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ICH Elements 358
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Practices related to the Việt beliefs in the Mother Goddesses of Three Realms
Beliefs in the Mother Goddesses focus on the worship of mother spirits of three realms, which are heavenly realm, realm of water and realm of mountains and forests. Since the 16th century, Beliefs in the Goddesses have developed into a spiritual and cultural activity that has had a profound influence on social life and consciousness of the people. Followers worship Mother Goddess Liễu Hạnh as well as other spirits who are historical or legendary heroes. According to legends, Liễu Hạnh was a nymph who descended to earth, lived as a human being and became a Buddhist nun. She is worshiped as “The Mother of the World” and as one of the four immortals of the Việt. At temples, daily worship is organized by temple guardians. Main practices of the Beliefs include spirit possession rituals and traditional festivals among which the most notable is Phủ Dầy festival in Kim Thái commune, Nam Định province. The festival lasts from the third day to the tenth day of the third lunar month and includes rituals, folk performances, a procession of the Buddhist scripture and a “word arrangement”. Through folk cultural expressions including costumes, chầu văn songs, and dance in spirit possession rituals and folk performance in festivals, the Việt express their views on history, cultural heritage, gender roles and ethnic cultural identities. The power and meaning of the Beliefs resides in their ability to meet spiritual demands and everyday desires and to help them achieve good fortune in health, work and business.
Viet Nam 2016 -
Shawa Sha-khe/che Chham: The Dance of the Stag and Hounds
Shawa Sha-khe/chi Chham (the mask dance of the stag and the hounds) or also called as Acho Phen-to (the Hunter and the servant) by its character is one of the mask dances that falls under the Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham (biography-based mask dances) category of three broad classifications of mask dances in the Bhutan. This mask dance has a characteristic of theatrical play extracted from the life story of Milarepa (1052-1135) and has various characters and episodes basically conveying the Buddhist principals of compassion, arising faith and human values that lead to a harmonious life. The origin of the mask dance dates back to the 11th century when Jetsun (venerable) Milarepa the great yogi from Tibet, converted Gonpo Dorji, a fierce hunter as his disciple who later listed as became one of his principal followers named as Khe-rawa Gonpo Dorji. In brief, the story goes as follows: While Milarepa was meditating in a cave known as Katya in Nyishangkurta (on the present-day border between the Tibetan autonomous region of China and Nepal), he heard a couple of hounds barking somewhere near to his hermitage. In a short while, a stag glistening with sweat and exhausted bounds into his cave indirectly seeking refuge from the lean and thin meditator Milarepa. Out of great and compassion and pity, Milarepa sangs a song to calm the terrified stag, which eventually laid down peacefully near to the great yogi in the cave. Led by the scent of the stag, two ferocious hounds; a red and a black-coloured appeared in lightning speed, rushed inside the cave in pursuit of the stag. Milarepa also calms them by singing yet another stanza of song dedicating to the hounds which subsides its rage and calmly sits beside Milarepa waggling its tail alike to their owner. Subsequently, the merciless hunter, the owner of the dogs, Gonpo Dorje soon arrives in pursuit of his target, the hounds, and steped into the cave frustrated, drenched in sweats, tired and a bow and arrow ready to release the trigger. The sight of his hounds and the stag calmly sitting together with Milarepa infuriates him, thinking that the yogi has used some kind of black magic on the animals. Dragged by his rage, he shoots an arrow at Milarepa which in-turn slips the arrow from his bowstring. Milarepa then sings the hunter a song to calm his mind and open it to the Dharma, but the hunter remains uncertain whether Milarepa is a great saint or else a black magic practitioner. Gonpo Dorje inspected Milarepa’s cave, and upon noticing nothing in it but an empty bowl surprised him. Overwhelmed by feelings of profound respect for Milarepa, feled deep remorse for all his past sinful actions and thereafter vowed never to commit such acts and became a faithful disciple. The mask dance has various characters such as; Shawa (the Stag), Sha-khi/che (two hounds), Acho (the hunter), Phen-to (servant), Milarepa (the Saint) and a package of Atsa-ra (clowns). The mask dance is performed only during the annual Tshe-chu (Mask Dance Festival) with several episodes portraying different scenes. The element is still vibrant in the country.
