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practice
ICH Elements 332
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Shawa Sha-khe/che Chham: The Dance of the Stag and Hounds
Shawa Sha-khe/chi Chham (the mask dance of the stag and the hounds) or also called as Acho Phen-to (the Hunter and the servant) by its character is one of the mask dances that falls under the Nam-thar zhi-chol gi gar-chham (biography-based mask dances) category of three broad classifications of mask dances in the Bhutan. This mask dance has a characteristic of theatrical play extracted from the life story of Milarepa (1052-1135) and has various characters and episodes basically conveying the Buddhist principals of compassion, arising faith and human values that lead to a harmonious life. The origin of the mask dance dates back to the 11th century when Jetsun (venerable) Milarepa the great yogi from Tibet, converted Gonpo Dorji, a fierce hunter as his disciple who later listed as became one of his principal followers named as Khe-rawa Gonpo Dorji. In brief, the story goes as follows: While Milarepa was meditating in a cave known as Katya in Nyishangkurta (on the present-day border between the Tibetan autonomous region of China and Nepal), he heard a couple of hounds barking somewhere near to his hermitage. In a short while, a stag glistening with sweat and exhausted bounds into his cave indirectly seeking refuge from the lean and thin meditator Milarepa. Out of great and compassion and pity, Milarepa sangs a song to calm the terrified stag, which eventually laid down peacefully near to the great yogi in the cave. Led by the scent of the stag, two ferocious hounds; a red and a black-coloured appeared in lightning speed, rushed inside the cave in pursuit of the stag. Milarepa also calms them by singing yet another stanza of song dedicating to the hounds which subsides its rage and calmly sits beside Milarepa waggling its tail alike to their owner. Subsequently, the merciless hunter, the owner of the dogs, Gonpo Dorje soon arrives in pursuit of his target, the hounds, and steped into the cave frustrated, drenched in sweats, tired and a bow and arrow ready to release the trigger. The sight of his hounds and the stag calmly sitting together with Milarepa infuriates him, thinking that the yogi has used some kind of black magic on the animals. Dragged by his rage, he shoots an arrow at Milarepa which in-turn slips the arrow from his bowstring. Milarepa then sings the hunter a song to calm his mind and open it to the Dharma, but the hunter remains uncertain whether Milarepa is a great saint or else a black magic practitioner. Gonpo Dorje inspected Milarepa’s cave, and upon noticing nothing in it but an empty bowl surprised him. Overwhelmed by feelings of profound respect for Milarepa, feled deep remorse for all his past sinful actions and thereafter vowed never to commit such acts and became a faithful disciple. The mask dance has various characters such as; Shawa (the Stag), Sha-khi/che (two hounds), Acho (the hunter), Phen-to (servant), Milarepa (the Saint) and a package of Atsa-ra (clowns). The mask dance is performed only during the annual Tshe-chu (Mask Dance Festival) with several episodes portraying different scenes. The element is still vibrant in the country.
Bhutan -
Khon, masked dance drama in Thailand
Khon is a highly-refined performing art that combines multiple artistic elements: musical, vocal, literary, dance, ritual and handicraft. It may have combined features of ancient genres: court ritual, martial art, and the shadow play. It tells the story of Ramakien – the localized Thai version of the Ramayana epic. Its many episodes depict the life of Rama, his journey in the forest, his love for his wife Sita, his army of monkeys, the fights with the army of Thosakan (Ravana), king of the giants, and his final victory. The dancers wear elaborately embroidered costumes. The giants and monkeys all wear masks that cover their entire head. The colours and shape of each mask are unique to each character. The drama is enacted through dancing, accompanied by a piphat classical xylophone ensemble, singing, and narration. Each major type of characters has a distinct mode of dance expression. The dance postures and movements, the music, and the repertoire have been handed down from generations since the 15th century. The masked dance performances form part of social practices such as royal cremation, cremation of high-ranking persons or revered monks, and celebration of sacred sites and temples. Dancers, musicians, craftsmen and other members of Khon community annually perform a ceremony to honour Khon masters of the past, teachers, and deities. During this ceremony, new members are initiated into the community. Khon performance is continually evolving with new interpretations, and the adoption of modern technology for stagecraft, whilst retaining its traditional intensive dance training and ritual.
