sponsored meal for the duration of the festival. If the tradition is correct, there has not been a significant change in organizing the Chodpa. In the recent past, at the urging of Sherab Wangdi, local residents made a collective agreement that every household would participate in and contribute to the Phagla Chodpa festival – irrespective of their status as drapa, zurpa or threlpa. Every household has to contribute a man capable of performing mask dances; if a suitable man wasn’t available, a woman has to join as either a maniwa(folk dancer), or as a drangzhapa or dronchongpa (receive guests and serve tea and drink). If there is no one available to volunteer, then that particular household has to be the tsawa (sponsor) for a specific day of the festival. A tshogpa, or village representative, is appointed to ensure the festival runs smoothly. The Chiwog Tshogpa acts as the chairperson while each village provides a reliable person to act as a representative for his/her respective community. Above all, Sherab Wangdi acts on behalf of Tamzhing Choeje in the role of president and oversees all activities related to the festival. On the ninth day of the eighth month which is the chamjug day, the drapa of Tamzhing village acts as the tsawa for the entire day, sponsoring everything from the early morning zheythug (porridge) until the group dinner. The responsibility then rotates: on the inaugural day (tsukton), Tamzhing Choeje is the sponsor, Kharsum and Konchogsum sponsor on the second day (barton), Tekarzhong sponsors on the concluding day (droeton), and on the thruesol day, Rerebi village is responsible. There are additional preparations to be completed before the chamjug. Each household has to send one person to help clean and prepare for the mewang. While the preparation in the shrine is done a day before the chamjug day, the final decoration and cleaning of the surrounding takes place on the thruesol day after lunch is served. a. Day One (9th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Chamjug and Mewang In the morning of the ninth day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance performers gather at the temple courtyard with their belongings, including a mattress, pillow, blankets, plates and a mug. It is a customary that during the Chodpa both female dancers and mask dancers spend the night away from their families, sleeping instead in designated parts of the temple to maintain purity. After distributing the masks, garments, and necessary implements to the respective mask dancers, the group goes to the ground below the Konchogsum Lhakhang to prepare for the mewang, or Fire Blessing. A gate is made from fresh pine tree limbs and bunches of fresh juniper branches, and dried wood and bamboo is piled on both sides. Old bamboo baskets and mats are hung on the limbs to help spread the fire. Mantras and scriptures dedicated to the fire god are also inserted into the structure as they are believed to drive away any unseen evil spirits. The chamjug and Mewang programme ends with that last bey performance, which can take place as late as midnight. According to local oral tradition, the officiants used to visit every household in the villages after the Mewang. Since that was an exhausting event for the lama, gingpa, patselpas and monks, for the last five years they have conducted a performance in the ground instead so as not to exhaust the ritual specialists and dancers by keeping residents up all night, and lastly, to allow for devotees from outside Tamzhing to participate in the Fire Blessing. b. Day Two (10th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Tsukton (Initial day) The mask dances for the tsukton or the 10th day of the eighth lunar month are presented in the following order: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Lang Cham (Mask Dance of the two Oxen), performed by monks; - Phag Cham (Maks Dance of the Hog), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed by monks; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by monks; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by laymen; - Guru Tshengyed Cham (Dance of Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche), performed by monks; - Zhana Nga Cham (Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen. c. Day Three (11th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Barton On the 11th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dance programme takes place as follows: - Gadpoi Gor Cham (Mask Dance of the Old Man and Senior Atsara), performed by laymen; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Two Stags), performed by monks; - Shazam Cham (Dance of Four Stags), performed by laymen; - Yoeluema or Zhauli (Dance of the Evil Spirit), performed by laymen; - Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), performed bby laymen; - Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance), performed by laymen; - Peling Nga Cham (Drum Dance), performed by monks; - Zhana Phur Cham (Vajrakila Black Hat Dance), performed by laymen; - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by laymen; - Shinje Cham (Mask Dance of Yama) performed by monks; - Tshangpai Ging Cham (Peling Tshangpai Ging), performed by laymen. d. Day Four (12th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Droeton On the 12th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances are conducted as follows: - Gadpo Gorcham (Dance of the Old man and Senior Atsara), perforemd by laymen; - Throzam Cham, performed by monks; - Shinje (Dance of Yama), performed by laymen; - Durdhag (Dance of the Charnel Grounds), performed by monks; - Tangra Serkyem (Black Hat Dance Offering Serkyem to the Deities), performed by monks; - Sangye Lingpai Nga Cham (Drum Dance of Terton Sangye Lingpa), performed by laymen; - Chendren Ngama (Reception Dance), performed by monks; - Nodjin Tseumar (Processiona and Blessings from the Guardian Deity Teumar), conducted by monks; - Tenwang (Procession and Blessings) from the Buddha Amitayus image crafted by Pema Lingpa; - Pholey Moley (Dance of the Handsome Men and Charming Ladies), performed by laymen. e. Thruesol (13th Day of the Eighth Lunar Month): Informal Gathering On the 13th day of the eighth lunar month, the mask dances take place as follows: - Lhabsang and cleanup (Cleansing ritual) - Thruesol (spiritual sprinkling of water)

Inscribed in 2011 (6.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Jultagi, or tightrope walking, is a traditional Korean performing art. Tightrope walking refers to the art of not only walking, but singing, dancing or performing acrobatics, while narrating funny stories, on a single thin rope suspended between two points. Tightrope walking, however, is not a one-man show. The rope walker, called jul gwangdae, obviously is the centre of attention but he needs other artists collaborating on the ground, such as the musicians to accompany his acrobatic feats and funny narratives, and a clown to retort to his remarks or answer questions as a dialogue companion. Today, tightrope walking performers are frequently invited to local festivals that take place throughout the country particularly in spring and autumn. It is a good way to get people excited and laughing in festivals. Since almost all the local festivals host tightrope walking performance, it became one of the traditional performing arts the general public can readily access and feel familiar with. As a full-scale show lasts the whole afternoon, it has to be carefully organized with acrobatics, narratives and music to maintain the audience’s interest and stifle yawns. The tightrope walker starts with simpler feats, gradually moving to more difficult acrobatics such as bouncing up and down from the rope, tumbling and somersaulting, and sitting on the rope with his legs crossed. He displays some 40 different rope techniques. Between his feats he cracks jokes and sings songs while the audience catches its breath from the nail-biting manoeuvres. Tightrope walking, in this regard, is not a simple presentation of rope techniques but an age-old form of integrated performing arts and entertainment. The Korean traditional tightrope walking is distinguished from similar arts of other countries in that it is not all about demonstrating a series of rope techniques but proceeds with dialogue between the rope walker and the clown, who constantly interact with the audience. In other words, the Korean tightrope show is not a unilateral presentation of fun and thrill but two-way communication between the performers and spectators, where the participants can adjust the routine to the atmosphere of the show. The show is for the enjoyment of both the performers and spectators. And this is what makes Korean tightrope walking unique and significant.

South Korea 2011