Noken is a knotted net bag or woven bag made from wood fibre or leaves, sometimes coloured and decorated. Noken is a traditional handcraft of all communities of Papua and West Papua Provinces, Indonesia. The day-to-day function of large size noken is for carrying plantation produce, catch from the sea or lake, wood, babies, small animals, shopping, etc., and for hanging at home to store things. Small size noken is for carrying personal effects such as betel nut, food, books, etc. Noken may be used to cover the head or body. For nearly all (275/311) respondents, noken is an accessory to their traditional dress, and according to most (290/311) is used in traditional ceremonies or celebrations, such as marriage proposals, marriage ceremonies, initiation of children, appointment of community leaders, welcoming guests and for keeping sacred heirlooms.. Among mountain communities, noken had been given along with other presentations to make peace between disputing parties. Drs. H. Rahimin Katjong, Deputy Governor of West Papua, recalled wearing a small noken containing betel nut etc at the time of his appointment as a traditional community leader at Fak Fak, West Papua. Nearly all (276/311) respondents explained that noken is used by all age groups, and most (282/311) observed that noken is used by both sexes. As soon as babies learn to walk, their mothers give them a small noken containing food such as sweet potatoes, thus instilling the habit of carrying one’s own needs, which may also be used to help others, inside a noken which is always close at hand. Three quarters of respondents (235/311) said that noken is generally made by women-- ”the Mamas of Papua”--usually adults according to most respondents (250/311). Women thus play a special role in safeguarding noken culture. At Epouto village in Paniai District, we found male orchid-noken craftsmen. Asmat community men also make noken. Most craftspersons make noken in their spare time from agriculture, fishing, and household duties, though some make noken full time. Noken making goes on yearround, but will increase in times leading up to traditional festivals. The method of making noken varies between communities. A basic outline is as follows. Branches or stems or bark of certain small trees or shrubs are cut, sometimes heated over a fire, and soaked in water for some days. After soaking, only wood fibre remains. The Dani/Hugula in Wamena peel bark from sticks of certain trees and then beat the sticks till only fibres remain. The wood fibre is dried, and then spun with the palm of the hand on the thigh of the craftsperson to make a strong thread or string, which is sometimes coloured using natural dyes. This string is knotted by hand to make net bags with various patterns and sizes. The same technique is used to make vests, hats, belts, etc.. In Paniai District we find noken interwoven with special decoration made from fibres from yellow, brown and black. orchid stems. Besides knotting, there are communities which make noken by weaving tree bark, wood fibre, pandan leaf, young sago leaf, or grass from swamps. Some select grasses with contrasting colours (Inanwatan, Metemani, Kais and Kokoda (Imeko) communities). Maybrat community craftspersons colour the fibres with natural colours. The fibres, leaves or grass are woven in various attractive patterns with symbolic meanings. To make noken requires great manual skill, care, artistic sense and inner satisfaction. Craftspersons often make noken while singing traditional songs of Papua. To become proficient in making noken takes up to several months of informal training. A skilled noken craftsperson will be much appreciated within her (or his) community. The diversity of making, wearing and use of noken continues to develop and be recreated as the response of the people of Papua to nature and their environment.

Indonesia 2012

The ornament adorns all the objects surrounding the Kyrgyz from the moment of birth to the end of life. Nowadays, ornaments are very popular and used not only for decorating yurts and utensils but also for festive attires, jewelry, and souvenirs. Kyrgyz gave the patterns their own names identifying them with elements of their own and surroundings in the world around them. The shape of the symbols has reached us through the ages, almost unchanged. Kyrgyz ornaments include simple geometrical symbols, floral patterns, images of animals (both living and fantastic), nature, and stylized images of people. One of the most popular patterns are: ram’s horns, which repeats the image of this animal and represents prosperity or Umai ene, winged woman with a child, a spirit that represents fertility and protects mothers and babies. There are several types of Kyrgyz ornamental patterns: 1.\tPatterns symbolizing landscapes and other natural objects and processes such as Earth, a spring, eternal movement, Sun, Venus, star constellations, day and night, equinox; 2.\tPatterns symbolizing elements of animal kingdom such as raven claw, goose foot, ram horns, goat horns, a bird wing, a dog tail; 3.\tPatterns symbolizing elements of flora such as almond, clover, pomegranate, tulip; 4.\tPatterns symbolizing household objects as a comb, a lock, tip of a knife, köökör, a vessel for fermented milk; 5.\tPatterns with anthropomorphic elements.