Thailand 2018 -
Epic art of Gorogly
The entire epos includes a historical range of the legendary achievements of the ancient national hero of Gorogly and his 40 cavalrymen by recording all major events of traditional lifespan of the Turkmen people. The aspiration of the Turkmen nation for a happy life, unification, freedom and justice as well as their features such as bravery, honesty, partiotism, freindship, tolerance and fairness have been reflected in the epos. The element is a combined genre of oral traditions and performing art incorporating narrating, singing, vocal improvisation and musical composition, where a prose and poetry are alternated in its perforamnce. Its bearers and practitioners are epic performers-dessanchy bagshy specialized in the Gorogly epic. It is by tradition performed by one dessanchy bagshy playing the dutar (a two stringed, long-necked lute) in a sitting position, while narrating prose and reciting poetry in a way to deliver the characters' feelings and emotions to the accompaniment to the traditional musical instruments such as dutar and gyjak (a fiddle-like Turkmen musical instrument). It is traditionally performed at social gatherings, celebrations, national ceremonies, life rituals, national festivals and special "Folklore Festivals". The element provides related communities with a sense of social and cultural identity and it is considered as a main symbol of Turkmen people to sustain their cultural identity being as an oral encyclopedia and it remains the inexhaustible fountain-head to nurture their cultural psychology, national character, mentality, creative capacity and artistic skills.
Turkmenistan 2015 -
Mangal Shobhajatra on Pahela Baishakh
Mangal Shobhajatra is a vibrant procession brought out in Dhaka City on the first day of Bangla New Year . It is a creative innovation to give new social and cultural meanings to the celebration of Bangla New Year, a tradition going back to 1556 CE during the reign of Mughal Emperor Akbar the Great. In 1989, the students and teachers of the Faculty of Fine Arts of Dhaka University organized a colorful procession entitled "Mangal Shobhajatra", literally meaning well-being procession, on the first day of the Bangla New Year. Since then, Mangal Shobhajatra has become a major secular festive event in which people from all walks of life join freely and spontaneously. Pahela Baishakh, the first day of Bangla New Year, coincides with 14 April. Preparation for Mangal Shobhajatra begins a month earlier on 14 March in the campus of the Dhaka University. The students, under the guidance of their teachers, make several large artifacts for display in the procession. Each year at least one stupendous artifact is made to signify the dark forces of evil and iniquity. This one and the other artifacts vary from year to year. The Mangal Shobhajatra of 2013 comprised a monster and a reptile to signify the sinister forces, a dove to symbolize peace, a bull to stand for the revolutionary spirit, a clenched hand to embody vigour and courage, and a wide range of masks for the activists to carry in order to drive away the sinister forces and pave the way for progress.
Bangladesh 2016 -
Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet
Having originated in bhani, a type of drama, mentioned in at least 10th century inscriptions of Cambodia, Lkhon Khol today is performed by males, wearing masks with the accompaniment of pin peat, a traditional orchestra, and melodious recitation. It performs only episodes from Reamker, a Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana. Lkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is distinct from the generic form because its specific aim is to propitiate Neak Ta (guardian spirits of a place and its people; in this case the community of Wat Svay Andet), and in so doing, protect and make prosperous the community, its lands and harvest. When Lkhon Khol is performed especially during a fixed date after the New Year, spirit mediums are presented to facilitate interaction between the Neak Ta, performers and villagers. Spirit mediums, who predict the situation for the upcoming year, attend the performance and become possessed by the Neak Ta and then might get on the stage. When the spirits are satisfied by the performance, villagers are blessed by them, and if not, dancers will stop; the music continues; and the audience will fall silent and carefully listen to the spirits. Then the episode must be performed again. nIn Wat Svay Andet, Lkhon Khol has such spiritual significance in the community that some Reamker characters have become local deities in themselves. For example, on the campus of the monastery, a shrine for Hanuman (Monkey General) locally called Lok Ta Kamheng is built and venerated. The mask for Tos Mok (Ravana, King of the Demons) also lives and is venerated in a spirit house at the home of the family that has danced that role for several generations. In addition to the intrinsic specificity of the Wat Svay Andet form, some external differences are noted, such as the fact that three of the key roles are not masked. In fact their faces are painted white, indicating that they are neither mortals nor gods. The costumes, which are very refined with magnificent embroidery, are also different especially from those of the Battambang Troupe. Melodies for recitations are also different and richer. nLkhon Khol Wat Svay Andet is not performed by professional artists, but by the villagers themselves, and they do not perform for money but for merits and their community’s well-being. Everyone in the community is obliged to contribute, either by direct participation in the performance or by sharing support, e.g. financial or labor. Even villagers, who have migrated for work, tend to come back for the ritual and believe that if they don’t come, they could be struck by illness or bad luck.