Bhutan -
Khaen music of the Lao people
The khaen is a mouth organ in which each tube has a reed. It looks like panpipes, but with bamboo (previously rice stalks or sometimes other plants) tubes of variable length, each with a metal reed. One blows into it through an air chamber called ‘marqunamdtow’. The sound produced is higher or lower depending on the size of the tube. It is a favourite instrument used in Lao traditional and folk music. Its design and number of tubes have evolved according to the changes in Lao folk melodies and songs. Today there are three kinds: the khaen 6 (12 tubes), the khaen 7 (14 tubes) and the most successful one, the khaen 8 (16 tubes). The khaen is very popular in all regions and communities of Laos due to its music’s richness and abundance, which represents the nation's soul for its population. The instrument is suitable for melodies and harmonic richness since it can produce several sounds simultaneously, like a piano. Its music is customarily part of numerous village festivals, accompanying traditional songs and dances. It symbolizes popular culture and it is customary for all villagers who listen to it to become actors rather than spectators, by participating actively and joyfully in the songs and dances it offers.
Lao People's Democratic Republic 2017 -
Mak Yong theatre
This ancient theatre form created by Malaysia’s Malay communities combines acting, vocal and instrumental music, gestures and elaborate costumes. Specific to the villages of Kelantan in northwest Malaysia, where the tradition originated, Mak Yong is performed mainly as entertainment or for ritual purposes related to healing practices. Experts believe that Mak Yong appeared well before the Islamization of the country. It was performed as a royal theatre under the direct patronage of the Kelantan Sultanate until the 1920s. Hence, the tradition was perpetuated in a rural context without forsaking the numerous refinements acquired at court, such as sophisticated costume design. A typical Mak Yong performance opens with an offering followed by dances, acting and music as well as improvised monologues and dialogues. A single story can be presented over several consecutive nights in a series of three-hour performances. In the traditional village setting, the performances are held on a temporary open stage built of wood and palm leaves. The audience sits on three sides of the stage, the fourth side being reserved for the orchestra consisting of a three-stringed spiked fiddle (rebab), a pair of doubleheaded barrel drums (gendang) and hanging knobbed gongs (tetawak). Most roles are performed by women, and the stories are based on ancient Malay folk tales peopled with royal characters, divinities and clowns. Mak Yong is also associated with rituals in which shamans attempt to heal through song, trance-dance and spirit possession.
Malaysia 2008 -
Buklog, thanksgiving ritual system of the Subanen
Buklog is an elaborate thanksgiving ritual system of the Subanen, which has several attendant rituals. It is noted for its elevated structure with a highly flexible platform, which serves as a sacred and social space for rituals and the community dance. It is open for all members of the community, and those outside the community are also welcomed in most of its rituals. The Buklog has mythic origins and is mentioned in age-old epics. Until today, it performs both communal and integrative functions. The Subanen’s economic, social, political, cultural and ritual lives intertwine to constitute a single system, motivated by shared tenets of cultural survival —consulting the spirits, working with nature, and sharing with others. The Buklog is planned by the head of a host family, usually a village chief called ‘timuay,’ to appease and express gratitude to the spirits for many reasons such as a bountiful harvest, recovery from sickness or calamity, or acknowledgement of a new leader. The Subanen’s deep sense of spirituality is affirmed in the Buklog, where a representation of Dwata Magbabaya, the supreme god, as Apu Usog (the great ancestor), joins the community. The attendant rituals ensure harmony among members of a family, clan and the community, as well as among the human, natural, and spirit worlds. Harmony is requisite to the success of the Buklog, an indication of a socially cohesive community. The attendant rituals are the ‘sinulampong,’ which signifies the community’s readiness to hold the Buklog and to ask permission from the spirits to gather materials from the forest; the ‘sangat’, to maintain the balance in the spirit world through coin offerings; the ‘panmalwasan,’ where spirits of the departed are invited to the feast; and the ‘gampang’ and ‘gilet,’ to invoke spirits of the water and land. ‘Giloy,’ chants of praise; music; and dance are performed all throughout the ritual system, functioning not only for entertainment, but to embody the aesthetic aspects of Subanen life and to substantiate their spirituality. The community then starts the construction of an elevated wooden structure called the Buklog, where the system derives its name. At the center of the platform, a single pole called ‘petaw’ is installed to hit a hollowed-out log called ‘dulugan.’ While dancing on the flexible platform, the structure resonates with a sound believed to please the spirits and signify the culmination of the festivity. The ‘dulugan’ is the Buklog’s musical icon and serves as aural embodiment of Subanen’s cosmology. The final ritual of the Buklog, called ‘giti-an,’ is done on the platform, where the rules for the celebration are expressed and the spirits start to commune with the people. This is followed by a community dance called ‘gbat’, a moment marked by joy and excitement resulting from the renewal of spiritual and social relationships within the community. All community members, regardless of age, gender, social status, education, and level of mental and physical capability, are encouraged to join the rituals and festivity, which last for several days. Through the Buklog, the Subanen indigenous secret knowledge is respected, preserved and transmitted. The ritual system remains the most compelling cultural marker of the Subanen’s individual and collective identity and the strongest unifying force of the community.