Skullcap embroidery was developed among Iranian and Turkic peoples since ancient times. Skullcaps make up part of the national dresses of the peoples of Turkistan, especially of Uzbeks and Tajiks. They differ in terms of form and décor from one place to another. The traditions of their creation are also different. For sewing skullcap a piece of material is cut out from single-colored silk or satin, embroidered by using simple, silk and gold threads. Parts of skullcap, decorated with fancy work, are put on lining and sewed to each other. The edges are decorated with braids. Depending on the style, skullcaps can be quadrangular or cone-shaped. Skullcaps especially are made by women.

Drowing ornament patterns on the fabrics for embroidery purpose. Usualy a rural artist drow such ornaments, then other women needlepoint them.

Gunduri is a straw mat, an agricultural byproduct consisting of the dry stalks of cereal plants after the grain and chaff have been removed. The temporary biodegradable products are made of natural material from the cereal crops such as barley, maize, oats, rice, rye, and wheat. It is used in villages and is locally made by the woman who has the skill to put it in a place. Whereas it is made of rice straw mostly in Tsirang, part of Dagana, Sarpang, and Samtse Dzongkhags. The making of the straw mats is carried out during the autumn season after the harvest of rice. It is also known as Gunduri in Lhotshamkha. The Gunduri making in Semjong gewog under Tsirang dzongkhag is still one of the unique cultures and traditions they have been practicing for so long. They prefer to use Gunduri because of their culture and tradition which have been preserved for so long. Mr. Singh Bir Pradhan, 81 years old from upper Dzomling shared that they had used the Gunduri mat during the involvement of many people like marriage ceremonies, funeral rites, and when there was a celebration in the village. Due to the change in time, the practice of making Gunduri is declining because of available cheap carpets in the market. People prefer to use the Gunduri mat because of its comfortableness and convenient in many ways but it takes time, patience and lots of practice. These days people hardly practice the Gunduri making in Semjong gewog but however they still use the Gunduri mat that are woven aforetime which are in a good condition.

