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passage
ICH Elements 20
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Chinese Zhusuan, knowledge and practices of mathematical calculation through the abacus
With the abacus as a tool, mathematical algorithms as a theoretical facility, Chinese Zhusuan is figure-based knowledge and practices through moving beads on an abacus according to the defined formulas. The abacus is made of bamboo or wood in the shape of a rectangle, divided horizontally into two decks with a string of five beads (one in the upper deck and four in the lower) or a string of seven beads (two in the upper deck and five in the lower). Each bead in the upper deck has a value of 5 while each in the lower has a value of 1. Atypical abacus has 13 to 19 rods connecting the beads. Zhusuan practitioners can perform mathematical calculations including addition, subtraction, multiplication, division, exponential multiplication, root, equations of higher degree, thus demonstrating the wonderful wisdom and creativity of the Chinese people. This time-honoured tradition has played a vital role in giving impetus to mathematical studies, promoting algorithmic practices, and nourishing intelligence. Zhusuan oral formulas have easy-to-learn rhymes that represent the specific calculation rules and summarize the arithmetic operations. Beginners can make quick calculations after moderate trainings, while proficient practitioners usually develop an agile mind. Through oral teaching and bodily practice, Chinese has maintained and transmitted Zhusuan for generations. With a scientific theoretical system and a simple operation method, Zhusuan has long been popular in various aspects of Chinese living and production. As an important legacy of mathematics and cultural tradition, Zhusuan has become a national symbol of cultural identity.
China 2013 -
Traditional art of Jamdani weaving
The art of Jamdani weaving is a time-consuming and labour-intensive form of fabric production by hand on a traditional loom built with wood and bamboo and with little use of metal. Jamdani weaving is based on the traditional knowledge and skills dating back to the fourth century BCE. The distinguishing hallmark of Jamdani weaving is that its designs are neither embroidered nor printed but created directly on the loom in the process of weaving. The product from this style of weaving is called Jamdani, a highly designed cotton fabric which owes its origin to Muslin, the finest and most transparent cotton cloth ever woven by human hand. Of classic beauty, Jamdani effectively combines intricacy of design with muted or vibrant colours. Jamdani is also a highly breathable cotton cloth which brings relief to its users in the hot and humid climatic condition of Bangladesh. The Jamdani weavers have remained in the weaving profession from generations to generations as a means of family livelihood. The element represents Bangladesh’s rich textile heritage, contains significant historic value and has been designated as a unique element of the intangible cultural heritage of the country. Jamdani weaving has survived and thrived due to growing popularity of Jamdani fabrics among Bengali women both at home and abroad. Almost the entire production of Jamdani is carried on in the form of sari, the principal dress of Bengali women. Sari is a long flowing piece of cloth, part of it wrapped around the waist, and the remaining climbs and flows over the shoulder. Women wear more charming or elaborately designed Jamdani saris during festivities and on formal occasions.
Bangladesh 2013 -
Raiho-shin, ritual visits of deities in masks and costumes
Raiho-shin rituals take place annually in various regions of Japan on days that mark the year’s beginning or days when seasons change. Such rituals stem from folk beliefs that deities from the outer world—Raiho-shin—visit communities and usher in the new year or new season with happiness and good luck. Local people dressed as deities in outlandish costumes and frightening masks visit houses, admonishing the lazy and teaching children to behave well. The head of the household treats the deities to a special meal to conclude the visit. In some communities, the rituals are held in the streets. Because the rituals have developed in regions with different social and historical contexts, they are diverse in form. For example, Suneka of Yoshihama have abalone shells dangling from their hips, whereas Kasedori of Mishima wear bamboo hats. The various appearances reflect different regional characteristics. The people who play a role as Raiho-shin also vary regionally. In some communities, men of a certain age become Raiho-shin, and in others, women play such roles. By performing the rituals, local people—notably children—have their identities molded; they develop a sense of affiliation to the community and strengthen ties among themselves. In accordance with their ancestors’ teachings, community members share responsibilities and cooperate in preparing and performing the rituals. Some prepare masks and costumes, some play a role as Raiho-shin, and others welcome Raiho-shin into their houses. Only when this ritual is over can community members look forward to a year free from misfortune.