Philippines 2019 -
Qālišuyān rituals of Mašhad-e Ardehāl in Kāšān
Denoting ""carpet-washing ceremony"" (qāli""carpet""-šuyān""washing ceremony""), Qālišuyān manifests as a huge gathering in Ardehāl, at a 800m-long site, between Emāmzāde Soltān Ali ebn Mohammad Bāqer Mausoleum (abbreviated as Soltān Ali) and the holy stream beside Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum yard, where a holy carpet is washed as part of a live ritualistic procedure. Unlike the majority of Iranian rituals that follow a rotating lunar calendar, Qālišuyān is attended according to a fixed solar-agricultural calendar, requiring it around the nearest Friday to the 17th day of the month of Mehr (October 8th), called Jom'e-ye Qāli (""carpet Friday""). Thousands of people of Fin and Xāve constitute the practitioners; a greater crowd attends as witnesses. On Jom'e-ye Qāli morning, the people of Xāve gather at Soltān Ali to sprinkle rose-flower on a donated carpet they select. Having done the wrapping rituals, they, then, deliver it to the people of Fin outside. Holding neatly cut and beautifully decorated wooden sticks, the people of Fin run to take the lead in getting a grasp of the carpet, and carrying it to the running water, cleaned of pollutions and mixed with rose-water. A corner of the carpet is rinsed; the rest is covered with drops sprinkled with the sticks. The carpet is, then, returned to the mausoleum and delivered to the servants inside. The rituals are to express love and loyalty toward Soltān Ali, who is claimed to have been martyred in the same place and carried to his resting place on a carpet, instead of a shroud. Asserted, mainly, through oral history, Soltān Ali enjoyed a holy stance among the people of Kāšān and Fin of 1,300 years ago, who depended on his spiritual guidance. He was, finally, murdered by jealous governors. The story continues that the corpse was found, three days later, by the people of Fin who carried it in a carpet to the stream of Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum, Ardehāl, where the people of Xāve joined in washing and burying him. The present-day carpet-washing rituals are to commemorate the sad burial. A number of peripheral activities have emerged alongside Qālišuyān, too: - J ār: Oral proclamation of the ""carpet-Friday"" date by an elder; - Donated food: Distributed by witnessing people - Ta'ziye and other ritualistic performing arts: Performed peripheral to the main rituals; - Gatherings of people on the site, which last for several days.
Iran 2012 -
Urtiin Duu, traditional folk long song
The Urtiin duu or “long song” is one of the two major forms of Mongolian songs, the other being the short song” (bogino duu). The Urtiin duu is a lyrical chant, which is characterized by an abundance of ornamentation, falsetto, an extremely wide vocal range and a free compositional form. The rising melody is slow and steady while the falling melody is often intercepted with a lively rhythm. Performances and compositions of Urtiin duu are closely linked to the pastoral way of life of the Mongolian nomads on their ancestral grasslands.
China,Mongolia 2008 -
Mevlevi Sema ceremony
The Mevleviye is an ascetic Sufi order founded in 1273 in Konya, from where it gradually spread throughout the Ottoman Empire. Today, the Mevleviye can be found in many Turkish communities throughout the world, but the most active and famous centres of the order’s activity are in Konya and Istanbul. The Mevleviye are renowned for their whirling dances. Following a recommended fast of several hours, the whirlers begin to rotate on their left feet in short twists, using the right foot to drive their bodies around the left foot. The body of the whirler is meant to be supple, with eyes open but unfocused so that images become blurred and flowing. At their dancing ceremonies, or Sema, a particular musical repertoire called ay›n is played. Based on four sections of both vocal and instrumental compositions, it is performed by at least one singer, a flute-player, called neyzen, a kettledrummer and a cymbal player. Dancers used to receive 1,001 days of reclusive training within the mevlevi-houses (mevlevihane), where they learned about ethics, codes of behaviour and beliefs by practising prayer, religious music, poetry and dance. After this training, they remained members of the order but returned to their work and families. As a result of secularization policies, all mevlevihane were closed in 1925.The Turkish government began to allow performances again, though only in public, in the 1950s, restrictions were eased in the 1990s. Some private groups are re-establishing the original spiritual and intimate character of the Sema ceremony. However, over the thirty years the tradition was practised clandestinely, transmission focused rather on music and songs than on spiritual and religious traditions, which has deprived performances of part of their religious significance. Consequently, many sema ceremonies are no longer performed in their traditional context but for tourist audiences, and have been shortened and simplified to meet commercial requirements.