One of the most entertaining mask dances is the Ging Tsholing Cham, where most of the audience, especially the children, are captivated by the intensifying drum beats and the fighting scene of the Cham ritual dance. The mask dance is also called Tro-ging, a local name, because it provides an entertaining presentation and performance for the audience. Ging represents the wrathful appearance of celestial beings, daka and dakinis; those dances are performed by laymen called Boecham pa. Whereas Tshogling is the emanation of guardian deities of Dharma protectors, including the Four Kings of the cardinal points and the Eight Classes of Gods and Goddesses; these roles are usually performed by Tsun cham pa monks. According to literary sources, the mask dance was introduced by Terton, treasure revealer, Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) after he saw the performance at Zangdok Pelri, the copper-colored mountain and spiritual realm of Guru Padmasambhava. Pema Lingpa, who was one of the fortunate incarnate beings of Guru Padmasambhava, met his enlightened master several times: when he predicted the future, when he gave him the list of treasures to be discovered in disguise, when he guided him to the sites to be discovered, and as he often invited him into his realm during meditation states and in dreams. On one such occasion, in the magnificent palace of Rang-jung Trulpai Phodrang, self-formed palace, he saw the Root Master manifesting in Ja-lue rainbow body or wisdom body, from which millions of his forms emerged, filling the three realms of the universe, which is beyond our imagination. Among the magical representations, the enlightened sages of India and Tibet sit in the right row and the scholars sit in the left row. In between them sit the 108 treasure discoverers, who are incarnations of Guru Padmasambhava and his 25 chief disciples. A cloud of gods and goddesses transformed into one hundred Dampa Rigja Protective Deities– forty-two peaceful forms, and fifty-eight in Ging wrathful appearance–they made various sensuous offerings, including the performance of Dorji-lugar Vajra Dances, dancing upon the air, rejoicing in the participation in the preaching of the coinage doctrine. Outside the entrance gate of the Four Directions are thousands of warriors from the Pho-jued and Mo-jued male and female classes of protecting deities, the Eight Classes of Gods and Goddesses, led by the kings of the Four Directions Tshoglings, who are getting ready to overcome obstacles to the sacred teachings. In the war scene between the Gings and the Tshoglings, the aggressive characters of the Tshoglings, and the drum beats of the Gings arouse a sense of fear in the obstacles and samaya oath breakers, guiding them to follow the righteous path of humanity. A similar performance was originally introduced by Guru Padmasambhava to aid Tibet’s King Thrisong Detsen (c. 755-797 or 804 AD). Padmasambhava used his supernatural powers at the great Samye Monastery in Tibet, he manifested in the form of Ging and Tshogling, producing an immense positive force to fight and subdue the evil spirits that hindered the construction of the monastery. With the obstacles overcome, the site became an important part of establishing the teachings of the Buddha in the region. After seeing the spectacular performance and realizing its benefits for the liberation of sentient beings, Pema Lingpa introduced the sacred mask dance to Jigten me-yul the human world, first at Korphu Temple, one of his seats in Trongsa, central Bhutan. There is still a saying that goes, "If you are not sure about the choreographies of Ging Tsholing or Tro-ging, you should visit Korphu Drub." Korphu Drub is the annual mask dance festival that coincides with the temple's dedication ceremony. Due to the importance of the dance, this mask dance was later introduced in most Tshechu, Rabney, Mewang, Mani, Drub, Drubchen (native names for the annual mask dance festival) of forts, monasteries and temples by Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) who unified Bhutan as a country, the successive spiritual leaders of the Je Khenpo as well as the temporary leaders of the Druk Desi - these spiritual masters and far-sighted monarchs.

Traditional felt carpets represent one of the identity codes of the Kyrgyz people, and their recognizable, ethnographic features are an integral part of Kyrgyz cultural heritage. Kyrgyz people traditionally produce two types of felt carpets: Ala-kiyiz and Shyrdaks. Knowledge, skills, diversity, the semantics of ornaments, and the ceremonies of creating carpets, are all important cultural components. They provide Kyrgyz people with a sense of identity and continuity. Both types of felt carpets are included into the set of a traditional bride’s dowry. Shyrdaks sometimes are gifted for house-warming parties. The making of Kyrgyz felt carpets is inseparably linked with the everyday lifestyle of nomads, who used felt carpets to warm and decorate their homes. Ala-kiyiz are usually placed in the kitchen and the entrance area of the house. Shyrdaks are more complicated to produce and are more expensive, thus they are placed at the honourable part of the dwelling. The felt carpets ornaments reflect their creators’ outlooks and ideas about the Earth, water, mountains, celestial bodies and fertility.

Kyrgyzstan 2012

Indonesian Batik is a traditional hand-crafted textile rich in intangible cultural values, passed down for generations in Java and elsewhere since early 19th Century, made by applying dots and lines in hot wax to cloth using a canthing tulis pen or canthing cap stamp, as a dye-resist. Patterns and motifs have deep symbolism related to social status, local community, nature, history and cultural heritage. The batik community noted the younger generation’s interest in batik is waning, and felt the need to increase efforts to transmit batik cultural heritage to guarantee its safeguarding. Thus, the following is arranged. The program is collaboration between the Batik Museum and elementary, junior, senior, vocational school and polytechnic, to include education in batik cultural values and traditional handcraft in curricula as local content or subject. The project has gone on for 3 years, and continues to expand to Pekalongan District and neighbouring Batang, Pemalang and Tegal districts. Data and interviews with headmasters, teachers and students prove that the programme is popular and successful. The project is a good example of transmission of intangible cultural values to the younger generations by including modules of cultural heritage in the curricula of educational institutions. The main objectives of the programme are: To increase the awareness and appreciation of the cultural heritage of Indonesian batik, including its history, cultural values and traditional skills, among the younger generation at elementary, junior, senior, vocational school and polytechnic educational strata. To increase the awareness of headmasters, teachers, parents and the batik community in Pelaongan, regarding the importance of transmission of batik culture to the younger generations. To involve the management and staff of the Batik Museum in educational activities for students and the general public regarding batik cultural values and training in batik traditional handcraft. The priorities of the programme are: To train staff of the Museum for teaching batik history, cultural values and traditional handcrafts to students. To prepare and distribute proposal invitations to headmasters, so that they would send their students to participate in the programme. To train school teachers to become trainers in batik local content (training of trainers), and/or to place batik craftspersons in schools to give education and training in batik. To organize tests for students participating in the programme, to evaluate the results of the transmission of batik culture