Japan 2018 -
Birth Ceremony of Lhop Communities
Beyond the daily harmonic life of the Lhop’s society, there lies an undisputed belief and idea on birth and death. Lhops have their own ways of interpreting the physiological and morphological processes of birth, growth, aging and death as it unfolds to them. As the child grows, she or he crosses different stages with status and roles and responsibilities in the community. They get educated in life skills and rituals of life. Their departure or separation is also honored with elaborate rituals. It is considered as a taboo for Lhops to accept a child from a female who has no approved partner in the community or outside mates from the community. Ideally, it is the cross-cousins only who can give birth to a legitimate child in the society, though marriages between different clans are now accepted. However, marrying out of the community continues to be strongly discouraged. From the moment cross-cousins partners are born in the family, their marital and issues are thereon legitimate in the community, and so is their new born child. Lhops has well and predetermined destined relationships when it comes to the copulation between male and female. Lhops believe that the copulation between male and female produces a child in which male contributes bone and female contributes flesh, but it does not mean that any male can impregnate a female, and be the father or husband of someone else. Cross cousins are referred to as Lhir-ra and Lhi-met, laterally meaning male and female seedling (Lhi- seedling, met- female, ra-male). They believe that the human body as a combination of flesh (sa) and bone (ruish).They believe that the male is like that of a seed (lhi) and rain (wai), while the female is like that of land or soil (boh) that holds the seed and rain water together to allow germination and growth, so as in the combination of bone from a male, and flesh from the female, that give rise to an individual. Cross cousins undergo an educational process of identifying their mates and their families. They slowly start to develop a mindset and behavior towards their growing age and body. Once they reach a mature age, they are encouraged to execute the marital rules and take up roles in the community. Male partners take residence in the wife’s households, and it is a matter of pride for the female to conceive and have him in her house.
Bhutan -
Pithi Kor Chuk (Rite of passage: Topknot-Cutting Ritual)
" Kor Chuk " is one of the adolescent ceremonies of the Cambodian people from birth to death. This ceremony is to prepare the person to enter adulthood. The ancient Khmer practiced this tradition in almost every family. Children, both boys, and girls, from the age of one year, had to shave their hair to clean their heads every month or every holy day, leaving only one piece of hair (chuk or kampoy) at the top, or some kept three pieces like the angle of the stove on the top of the head, and until the age of 12 or 13 (the girl is kept under the age of puberty). Then the ceremony of shaving off the hair. Today, this tradition is almost extinct in Cambodia, except in the Angkor area and in the north or northwest part of the country. By this, it does not mean that there is no such a tradition in other places, it is just rare. The tradition of the ceremony may differ slightly from district to region, so here is the tradition in Chan village, Tang Krasang commune, Batheay district, Kampong Cham province. The locals call this ceremony “shaving or cutting off the Kompoy.” Nowadays, in this area, the practice of keeping the hair on children from a very young age is very rare. Due to financial problems, some families cannot effort throwing the shaving or cutting off the Kompoy ceremony for those children who keep the Kompoy. Even though the locals do not care much for their children to keep their Komoy as before, they still have the desire to celebrate the ceremony of cutting their children's hair because it is a tradition and a blessing for children at this age. Probably because of the limited resources, the locals often have the shaving off ceremony together with the "Cheagn Mlub" ceremony. The process of the ceremony lasts 1 night and 2 days. The first day is called the day of Jol Rorng. Since the morning, the villagers, some relatives, and some neighbors on whom the host relied came to help with their chores, such as building a shaving place and arranging various offerings, as follows. Rundab Tver Tmenh: Soul rice (sticky rice in a glass or in a soup bowl with banana leaf cones), fresh coconut, cut the head of the coconut enough to cover the water with the banana leaf cones on top and wrap a cloth or scarf around it. Rundab Kor Sork neng Bom Berk Phnek: a plate for a razor blade or razor blade, hair comb, glass, perfume, oil, powder, banana leaf container to keep the hair, water container or Ork Kombor, a grass ring, a gold ring and a silver ring for attachment with the three pieces of hair or one piece of hair. Bay Srey Derm: is made from a virgin banana trunk, assuming that the height is the same as the child who shaves his hair. The upper bouts featured consist of Kon Bay Srey 5 Tnak, wrapped around by banana leaf or by texture silk. Represents all children. A stick or a diamond sword: made from the top of two palm leaves, with Bali inscription along the leaves, and the end of the leaves are twisted together for children to carry or wear around their necks during the ceremony. Dong Tpech: Dong made of bamboo for Tpech cotton, curved on both ends like the body of a bow (look similar to Tu Korng). At the front bend or head, three incense sticks and a candle are tied, and at the end of the tail or Konsai they tie a piece of Mlu and a piece of Sla. Dong Tpech is used when Grandpa Achar leads the person to the shave place. Ceremony: Although this Kor Chok ceremony goes hand in hand with the "Cheagn Mlub" ceremony, now let the story of shaving alone be shown. The actual ceremony begins in the afternoon, beginning with the offering of Krong Pali on the ground facing east, towards Rean Bosbok. This work is to inform the owner of the water in the sense of declaring. Ta Acha (layman) asked the owner of the ceremony to hold Dong Tpech and he led the way to the up-stair of the house.
