Kushtdepdi rite of singing and dancing is a performing art combining the genres of creative poetizing focused on good feelings and wishes, its singing with vocal improvisation and dancing with movements of hands, gestures and footsteps in accordance with the tune of the song. The element serves as a tool and a medium for conveying good wishes for happiness, mutual respect, solidarity, social cohesion to the wide public and youth. The element is considered as an inseparable part of child birth ceremonies, wedding ceremonies and national celebrations. Its introductory part starts with singing poetic words of best wishes for well-being, happiness and sermon for the youth to keep close ties with elders that is performed by a seated group of respected women dressed in traditional costumes. Its next stage continues with inviting performers to start the rite and then the performance is led by singing of a couple of poetry singers (traditionally a woman and a man) with dances to the accompaniment of songs in a semi-closed or closed circles. Dancing movements start with three steps on right foot and then simultaneously tramping and clapping which are intended to drive maleficence and misfortune away from the future life. The element is performed at the end of events concluding in a positive note as a prayer to the nature for fertility, procreation, solidarity and peace.

Turkmenistan 2017

Darshey is a traditional practice where a man holding a khadar (auspicious white scarf ) in his outstretched hands faces the seated crowd, and makes auspicious speeches at a ceremonial function, usually during religious and social occasions. (The origin of the tradition is attributed to Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) when he introduced this practice during the consecration ceremony of Punakha Dzong in 1639.) The tradition, however, may vary slightly from village to village in the use of language and presentation such as making speeches decked with maxims or simply narratives. The worldly tradition of Darshey does not require to be sung like Gurma (Religious songs), Lu or Tsammo (Songs without choreographies) but is expressed more or less like a recitation. That is why a person may begin Darshey with the phrase such as ‘wo la so la …’ and end his speech by offering words of good wishes and aspirations such as ‘… let us pray that we see each other’s countenance again and again in future.’ Depending upon the talents and level of education, the performer applies poetic elegance in the speech; Darshey is usually performed during auspicious occasions. Atsara (masked clown) also makes similar speeches during Tshechus (Annual Mask Dance Festivals). Bhutan has a unique tradition of stressing on Tendrel (the independent arising of auspicious events). Any occasion or event has to begin and end on a positive and hopeful note. Whether it is house construction, marriage, promotion, or an important project, a ceremonial inauguration in the beginning and a well-wishing conclusion are very important social values. Thus, Darshey is an important item in any ceremonial programme. Darshey means narration of scarf, especially presented by an eloquent person to the guest of honour adding some melody in order to enhance the auspiciousness of the ceremony. It is an indigenous oral expression practiced all over Bhutan. Depending on the languages, dialects and cultures, Darshey is also called Legshey (elegant saying/narration of auspiciousness), Khashey (art of speech) and sometimes Nangwa drub (verbal approval). Unlike Gurma, Lu and Tsammo, Darshey has no complex melody, rather, it all depends on the tone and rhythm of the recitation. Regarding the lyrics, the reciter uses appropriate words to meet the occasion, mostly decorating these with similes and other literary flourishes. There are no specific lyrics for Darshey, and the elegance of the recitation depends on the literary and musical talents of the reciter. Moreover, there is great cultural diversity in Darshey, as the length, flow and rhythm of individual Darshey vary from village to village and dialect to dialect. However, Darshey normally starts right after the ceremonial ritual. When it is time to offer khadar to the guest of honour, presiding guest, or whoever else is being honoured, an eloquent speaker holds a silken scarf and begins the Darshey by saying “wo la so la” and concludes with well-wishing prayers and aspirations to the guest of honour and everyone gathered. Sadly, Darshey is slowly disappearing from our cultural landscape these days.

Aitysh is an improvised competition of two akyns (epic tellers), the form of oral poetry performed in a singing manner, poetic contest of improvisations or a poetic duel of wits. The element is performed to the accompaniment of traditional musical instrument - Kyrgyz komuz. Two akyns compete with each other in improvisation of verses on topical themes in a wit-sparkling manner alternating humour and deep philosophic reflections. During the competition two akyns sitting opposite each other develop a song-like dialogue catching up the opponent’s words and performing in turn their improvisations on the spur of the moment. Songs performed during the aitysh are improvised on whatever topics which come up depending on the wish of the audience. The winner of the competition is the one considered to have demonstrated the most musical skills, rhythm, originality, resourcefulness, wisdom and wit.