Indonesia 2009

Angklung is a simple, original bamboo musical instrument of Indonesia documented since at least 1704. The word Angklung comes from the Sudanese angkleung-angkleungan. Angka means pitch/tone, and lung means broken. 2-4 bamboo resonating tubes carved and tuned carefully are suspended in a rectangular partitioned frame made of white bamboo tightly bound with rattan cords. Lugs on the bottom of the tubes move in rectangular shaped slots in the bamboo base tube of the frame. The resonator tubes sound when the frame is shaken or tapped. The 2 or 3 resonating tubes are tuned to the same note in different octaves. There are also 3 and 4 tube angklungs with tubes tuned to the notes of a chord. Making and tuning the resonator tubes is a great skill taking years to master. Udjo Ngalagena, founder of Saung Angklung Udjo, referred to the sound of angklung as ‘the music of nature'. The form of the angklung itself contains symbolism and philosophical values. The large and small tubes symbolize that the great, strong and rich must always protect and shelter the small, weak and poor. Each angklung has at least 2 resonating tubes, symbolizing that human beings should never isolate themselves or be egoistic, but rather always live within a society. The tubes are arrayed from small to large. This symbolizes that every day, human beings must strive to be better than yesterday, and that some people are created small and some big, but there is nothing to be regretted, as it is all due to fate. The angklung will sound nicely if the large and small tubes move at the same time, within their limits. This symbolizes that if everyone is aware of his or her rights and responsibilities, life will be harmonious. The tubes will sound if the lugs at their bottom ends touch the base tube of the frame. Similarly, one may become great, speak and be of good character if one does not forget one’s identity and culture, while if one forgets then one cannot become anything. The three tubes of an angklung symbolize tritangtu, (in Bali trihitakarana) -- to perform good action with mind, body and words. Each angklung produces a single note or chord. Thus many players each holding a single instrument must collaborate together to play melodies. This develops teamwork, mutual respect (learning to live together), discipline, and artistic sense, even among players from different communities or nationalities. Traditional angklungs use pentatonic scale, while modern/Padaeng angklungs use dialtonic scale. Angklung is closely related with traditional customs, arts and cultural identity in West Java and Banten Provinces and elsewhere. Traditional angklungs are played during ceremonies, eg. rice planting time with the hope of a bountiful harvest, harvest time, circumcision, etc. Traditional angklung culture is transmitted from parents to children, or through non-formal education. Now modern Angklung Padaeng is taught in educational institutions from kindergarten to university level, and is proven to have a positive effect.