Cambodia -
Yarney: the Summer Retreat
Yarney is one of the mainstays of monastic life in Buddhist communities, the tradition descends from the time of Buddha until today. It is observed as one of the most important annual events in Buddhist monasteries and institutions. ‘Yar’ means ‘summer’ and ‘ney’ means ‘to stay or abide’. Varsavasa is the Sanskrit term for Yarney, and like the Chokey term it is rather literal: varsa means ‘rains or rainy season’ and vasa means ‘dwelling or residence.’ The term widely used in Bhutan is Yarney. The origin of Yarney practice can be traced back to the historical Buddha, Siddhartha Gautama, 2600 years ago in India. The first Buddhist monks did not build monasteries and temples; they were mostly homeless and depended solely on alms for their sustenance. However, the summer’s monsoon rains presented a number of obstacles to Lord Buddha and his Sangha Buddhist community to make daily customary alms round from village to village and teaching tours. Not only is it unhealthy and uncomfortable to be unhoused in the rains, but the nurturing rains bring forth insects and worms who inhabit the muddy walkways and small plants and newly planted rice paddies would start budding in the fields. At that time the Tirthikas non-Buddhist critiques of Buddha Gautama would criticize the practice of alms round, reasoning that walking for alms especially during the summer killed several animals and insects. So to keep from crushing insects or young crops in their tender state; and avoid the health hazards of the monsoon rains, flooding, and displaced wildlife, the Buddha established the rainy seasons as a time for retreat. This is codified in the Vinaya rules for the monastic community. Instead, they would remain within the premises of their residences or dwelling places, most often monasteries, each summer or venture to a specific rainy season retreat. For the monasteries, the place Sangha members observe Yarney must be conducive to spiritual and mental development. One of the main objects of observing Yarney is to set aside time to practice meditation outside the schedule of preaching the Dharma to lay devotees or going on alms rounds. The period for the retreat lasts three months by the lunar calendar, usually starting in June or July and would continue until September or October. This established a formal practice of observing Yarney – Buddhist monastics using the summer or the rainy season as an opportunity to take retreat. The Buddha and Sangha would stay and spend days in their residences. This was a period for the Sangha to spend time in quiet and serious meditation, give local Dharma talks and help laypeople and junior Sangha members in spiritual development. It was also opportune time for them to clarify their understanding of every aspect of the Buddha’s teachings through questions and discussions. As the tradition progressed, it became renowned as a productive period in which the sutras were said to have been written down. Thus, during Yarney monastics engage their vows; listen and contemplate lob pa thoe sam; and meditate on teachings pong wa sam tan they received from their Khenpo or abbot. During Buddha’s time, many monks and practitioners were said to have achieved the accomplished state of Arhat, non-returner, and once-returner through this deep study.