Cambodia 2018 -
Aitysh/Aitys, art of improvisation
Aitys (in Kazakh language), Aitysh (in Kyrgyz) is an improvised competition of two akyns, the form of oral poetry performed in a singing manner, poetic contest of improvisations or a poetic duel of wits. The element is performed to the accompaniment of traditional musical instruments: Kazakh dombra or Kyrgyz komuz. Two akyns compete with each other in improvisation of verses on topical themes in a wit-sparkling manner alternating humour and deep philosophic reflections. During the competition two akyns sitting opposite each other develop a song-like dialogue catching up the opponent’s words and performing in turn their improvisations on the spur of the moment. Songs performed during the aitysh-aitys are improvised on whatever topics which come up depending on the wish of the audience. The winner of the competition is the one considered to have demonstrated the most musical skills, rhythm, originality, resourcefulness, wisdom and wit. The element is very popular among people and is considered as a “folk tribune”. In fact, all regions of the countries have bearers and practitioners who often represent their local communities at the poetic competitions raising up topical and urgent problems of social life and criticizing all kinds of vices. The element is practiced at various events from local festivities to nation-wide events. Aitysh/Aitys presents the art of a dialogue participated not only by the performers but by their listeners as well. It is an essential part of life for the communities of tokmo-akyns and aityskers.
Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan 2015 -
Kazakh Kuresi – Traditional wrestling
Kazakh Kuresi represents ancient form and style of Kazakh traditional wrestling, essential element of all festive events, celebrations and integral part of modern Kazakhstani national identity. Since ancient times, the beauty of this sports and strength of the hero-wrestlers “Baluans” have been reflected in folk epics, fairy legends, Kazakh literature like the poem of Iliyas Zhansugurov “Kulager” and Gabit Musrepov’s novel “Ulpan”, and archaeological findings. Wrestling of two opponents is performed on 12m.x 12m. sized mat. The opponents are matched according to their weight category ranging from 60 kg and above 90 kg. All techniques are performed above the waist – wrestlers must fight on foot, making it more difficult. Wrestling on the ground is prohibited. The purpose is to lay the opponent on shoulders. Duration of the match is 5 minutes with extra time of 3 minutes which is offered in case of even number of points. Evaluation of matches is counted by: a) “Buk” – if the opponent touches the mat with abdomen, knee or both knees; b) “Zhambas” is given for three “Buks” or when the opponent touches the mat with one side of pelvis or both; b) “Zhartylay zhenis” is awarded for the technique when the opponent touches the mat with both shoulders.
Kazakhstan 2016 -
Art of crafting and playing with Kamantcheh/Kamancha, a bowed string musical instrument
The art of crafting and playing with Kamantcheh/kamancha (“little bow”), a bowed string instrument, has exsited for more than 1,000 years. In Iran and Azerbaijan, types of this art constitute major elements of classical and folkloric Music. Classical Iranian Music refers to the urban music with “Radif” repertoir; the Folkloric Kamantcheh Music refers to the mainly rural musical traditions of Azarbayjan, Lorestan, and Torkaman Sahra. In both countries, contemporary practitioners mainly make and use four string Kamantcheh/kamancha composed of a body (chamber, neck and pegs) and a bow with horse-hair. Some Folkloric variants with two or three strings are also popular in Lorestan, Azarbayjan, or Torkaman Sahra, Iran(also, cf.D). Craftsmanship starts with choosing wood material. Craftspeople use walnut and/or mulberry for the body, and cornel for the bow. In Azerbaijan, only ball-shaped resonating chambers are crafted. Iranian communities produce the following resonating chambers/sound-boxes: 1-Pošt-baste(""closed in the back""):A hollow oval with sheep-skin; 2-Pošt-bāz(""open in the back""):A half-cone, with sheep-skin on one end. Craftspeople create a bowl and a round fingerboard, and unite them with an iron billow that ends up with a base shaft at the bottom. The chamber’s open side is covered with sturgeon, catfish, sheep or bovine bubble skin. They very often inlay the body with mother-of-pearl or other materials to express and mark different motifs and add their personal touch to the external decoration. In Iran, calligraphy, wood carvings, or inlayed jewels and shells are also practiced. The instrument rests on the base shaft and stands vertically on performer's lap or beside them; performers move the bow horizentally on the strings, and pivote Kamantcheh round the shaft to facilitate transfers on the strings. Kamantcheh/kamancha produces strong and subtle sounds, close to human voice with the sound diapason ranging from small octave ‘A’ to the third octave ‘A’. Players perform large works and etudes using various performing techniques, individually or as part folk orchestras. Generations of performers have left invaluable heritage of Kamantcheh/kamancha works, which are reproduced by young performers, adding their own playing dynamics and colouring. Transmitted from generations to generations at professional and amateur levels, within families or professional education institutions, this art brings together a large community of Kamantcheh/kamancha music lovers and listeners and continues to be a marker of cultural belonging.