Kyrgyzstan 2015

Terme (kaz. 'Collect') - recitation, musical and poetic genre of folk song creation. There is an expression "terme aitu" - to sing a recitative among the people. As a poetic-melodic speech in a piece of music, terme is very popular among the people. It is like advisory/teaching saying in a form of clearly expressed recitation. They are short and uniform in the rhythm of the melody in the form of a recitative. Poems and songs, recited in this genre, is easily remember to the mass consciousness and retrieved in memory associatively.

Katta ashula is a vocal direction, a song genre typical for the Ferghana Valley, in which peculiar style and manner of singing is observed. It is performed by two or more singers in turns and without accompaniment of musical instruments. Katta Ashula is characterized by laconism (in means of expression), expressiveness (in music language), dynamism (in melodic development) and bright emotionality. Its figurative structure (or style) is closely connected to the traditional (classical) poetry of lyrical and philosophical nature. And ghazals of Navoi, Lutfi, Mashrab, Khazini, Muqimi, Furqat, Zavqi, Miskin serve as main poetic texts in this genre. Though, since the XX century the poems of contemporary Uzbek poets (such as Sobir Abdulla, Charkhi, Chusti, Akmal Polat, Khabibi, and others) as well as examples of folk poetry have been widely used. In terms of subject matter katta ashula songs can be divided into love-lyrical, didactic, religious and contemporary ones. The origins of katta ashula genre should be looked for in ancient folk-ritual chants, songs of "praise" (such as marsiya, navkha, ayolgu), agriculture- and labor-related songs with their original combination of recitative-declamatory beginning and chanting; and in distiches of ghazals (ghazalkhonlik), written in aruz prosody. Performance with high-pitched voice, existence of culmination parts, clarity of words for and their impact to the listeners – all these are features of this type of song. Katta ashula has several genres, such as “Yovvoi maqom” (“Yovvoi Ushshoq”, “Yovvoi Chorgoh”),"Yovvoyi asula" ("Yovvoyi Tanovar", "Yovvoyi Munojat"), "Yakkahonlik" ("Ohkim, gulzorim qani topmadim"). Notably, the emergence and development of Katta ashula genre is closely linked with existence of corresponding performance schools, which stand out with their style of interpretation, manner of singing and bearers. From among katta ashula performance schools it is possible to mention Qoqand, Margilan, Andijan, Namangan and Tashkent performance schools.

Uzbekistan 2009

Aitys (in Kazakh language), Aitysh (in Kyrgyz) is an improvised competition of two akyns, the form of oral poetry performed in a singing manner, poetic contest of improvisations or a poetic duel of wits. The element is performed to the accompaniment of traditional musical instruments: Kazakh dombra or Kyrgyz komuz. Two akyns compete with each other in improvisation of verses on topical themes in a wit-sparkling manner alternating humour and deep philosophic reflections. During the competition two akyns sitting opposite each other develop a song-like dialogue catching up the opponent’s words and performing in turn their improvisations on the spur of the moment. Songs performed during the aitysh-aitys are improvised on whatever topics which come up depending on the wish of the audience. The winner of the competition is the one considered to have demonstrated the most musical skills, rhythm, originality, resourcefulness, wisdom and wit. The element is very popular among people and is considered as a “folk tribune”. In fact, all regions of the countries have bearers and practitioners who often represent their local communities at the poetic competitions raising up topical and urgent problems of social life and criticizing all kinds of vices. The element is practiced at various events from local festivities to nation-wide events. Aitysh/Aitys presents the art of a dialogue participated not only by the performers but by their listeners as well. It is an essential part of life for the communities of tokmo-akyns and aityskers.

Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan 2015

There are various types of performed singing genres. Love songs is the most spread mass genre of singing art of the Kyrgyz. Love songs reflect not only moral and aesthetic worldview of the people, but love of native land as well. Their lyrics are often built on comparisons of images of nature and a loved one. They praise the beauty of surrounding world and motherland. Edification-songs represent other genre of the Kyrgyz folk singing. They reflect philosophical views about human character, family relations, society and peace, and contain catchwords and conclusions about natural phenomena. They are often sung during celebrations of important life events. Lyrical songs may be performed without accompaniment or with accompaniment of komuz or accordion. They sound more often without accompaniment during traditional and family celebrations of so called oturush, and sherine, as well as during folk song contests such as sarmerden and yr kese (singing chalice). No repertoire of folk singers (yrchy) is complete without lyrical songs. Ceremonial songs of the Kyrgyz, first of all, are connected with celebrations of various events. They have a solemn character and are performed with musical accompaniment. So, for example, toi bashtar (wedding song or feast song) marks the beginning of a wedding celebration or jubilee celebration, and jar-jar is the song of a greeting of groom and bride. There are ceremonial songs that are performed without musical accompaniment. It concerns the lamentation song performed by the bride’s mother at a dramatic moment of the wedding, when the bride leaves her parents’ house; or the lullabies that are performed during of the ceremony of encradling the newborn child. A vivid expression of the epic beginning of Kyrgyz folklore is demonstrated in lamentation songs performed at funerals. Songs of bakhshi and dervishes are other well preserved song genres of the Kyrgyz. They are performed in the form of melodic recitatives at praising and appealing to the God, and at purification rituals. Contemplation song is one of the genres of lyrical traditions of the Kyrgyz. They are built on folk philosophy, teaching, and artistic representation of the reality, which are transmitted from generation to generation. They comprise moral principles and ethno- pedagogical views of the nation in them. Similar to the other folk song traditions, contemplation songs are presented in rhythmic and poetic form.

An oral game, Tsangmo or Tsam-mo is short and melodious poetry normally sung for entertainment by people of all ages in all the regions. It is also considered as one of the ornaments of speech. There are several very similar names for the game, with each having its own meaning and definition, according to the elderly village people; Tsam is a short poem either composed on the spot or learnt from elders or friends, which is recited to a melodious tune. Mo means divination or test. Therefore, it is a song sung to test the feelings of another person. In another version, it is also a song sung by individuals in a group, to make the same divination of feelings as above by a stick (Tsang) pointing to the personal items already collected from each of the participants, guided by the rhythms of the song. Another very similar name to that for the stick tsangmo indicates that this tradition may have been derived from U-tsang province of Tibet. However, some elderly villagers interviewed about the game thought that the terminology had nothing to do with U-tsang at all. Taking their local knowledge into account, it seems likely that the slight difference in nomenclature might just reflect a local dilution of the term which has crept in over time. Although there are different names given according to how the game is played, Bhutanese commonly refer to it as Tsangmo. Performance of the game is indigenous and unique to Bhutan, with the poetic songs passed down from our forefathers through the ages and often sung in the respective dialects of the singers’ districts. While singing Tsangmo, the lyrics are actually based on the moods and situation. For stick Tsangmo the rules are as follows: each male and female participant should place an item in the centre. A neutral person is assigned who either closes his eyes or sits facing away from the rest so that he does not know the owner of individual items. When one has finished his/her turn then the assigned neutral person will hold a stick and repeat the song once again. According to the beat of the song, he points at each item. Wherever the point of the stick remains when the song finishes, he makes a comment according to the meaning of the song, “whoever is the owner of the item is, the song’s message is (for example) Love. You are being loved by the singer, are you in love with him/her? If yes, you should tell him/her at the earliest possible.” The message is clearly conveyed through the use of metaphors in the form of a four-line verse with two couplets. Each couplet is self-contained. The first usually makes a statement or describes a situation. The second one makes a response. Then the owner is identified. Sometimes the owner may be the same sex as the singer in which case the group expresses its sympathy in chorus and ends in laughter. “In the old days people were also married through this divination game” explained a few elderly citizens. Apart from these rules, one does not have to stick to one form of expression. Participants can change the context of the lyrics as they desire. Since Ttsangmo is meant for fun, no individual is expected to get emotional at the message as the singer is also blind folded. Moreover, no one in the group clearly knows on whose item the stick will land at the end. General Tsangmo (i.e. not with the stick) is usually sung casually in a group, for example during celebrations, while on a walk, during the transplantation of paddy, weeding, collecting firewood, transporting manure in the fields, harvesting paddy, plantation of maize, harvesting maize and in a leisure period. This is an impromptu entertainment where you hone your skill in creating verses on the spot and also where you learn from and communicate with others. One person sings and another responds, the debate continuing until a winner or a draw is declared. This version of the oral game is played in an unstructured way so there are no particular rules. Today, the Bhutan Broadcasting Service arranges phone-in Tsangmo sessions (akin to talk-back radio) among listeners from different places and the participants either choose to reply to the previous singer or sing their own part without aiming at anyone in particular. Regarding the tune of Tsangmo, there are more than four types depending on custom, language and dialect. According to the knowledgeable citizens, while singing Tsangmo, the first participant must sing a stanza in praise of the Triple Gem or a divine being, as a way of making an offering. The subsequent participants may dwell on friendship, love, odium, discord, joy, sorrow as they like, and end with verses of supplication or good wishes.