Bhutan -
Gesar epic tradition
The Gesar epic recounts the sacred deeds of the hero King Gesar, while unfolding a broad spectrum of oral genres, embedded hundreds of myth, legend, folktale, ballad, and proverb in narrative framework of “beads on a string,” namely “Gesar Epic Cycle,” demonstrating the sheer monumentality and vitality of verbal arts. So far we found the earliest manuscript is The Battle Between Vjang Regality and Gling Regality, which dated to the 14th century, while the earliest Mongolian woodblock version titled “Geser Khan, Guardian Lord of the Ten Directions,” was published in Beijing in 1716. As of today, there are over 120 different oral cantos on record. Not counting the texts in prose, the portions in verse alone are total over one million lines excluding different variations, indicating that the living oral epic continues to expand. As the creators and inheritors of the heroic song, the Tibetan singers and storytellers are traditionally classified in several ways by how they learn and master the epic. In oral performances, they invoke a flexible genre of bcad-lhug-spel-ma, namely ‘prosimetrum,’ by melding concisely worded prose with lyrical verse and over 80 melodies of music in responding to different contexts. They often use a variety of skills that include gestures, facial expressions, postures, and verbal sound effects to enhance the singing artistry. Among their meaningful props, the hat, bronze mirror, and costume are shaped in special ways to symbolize the traditional cosmology and aesthetics. In Mongolian tradition however, the epic singing is handed down professionally from master to apprentice. Performances usually feature musical accompaniment by stringed instruments called the “horse head fiddle” (morin khuur) and the “four stringed spiked fiddle” (hugur). The two major singing styles, “improvised melodic singing” (holboga) and “musical storytelling” (bensen ulger), are combined with oral narratives, which highlight vocal singing with deep, broad, and melodious sounds skilfully utilized as needed. Gesar epic performances play important roles in rites of passage, festival ceremonies and religious rituals in communities concerned. For instance, when a child is born, passages about King Gesar’s descending to the world are sung. The epic also reflects Tibet’s native Bon religion, in respect to beliefs, rituals, theology, divination, and so on. Moreover, the epic singing itself usually accompanies with specific ritualized practices, for example, smoke offering, meditation devoting, and spirit possessed. Hence, the epic is not only the dominant means for communicating with the hero, gods, ancestors, and members of society, but also the major entertainment in rural communities. The epic performers have acted as traditional educators who enable people understanding genealogy and history, astronomy and geography, zoology and botany, arts and crafts, medicine and treatment through their storytelling. Concrete narratives focusing on origins of nature and universe are incorporated in numerous episodes called Ode, such as Ode to Mountain, Ode to Sword, etc., revealing that the epic itself a continuum of experiential knowledge in response to their environment, their interaction with nature, universe, and history. As a Tibetan proverb goes, “On every person’s lips there is a canto of King Gesar.” It has been a constant inspiration for other art forms, including traditional forms such as Thangka painting, Tibetan opera, and Cham masked dance, as well as contemporary arts, which provides peoples and young generations a sense of cultural identity and historical continuity, while reflecting credit on the common cultural legacy, shared by generations, serves as a really all-embracing encyclopedia for the general public.
China 2009 -
Kalbelia folk songs and dances of Rajasthan
The Kalbelias are an itinerant community who ascribe their origin to Guru Kanni Pavji (one of the masters of the mystical Nath Sect) who granted them the gift of handling snakes. In traditional rural society, Kalbelia men would carry cobras in cane baskets from door to door in the village while their women would sing and dance and beg for alms. In so doing, they passed on mythological stories that revered the cobra and advocated non-killing of the reptile. So, if a snake inadvertently entered a home, then a Kalbelia would be hastily summoned to catch and take the serpent away through non-violent means, such as music, without killing it. Kalbelias have traditionally been a fringe group existing at the periphery of the mainstream society. Largely, the Kalbelias live in spaces outside the village where they reside in makeshift camps called 'deras.' With their belongings on the back of donkeys, and with a few hunting dogs of the 'Lohari' breed, the Kalbelias used to move their 'deras' from one place to another in a circuitous route repeated over time. With the experience and received wisdom of generations, the Kalbelias have acquired a unique understanding of the local flora and fauna, and are aware of herbal remedies for various diseases. This is also an alternative source of income for them. With the Wildlife Act in place, the Kalbelias have moved away from their traditional profession of snake handling. Now, their performing arts are a major source of income for them. Fortunately, their art forms have received widespread recognition within and outside India, and their economic status has improved. However, performance opportunities are sporadic and the whole community is not involved in it on regular basis. Hence, many members of the community work in the fields, or graze