Azerbaijan,Iran 2017 -
Ceremonial Keşkek tradition
Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.
Turkey 2011 -
Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu: techniques of making ramie fabric in Uonuma region, Niigata Prefecture
The materials and techniques used to produce high-quality, lightweight ramie textiles known as Ojiya-chijimi and Echigo-jofu, has been developed under its distinctive climatic conditions and transmitted from generations to generations in the long history of the community. After World War II, under the influence of a rapidly-changing society, it fell into a decline. With a strong determination to protect their own cultural heritage, however, the people concerned with textiles and weavings joined forces and reconstructed its base for the conservation and transmission of this intangible cultural heritage themselves. It has been rooted in the community as its cultural identity. In 1955 “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” was designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property, and “Association for the conservation of techniques for Echigo-jofu, Ojiya-chijimi-fu,” founded by the community, was recognized as the Holding Group of this technique. This Association strongly recognizes “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” as its own cultural heritage and makes every effort to preserve and transmit them. Ojiya-chijimi and Echigo-jofu has a long history. Ramie weaving began in ancient times around Uonuma region in Niigata Prefecture, and we have a remains presumably dated back to the eighth century. In the seventeenth century it was dedicated to Tokugawa Shogunate. As suitable to the hot and humid summer of Japan, clothes made of ramie weaving have been a favourite of many people in various classes for centuries. Thus, those textiles have been constantly produced as a cultural pride for the people of the community, and its producing technique has been transmitted from generations to generations until today. The production area is such a heavy snowfall area as closed by snow during a half of a year, and hence its production technique makes a good use of its distinctive nature and climate. The yukizarashi method is well-known as a unique part of the production process, in which the woven textile is spread on the snow, and bleached by the ozone released as the snow evaporates. The traditional ikat (kasuri) designs are made from threads that were tied before dyeing. They feature various colours in geometric patterns or abstract patterns of plants, or combinations of these. These traditional patterns are still being used by people today, who bring a contemporary sense to the traditional designs. Thus, the community has inherited the traditional producing technique of “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” and constantly recreated this intangible cultural heritage by production with the specific technique. Sophisticated manufacturing of those textiles, process with traditional tools and distinctive utilization of snow are required for the designation as important intangible cultural heritage in this case. It is needless to say that the people of this Association shall fully understand the meaning of their own intangible cultural heritage, cooperate each other and respect mutual skills. Because they are determined to transmit to the next generation what they have inherited from the ancestors, they make every effort to widely disseminate it and hold a workshop for it. The community has constantly recreated a sense of identity and continuity through the conservation and transmission of this important intangible cultural property. The making of “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” is a complex, detailed process. The process must meet specific conditions in order to qualify for Important Intangible Cultural Property status. These conditions have been carried on and transmitted by the Association and the people involved up to the present. ▶Conditions of Designation -TEUMI (Hand-twisted ramie thread) Ramie fibers are split by fingernail and shredded into very fine threads. Further manipulated and moistened by the hands and mouths of threadmakers, the ends of each strand are twisted together to form a continuous thread. An additional tight twisting of the weft threads gives Ojiya-chijimi its characteristic crepe texture. This work takes place during cold winter months when the humidity from snow keeps the ramie threads pliable. -TEKUBIRI (Hand-tied ikat (kasuri) threads) Skeins of ramie thread are bound with cotton thread in a predetermined pattern before being immersed in a dye vat. This method of hand-tying is known as tekubiri. The bound areas resist the dye. When