Turkey 2008 -
Arts of the Meddah, public storytellers
Meddahlik was a Turkish theatre form performed by a single storyteller called a meddah and practised throughout Turkey and Turkishspeaking countries. Through the ages, similar narrative genres have flourished due to interaction among the peoples of Asia, the Caucasus and the Middle East within this wide geographical area. Historically, meddahs were expected to illuminate, educate, and entertain. Performing in caravanserais, markets, coffeehouses, mosques and churches, these storytellers transmitted values and ideas among a predominantly illiterate population. Their social and political criticism regularly provoked lively discussions about contemporary issues. The term meddah, borrowed from Arabic maddah “to praise”, can be translated as “storyteller”. The meddah selects songs and comic tales from a repertory of popular romances, legends and epics and adapts his material according to the specific venue and audience. However, the quality of the performance largely depends on the atmosphere created between storyteller and spectators, as well as the meddah’s ability to integrate imitations, jokes and improvisation often relating to contemporary events. This art, which places great value on the mastery of rhetoric, is highly regarded in Turkey.
Turkey 2008 -
Karagöz
Karagöz is a form of shadow theatre where human, animal or object figures, known as “tasvir”s, are held in front of a light source and cast their shadows on a camel or ox-hide screen using horizontal rods. Karagöz is a mosaic of various art forms including poetry, narration, music and dance. All the elements of oral literature (tekerlemes (tongue-twister), bilmeces (riddles), supernatural stories, kılıklamas, repartees, exaggerations, puns, and so on) continue throughout the performance. The rhythm in which both dialogue and action proceed creating a form of expression that even those who do not know Turkish can appreciate. Once the play begins, an introductory figure, called “göstermelik” is placed on the screen in order to give the audience an idea as to the major themes of the play. The “göstermelik” can be either related to the play or not. “Scenery göstermelik” is shown till the end of play whereas “main göstermelik” removed just before the prologue. When the play begins, the göstermelik vanishes to the shrill sound of a whistle called “narake”. The characters in Karagöz are played by means of the tasvirs. The main characters are common for each play, yet the new characters are added by cutting new tasvirs. The main characters are Karagöz and Hacivat along with the others as Zenne, Çelebi, Tiryaki, Beberuhi, Laz, Kayserili, Kastamonulu, Rumelili Arap, Kürt, Arnavut, Frenk/Rum, Ermeni, Yahudi, Matiz, Külhanbeyi and some other entertaining characters (çengi –dancer-, köçek –dancer in woman’s garment, kantocu- fin-de-siècle cabaret chanteuse-,hokkabaz –illusionist- and cambaz- acrobat). “Hayali” is the person who actually runs the performance. He is the creative artist who directs and animates the whole proceeding, regulating the entire show on his own. During the play, he may make changes in the play depending on the audience atmosphere, such as updating topics, shortening or prolonging the scenes, adjusting the order of the scenes or completely taking them out. Karagöz artist can have one or more assistants, who are also called “hayali” or “hayalbaz”. “Sandıkkâr” is in charge of the instruments, while “yardak” sings and “dayrezen” plays the tef (tambourine). Karagöz artists come from a master-apprentice discipline. Apprenticeship begins with the actual attachment of rods to tasvirs and lasts until reaching the maturity to run a whole play. “The one who falls behind to be a good “yardak” cannot be a master Karagöz artist” clearly expresses the importance of master-apprentice relation in Karagöz. The comic elements are emphasized in Karagöz plays involving exaggerations, puns, and imitations of the regional accents.