cattle to sustain themselves. Nonetheless the entire community is today known for its performing art tradition. The Kalbelias have a great tradition of song and dance which is a strong marker of their identity. Women sing and dance while the men play on musical instruments. The music and dance of the Kalbelia have a distinct relation to their earlier profession as snake charmers. The Poongi is the traditional wind instrument that the Kalbelia men play to a specific tune to capture snakes. Nowadays, women dancers try to replicate the rhythmic movements of a serpent’s body through their dance. Poongi, a two feet long wind instrument used by Kalbelia musicians, is unique to them. They make the 'poongi,' from locally grown gourds that impart a plaintive tonality to their music. Giving rhythm to the 'poongi' is the 'khanjari' - a percussion instrument made of wood and hide. Besides these, there are other instruments including the 'ghuralio' – similar to the harp but unique to the Kalbelias. When the Kalbelias go around the village from door to door, they sing from their wide repertoire of songs about the rites of passage in life. It is noteworthy that the highly entertaining Kalbelia songs also disseminate mythological knowledge to the people through stories. They have many traditional dances like the 'Loor', which is performed during the festival of Holi. During this joyous festival of colours, groups of Kalbelias perform in village squares and streets while playing with colours with the community. Moving from house to house, the Kalbelia men play the one-sided drum called the 'chang' or the 'daph'. Most of the 'Loor' dance songs are full of fun and gaiety. 'Matku' is yet another traditional dance performed by the Kalbelias routinely. In this dance, the dancer's upper torso is used more actively with flowing hand gestures. The men are traditionally attired in colourful ‘safas’ or turbans, white 'kurtas' and 'dhotis' (shirt and unstitched lower garment) and embroidered footwear called ‘mojdies.’ The women’s traditional costumes consist of a ‘ghaghra’ (pleated skirt) and a ‘choli’ (full-sleeved upper garment) that comes down till the knee. The ‘ghaghra’ or the pleated skirt is enlarged manifold by using eleven meters of cloth. The ‘ghaghra’ along with the upper garment called ‘jhumpher’ is richly embroidered with mirror work and embellished with silver thread. Other significant features of their make-up are the use of traditional tattoo designs and ‘kajal’ or kohl. Over a period of time, the Kalbelias have improvised on their costumes and jewellery. They have begun using new make-up techniques and have added more instruments to their music. Similarly Kalbelia jewellery has also undergone creative modification. They also use an embroidered colourful waistband called ‘patto’ decorated with small mirrors and cowry shells. There are colourful bangles, and ‘phoondi’ - tassels worn by women. This creative process of change has made the Kalbelia dance more vibrant and vigorous in its steps. The dancers have added many acrobatic features into their dance, like bending backwards to pick up a ring from the ground with their eyelids, and so on. Dancers spin in circles with swirling skirts to the beat of a percussion instrument, taking the dance to a crescendo.
India 2010 -
Joseon Wangjo Gungjung Eumsik (Royal Culinary Art of the Joseon Dynasty)
National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Four daily meals were served to the King. Before 7:00 AM, chojobansang (a breakfast composed of porridge and dried side dishes) was served when the King did not have to have a medical decoction. Breakfast and dinner were served on three tables, wonban (the main table containing white rice, seaweed soup, stew, a steamed dish, kimchi and 12 side dishes: gyeotban (a side table containing rice with red bean, casserole, empty bowls, and a tea cup) and jeongolsang (a side table containing jeongol casserole, meat, sesame oil, egg, and vegetables). Lunch or a meal with a visiting guest was served with noodles. Banquet meals were served on congratulatory occasions like the birthday of the King or Queen or the designation of the Crown Prince, or for greeting a foreign royal envoy. During the Joseon Period, the main meals served at the Royal Palace were porridge, starch porridge, noodles and dumplings, in addition to cooked rice. Side dishes served were broth, a steamed dish, steamed vegetables, casserole, stir-fries, a grilled dish, meat skewers, pan-fries, boiled meat slices, boiled and fresh vegetables, mustard-seasoned vegetable, gujeolpan (a platter of nine delicacies), braised abalones, braised mussels, jangnajorigae, beef jerky, jokpyeon (ox foot jelly), beef tartare, sliced raw fish, parboiled sliced fish, leaf wraps, parboiled fish with vegetables, kimchi, and soy sauce. An assortment of rice cakes, honeyed juice mixed with fruits as a punch and processed fruits were also served, chestnuts, jujubes, yullan (chestnut balls), joran (jujube balls), and gangnan (ginger balls). Literature concerning the Royal Palace cuisine of the Joseon Dynasty includes Gyeongguk daejeon (National Code), Joseon wangjo sillok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Jinyeon uigwe (Royal Protocol of the Royal Banquets), Jinjak uigwe (Royal Protocol of the Conduct of Banquets), and Gungjung eumsik balgi (List of the Royal Cuisine). The Joseon Dynasty came to an end in 1910, and Korean cuisine culture has changed drastically with the passage of time. Royal Palace cuisine has been designated as important intangible cultural heritage in an effort to preserve the country’s cuisine culture tradition.