Indonesia 2010

The Radif is the traditional model repertory of Iranian classical music. It comprises more than 250 melodic modules, named gushes, arranged in special orders into seven primary and five (or six) secondary collections on the basis of their modal and melodic affinities. The primary and secondary collections are respectively called the dastgāh and the āvāz. Each dastgāh/āvāz is a collection of melodic models arranged in a multi-modal cycle, i.e. embracing several maqāms, beginning and ending on the same mode while modulating to a number of other modes. The structure of each cycle can be analyzed in terms of two layers. The underlying, fundamental, layer provides the modal infrastructure upon which a variety of melodic and/or rhythmic motifs are set. The seven dastgāhs are shūr, segāh, chahārgāh, māhūr, homāyūn, navā and rāstpanjgāh. The āvāzes are considered as derivatives of two dastgāhs. The satellites of shūr are abū‘atā, dashti, bayāt-e tork, afshāri (and bayāt-e kord), while āvāz-e bayāt-e esfahān is regarded as the satellite of dastgāh-e homāyūn. Each gushe has also a specific name which refers to its function in the cycle, a technical feature, an area, an ethnic group, a mood, a poetic genre, or a musician, as well as other descriptive or expressive titles. Some nominal and structural counterparts of the constituent parts of the contemporary radif can be found in the musical systems of the ancient and medieval Persia. Although the radif per se was the product of the Qajar epoch (1785-1925), the history of the dastgāh, as the main component of the radif, dates back to the mid-Safavid period (1501-1722), when the old modes or maqāms were gradually transformed into multi-modal cycles in terms of the main shadds (chains) and later dastgāhs (systems). Indeed, the radif can be regarded as the reformulation of an older musical system, which dates back to earlier centuries. There are various versions of the radif as interpreted and performed by prestigious masters of Persian music. There are two main types of the radif, i.e. vocal and instrumental versions. The latter is, in turn, translated into the technical language of various instruments, slightly differing in performance techniques while retaining the same structural foundations. The radif is sung and also performed on the traditional instruments of Persian classical music: tār (double-chested skinned long-necked lute), setār (long-necked lute), santur (hammered dulcimer), kamānche (fiddle) and ney (reed pipe). It is also performed on other musical instruments such as the ‘ud, qānun, and violin. The radif, as a model repertory, serves as a point of departure for actual musical performances in terms of improvisation and composition in Persian classical music. The main performance practice of Iranian traditional music unfolds through improvisation, which is the spontaneous creation of music according the mood of the performer and in response to the audience, inspired by the spatial and temporal context of performance. All performances of Persian classical music rely on the rich treasury of melodic modes of the radif.

Iran 2009

Kun Qu Opera developed under the Ming dynasty (fourteenth to seventeenth centuries) in the city of Kunshan, situated in the region of Suzhou in southeast China. With its roots in popular theatre, the repertory of songs evolved into a major theatrical form. Kun Qu is one of the oldest forms of Chinese opera still performed today. It is characterized by its dynamic structure and melody (kunqiang) and classic pieces such as the Peony Pavilion and the Hall of Longevity. It combines song and recital as well as a complex system of choreographic techniques, acrobatics and symbolic gestures. The opera features a young male lead, a female lead, an old man and various comic roles, all dressed in traditional costumes. Kun Qu songs are accompanied by a bamboo flute, a small drum, wooden clappers, gongs and cymbals, all used to punctuate actions and emotions on stage.

China 2008

The Lum Medicinal Bathing of Sowa Rigpa (Tibetan Medicine) has been developed by the Tibetan people within a life view based on Jungwa-nga (five elements) – i.e., Sa (earth), Chu (water), Me (fire), Lung (wind) and Namkha (space) – and a view about health and illness based on Nyepa-sum (three dynamics) – i.e., Lung, Tripa and Pekan. In Tibetan, “Lum” indicates the traditional knowledge and practices of bathing in natural hot springs, herbal water or steam to adjust the balance of mind and body, to ensure health and treat illnesses. Influenced by the Bon religion and Tibetan Buddhism, Lum embodies folk experiences in illness prevention and treatment, and reflects the transmission and development of traditional knowledge represented by the treatise Gyud zhi (the Four Tantras) in present-day health practice. Lum is practiced under the guidance of a Manpa (traditional physician) in two ways. One is bathing in Five Types of Hot Springs containing different minerals. The other, bathing with Five Medicinal Nectars, includes three methods: immersion, steam-bathing and applications with sachets. In this process, Manpa, in collaboration with Lum Jorkhan (pharmacist) and Manyok (Lum assistant), conducts symptom differentiation based on observation, questions and pulse palpation. Then preparation of medicines includes herb compound, boiling, fermentation and addition of extra herbs. The element has been transmitted over generations through daily life, religious rituals, folkloric activities and medical practices on account of its safety and accessibility. While providing Tibetans with a sense of identity and continuity, the element reflects cultural diversity and human creativity.

China 2018