Turkey 2009 -
Traditional Sohbet meetings
Seemingly regarded as a leisure time activity today, “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” tradition with its historical background and institutional structure has a crucial role in social life. In some regions of Turkey, since the tradition is at the risk of disappearing practiced solely among the elderly, though it is preserved in some other parts of Turkey in accordance with the changing conditions of life. As seen in Çankırı case, the element has a significant role within the local culture, therefore Çankırı is defined as “Land of Yâran” by the residents of Çankırı. Although “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” meetings have different names in different regions of Turkey, they all have the same function. In a discipline of teach and delight, the primary aim is to have conversations and talks in leisure times. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” talks, through the concepts of love, fellowship, brotherhood and respect for each other, ensure safeguarding and conservation of traditions as well as creating a sense of neighborhood. The participants admitted to “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” communities vary from region to region. While in some regions only single men are admitted to the community, in some other regions, participants of the community are from different age groups and professions. For example, the groups in Manisa-Soma and Balıkesir-Dursunbey are classified as the youth, the middle aged and the elderly. Hence, in Soma, the meeting place of the young men is named as “Delikanlı Odası”, as “Köşe Odası” for the middle aged and “Koca Oda” for the aged. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” are characterized as patriarchal meetings; however the mothers and wives encourage those male members who take the advantage of those meetings in respect to its social and cultural benefits. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” communities gather at regular periods particularly in winter. For instance, “Sıra Gezmeleri” in Şanlıurfa, is held once a week preferably in Saturday evenings. The beginning and ending month as well as the time schedule concerning the dates and hours of the meeting are decided jointly. Non-participation except for the excuses such as death, illness etc. is subjected to penalty and the non- participant members not obeying the rules of procedures are also fined. The penalization practiced today has mainly turned into punishing with a fine. The total sum is allocated for organizing the following meetings, for the people in need as well as building fountains and roads. These communities usually compose of 5-30 persons and those members are guided by 3-5 community leaders, whose names vary from region to region. The community leaders are appointed via election or through proposals made by the elderly who are highly respected and designated by the consensus of all Yârans. The duty of community leader is to arrange in-group relations and to control the flow of the meetings. In this context, he has sanction power and the members are expected to obey the decisions made by the community leader. The titles of the community leaders can be summarized as follows: “Bayraktar” in Soma, Manisa; “Büyük Baranabaşı, Küçük Baranabaşı, Sohbet Çavuşu” in Balıkesir; “Büyük Yâranbaşı, Küçük Yâranbaşı, Köşe İhtiyarı” in Kütahya; “Delikanlıbaşı” in Ankara; “Efe, Saki” in Kırşehir; “Yiğitbaşı, Gönüller Ağası, Bayraktar” in Niğde; “Efrad” in Isparta, and “Büyük Başağa, Küçük Başağa, Çavuş” in Çankırı and ""Başkan"" in Şanlıurfa. Admission to Traditional Sohbet Meetings is of high dignity; nevertheless dismissal from the community is concerned as indignity. Certain procedures, which differ in each locality, are followed for the admission to or dismissal from or becoming a regular member or quitting the membership of the community. Being honest and modest, keeping secrets, not gambling, not wandering drunken around are accepted as the basic virtues and common rules in every locality. The members of the community have equal rights and commitments. There is no difference in social status among the members. The members of the community are taught and controlled by the leaders and by the other elder members in their daily lives. They also take the advantages of being a member of the community in physical and emotional support, if needed. The characteristics aforementioned contribute greatly to the members, the locality and to the society as well. The meetings are open to guests. The members sometimes bring their children along with them, which ensure the transmission of the tradition to future generations. Learns laying the table by her mother Learns joining in Sohbet by his father Traditional Sohbet Meetings are indoor activities. Those places can be the houses of the community members, be commonly-shared places called “köy odaları”, which has traditional features in Turkey, or rented places called “oda” for which expenses are shared as in Şanlıurfa case. Today, the meetings are held in the places allocated by local authorities. Interior design and setting differ in some regions yet generally sofa and floor cushion is used at the meetings. Traditional Sohbet Meetings consist of many elements but the main element is ""Talk"". This ""Talk"" has a wide range of topics, anything relevant to social life. Other elements of these meetings are folk music, folk dances, indoor plays, village spectacle plays and dining. There is not a certain order for practicing the elements; nonetheless, in each meeting there can be a specifically drawn order. List of dishes can show differences from region to region; nevertheless, not creating a difference in social status as well as not being costly for the host is carefully taken into consideration when preparing the dishes. For instance, the dish list is composed of çiğ köfte, deserts (künefe, şıllık, etc.) and strong coffee, known as mırra, in Şanlıurfa. In Çankırı, soup, güveç (casserole), rice and baklava are main dishes served in Yâran meetings. One of the most important elements of this tradition is music. Şanlıurfa Sıra Gecesi and Elazığ Kürsübaşı meetings, in a master-apprentice discipline, function as a conservatory for the traditionally trained performers. The musical performance begins with the pieces in rast and divan maqams; continues by other maqams if requested; and finalizes by kürdi and rast maqams. The instruments used in these meetings vary from region to region, but the main instruments are the bağlama, cümbüş (mandolin with a metal body), def (tambourine), violin, ud, kanun (zither) and kaval (end-blown flute). The local tunes are performed by the master bearers. Listening to music is also as important as performing the music. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings”, including music, dining, plays and talks, last until the early morning. Therefore, Traditional Sohbet Meetings compose all elements of life and culture. Owing to changing living conditions and migration from rural to urban area, Traditional Sohbet Meetings tradition is transmitted by its bearers to other cities.
Turkey 2010 -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011