South Korea -
Jela Choedpa: Jela Offering
The practice of propitiation and timely offering (Choed-pa means "offering") of food and drink to the deities has long been found in the history of the people of Bhutan. Although most of these ancient practices have not been put into words, many of these sacrificial rituals to nature gods and deities are still practiced in most parts of Bhutan. These beliefs remain strong as people seek protection from evil spirits, sickness, during disease and famine, and wish for blessings and prosperity. The sacrificial ceremony is held annually on the 15th day of the first month of the Bhutanese lunar calendar. The 15th day is considered the most auspicious day of the month. Depending on time availability, the ceremony can also be held on the 10th day of the first month, but the 15th is the preferred day. The Choedpa ceremony takes place on the mountain top where Jela Dzong stands at an altitude of about 3000 meters above sea level. Jela Dzong (fortress) was built in ancient times to defend enemies. Therefore, the whole area is called Jela Dzong. The fortress is under the care of the government and has been converted into a Lhakhang (temple) where a Lam (teacher) has been appointed and some monks study and live under him. There are no human settlements except for the nomads and yak herders who camp nearby and graze their yaks in the meadow. It takes about 5 hours on foot to reach Jela Dzong from the nearest village downhill. In earlier times, this sacrificial ceremony was important for the well-being of the family and the entire household. With the passage of time, this custom has lost its significance. Nowadays, only a handful of people make the effort to pack their belongings and head up the mountain. Changing times have meant that the 5-hour journey to Jela Dzong is considered too arduous and time-consuming. Instead, some people have considered simplifying the ceremony and going to a nearby mountain peak, only an hour and a half away, to perform the ceremony. It is debatable whether this will work, but according to Ap Dorji, villagers seem to admit that it has worked so far. Still, it is obvious that many things have changed and the custom is losing its meaning.
Bhutan -
Sankirtana, ritual singing, drumming and dancing of Manipur
Starting with ritual observances which involve singing and dancing in the temples of Manipur, Sankirtana encompasses an array of arts performed also in the home and the street to mark occasions of religious import and stages in the life of the Vaishnava people inhabiting the Manipur plains. The theology and lore of Krishna is central to these performances, but they assimilate in their rendering formal features carried over from music and dance in Manipur’s pre-Vaishnavite past. The core of Sankirtana practice is to be found in the temple, where it narrates through song and dance the lives and deeds of the Lord. These are typically presented in the round, in a hall (Mandapa) attached to the temple before devotees. The main repertoire consists of Nata Pala, which is performed all over the Manipur valley. The Ariba Pala and Manohar Sai Pala, less often in evidence today, are also temple-centred. Outside the temple, Sankirtana assumes forms such as the Holi Pala celebrating the festival of colours in springtime or Shayan performed in the winter months. Khubak Eshei is celebrated within the temple during the rains, marking the chariot festival of the Lord. In the setting of the home, Sankirtana is offered as prayer at all life-cycle ceremonies, such as the ear-piercing ritual (for both males and females in childhood), the donning of the sacred thread (for adolescent males), marriage, and the rites of passage at death. Thus pervading the life of the Manipuri Vaishnava, Sankirtana is regarded as the visible manifestation of God.
India 2013 -
Syair
Syair is a form of traditional Malay poetry that is made up of four-line stanzas or quatrains. The syair can be a narrative poem, a didactic poem, a poem used to convey ideas on religion or philosophy, or even one to describe a historical event. The word syair is derived from the Arabic word shi’r, a term that covers all genres of Arabic/Islamic poetry. However, the Malay form which goes by the name syair is somewhat different and not modelled on Arabic poetry or on any of the genres of Perso-Arab poetry. The earliest known record of syair is from the work of Hamzah Fansuri, a famous Malay poet in the 17th century.The most famous syair is a 1847 poem by Raja Pengiran Indera Mahkota Shahbandar: Syair Rakis. It is considered to be the passage to modern Malaysian literature. Many characteristics of the Malay syair have become standard items in handbooks and textbooks concerned with classical Malay literature. These works uniformly agree that the syair consists of a series of quatrains containing an ongoing story. The final syllable of each line (kerat) within a stanza (bait or rangkap or untai) rhymes with every other final syllable of that stanza (aaaa, bbbb, .... ). Furthermore, the line generally consists of four words with a more or less definable caesura (jeda) after the second word. Syair has a continuous story throughout the quatrain and between quatrains.
Malaysia