Renowned for its elaborate puppets and complex musical styles, this ancient form of storytelling originated on the Indonesian island of Java. For ten centuries wayang flourished at the royal courts of Java and Bali as well as in rural areas. Wayang has spread to other islands (Lombok, Madura, Sumatra and Borneo) where various local performance styles and musical accompaniments have developed. While these carefully handcrafted puppets vary in size, shape and style, two principal types prevail: the three-dimensional wooden puppet (wayang klitik or golèk) and the flat leather shadow puppet (wayang kulit) projected in front of a screen lit from behind. Both types are characterized by costumes, facial features and articulated body parts. The master puppeteer (dalang) manipulates the swivelling arms by means of slender sticks attached to the puppets. Singers and musicians play complex melodies on bronze instruments and gamelan drums. In the past, puppeteers were regarded as cultivated literary experts who transmitted moral and aesthetic values through their art. The words and actions of comic characters representing the “ordinary person” have provided a vehicle for criticizing sensitive social and political issues, and it is believed that this special role may have contributed to wayang’s survival over the centuries. Wayang stories borrow characters from indigenous myths, Indian epics and heroes from Persian tales. The repertory and performance techniques were transmitted orally within the families of puppeteers, musicians and puppet-makers. Master puppeteers are expected to memorize a vast repertory of stories and to recite ancient narrative passages and poetic songs in a witty and creative manner.

Indonesia 2008

Boria is a traditional arts form that is very popular in northern Peninsular Malaysia, linked to the Karbala event that is the killing of Saidina Hussein, the grandson of Prophet Muhammad. Boria, meaning ‘a game of merriment’, was established in Penang Island in the 19th century. There are parties that claim that Boria was brought by the Indian Muslims into Malaya through business activities in the 19th century. Boria is an entertainment channel combining sketches and dances as well as poetic songs led by a singer called ‘Tukang Karang’, literally translated as ‘Storyteller’. A performance has two segments that are sketches and songs. The dialogues for sketches are full of advice and insinuation while comedy elements are considered important. During a performance sometimes the audience can interact with the actors. The musical instruments are not specific; more important is the musicians’ ability to play rhythms that can accompany the Tukang Karang’s song. Among the instruments are violin, oud, drum, accordion, harmonica and guitar, while commonly used props are lamp, flag, kris, umbrella, tall decorative flowers and walking stick. Previously Boria’s costume is resemblance of the Mamak (Indian-Muslim) ethnic; green belt with sarong and fez to maintain ethnic identity. This identity is experiencing evolution since the 1970s with its costume made uniformed using bright colours with sequin to portray merriment. Nowadays, Boria performances are greatly influenced by western, Hindustani and pop rhythms.