untied, placed on a loom, and woven into a fabric, the kasuri pattern emerges. -IZARIBATA (Use of a body-tension loom) Utilizing a simple body-tension loom (izaribata), the weaver sits on a wooden plank raised slightly off the floor with her legs outstretched underneath the loom. Her foot is slipped into a sling that manipulates a bent, wood lever attached to string heddles. A cloth beam (chimaki) is then placed against the weaver’s abdomen and secured by a strap that is brought around the small of the back. In this position the loom becomes an integrated extension of the weaver’s body. She can achieve subtle adjustments to warp tension by simply shifting her weight. An extremely high degree of skill is required to weave ramie thread as fine as human hair without the thread breaking. -YUMOMI, ASHIBUMI (The SHIBOTORI finishing method) The woven cloth is soaked in hot water and rubbed to remove any starch (yumomi). Afterwards, the cloth is soaked again in hot water and washed by trampling or massaging it with one’s feet (ashibumi). This process softens out the creases in jofu cloth and gives chijimi cloth its beautiful crepe-like texture. -YUKIZARASHI (Snow bleached) Wet lengths of ramie cloth are placed on top of snow-covered fields. For ten to twenty days the textiles are exposed to the bleaching properties of sunlight, which is intensified by the white snow. The cloth is further lightened by the penetration of ozone ions from the melting snow.
Japan 2009 -
China engraved block printing technique
As one of the conventional skills, China Engraved Block Printing Technique includes a series of processes: cutting tools are applied to the engraving of characters or patterns on wooden blocks, ink and paper are utilized for printing purpose and the printed book pages are bound into books. Historical cultural relics show the application of engraved block printing technique dates back to the end of the 6th century and early 7th century. The invention and application of engraved block printing technique in China has made tremendous contributions to the progress and development of human civilization thanks to its functions typical of recording and transmitting thoughts, knowledge and experience of human society.
China 2009 -
Watertight-bulkhead technology of Chinese junks
The Watertight-Bulkhead Technology of Chinese Junks is an age-old craft for the construction of ocean-going vessels with watertight compartments in South China’s Fujian Province. The vessels are made mainly of camphor, pine and fir timber, and assembled through use of traditional carpenters’ tools. They are built by applying the key technologies of rabbet-jointing planks together and caulking the seams between the planks with ramie, lime and tung oil. A master craftsman designs and directs the whole process. A large number of craftsmen work in close coordination to build solidly rabbeted ocean-going vessels consisting of multiple independently watertight cabins. The core technology for building such vessels is called The Watertight-Bulkhead Technology of Chinese Junks. Watertight bulkheads are the most important step in building Chinese junks. To start with, the craftsmen build an integral hull by joining the vessel’s bilge and sides. The hull is then divided into cabins according to the function and size of the ship. The whole process is manual. Planks are rabbet-jointed together. And then interlocked to the bilge and on to frames or held with crampons. Ramie fibber, lime and tung oil are mixed in the proper proportion to wedge into any gaps between planks and make the cabins waterproof. The tools are largely those used by traditional Chinese carpenters, such as axes, carpenter’s ink markers, hand drills, rulers, maces, pit saws, chisels and planers. Chinese junks are subdivided into multiple watertight cabins. If in the course of navigation one or two cabins are accidentally damaged, seawater will not flood other cabins. The vessel will not sink, but remain afloat. This greatly improves navigation safety. This technology has been widely used over the centuries in fishing vessels, cargo ships, warships, and diplomatic vessels. In particular, Fujian’s ocean-going cargo ships sailing along the Maritime Silk Road during the Song and Yuan dynasties, and the fleets commanded by Ming Dynasty navigator Zheng He in his seven voyages to the West, fully adopted this technology. The technology has served as a bridge and unifier in the exchange between Eastern and Western civilizations. In the late 18th century this technology was finally adopted in the West. Since then Watertight bulkheads have become an important structural element in modern ship design, remain so today and have greatly enhanced navigation safety.
China 2010