ALL
recitation
ICH Elements 24
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Coaxing ritual for camels
The Traditional Coaxing ritual expresses the peculiar relationship between a man and animal. The ritual comes under the domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” and in cases where there is participation in the ritual by a singer and musician, or by a few musicians, it might also come under the domain of “performing art”. While elsewhere spring is a pleasant season for peasants, it isn’t convenient for Mongolian herdsmen. The mother animals give birth to their young in a harsh and dusty spring, so there is a big risk of losing a mother or a baby animal. Mongols have a variety of rituals relating to husbandry in traditional Mongolian society. One of them is a chanting ritual for a new-born baby animal and its mother. To chant is to stimulate, through the use of special words and melody, the adopting of a baby animal to a mother. There are different gestures, melodies and chanting techniques for the five types of livestock in Mongolia. Coaxing (khuuslukh) a camel is a ritual for a mother who rejects her baby; or for adopting an orphan baby to another female who has lost her baby, because only a suckling mother will have milk in harsh spring time. For the nomadic Mongols the camel milk has been not only the source of food and drinks in the severe Gobi Desert conditions, but also the basic means of preventing illness or for healing diseases. Therefore, the coaxing rituals originated from the everyday occurrence of the herdsmen and became one of the important elements of Mongolian folk knowledge and ritual. The performance of the ritual continues for a few hours at early morning or at twilight and requires a high skill of handling camels and a singing talent or skill for playing on a musical instrument such as the horse head fiddle or flute. Most herdswomen engage in techniques and methods of coaxing, but these techniques and methods aren’t enough sometimes, for performing the ritual successfully. If there isn’t a singer or musician in the family, the owner of the camels will invite a coaxer or a few masters in coaxing and players of a musical instrument, from another place. In this case, the coaxing ritual will compose of a small performance by several actors: a singer along with a horse head fiddle, flute or mouth-orlgan players. A mother is tied close to the calf, nearby to a yurt. A singer will begin gently their monotone song ""khuus"", ""khuus"" with a horse head fiddle or without any musical instrument. A mother will bite, savage or spit and show her ignorance to a calf at the beginning of the ritual. The coaxer can change their melody, depending on the mother’s behavioural reaction. Most musicians will perform the ritual traditional Mongolian -sad stories about camels- songs such as “Unchin tsagaan botgo”, “Goviin undur” etc. The musician performs his play with different sounds of walking, running and bellowing of a camel and absorbs words into poems, songs and epochs. When a mother camel is being coaxed into accepting a rejected or an orphan calf, it is said to break into tears at the gentle sound of ""khuus"" and the enchanting melody of the horse head fiddle sung and played by someone skilled in the art of casting spells on animals. In some cases, to perform the ritual more effectively herdsmen use additional techniques such as skinning a dead calf and covering the orphan camel calf with the hide, tying a mother together with a baby quite a far distance from the ger camp for the whole night, or soaking the calf in salt, saltpetre or in the mother’s milk. Also it was common to place the ankle bone of a wild sheep (there is a myth that wild ewes never reject their babies) around the neck of a mother or a calf. But nowadays it is very hard to find these anklebones, as wild sheep are enlisted to the endangered-species list. There is also an exotic remedy in the coaxing ritual where the mother is led to a ger at twilight and shown the fire inside. (A camel can’t enter a ger, because of its size.) All participants in the ritual wear good clothes, remain attentive and focused, using their own psychic vision and imagination in the coaxing process, because the participants express their gratitude to gods of the camels, mountains and waters within the ritual. After finishing the ritual a coaxer or small group of masters will be honoured guests of the family. A person, who had performed coaxing rituals prosperously, will be invited again and again by the families in need of the ritual. When, where, how many times they have been invited - is the main criteria for evaluating the talent of a cultural bearer of this ritual. The evaluation is a prerequisite to their popularity in a society. The coaxing ritual has been transmitted from generations to generations and been enriched by the exchange of camel herding knowledge between the herders of Umnugovi, Bayankhongor, Dundgovi provinces, which are the main territories of Mongolia’s Bactrian camel population. “We should not forget this ritual while we are herding camels, because in both the animal and the human - it transcends genre to become a deeply affecting allegory about the importance of patience and acceptance in so many relationships” that is the conception of elders, the cultural bearers’ communities and camel herders. The knowledge and skills relating to the ritual’s transmission occurs from parents and elders to youth, in home tutoring: Elders with long experience of herding, herdswomen with singing talent and the talented musicians, who can influence the camel’s behaviour, are the main actors of the coaxing ritual. The ritual acts as a symbolic medium for creating and maintaining the social ties of individual nomadic families and dependencies to the community, because it is one part of the traditional intangible cultural heritage of the relationship between man and livestock.
Mongolia 2015 -
Aitys – the art of improvisation
Aitys is a contest centred on improvised oral poetry spoken or sung to the accompaniment of traditional musical instruments – the Kazakh dombra. Two performers (akyns) compete with one other to improvise verses on topical themes in a battle of wits that alternates between humorous ripostes and penetrating philosophical reflections. During the competition, the performers sit opposite one another improvising a dialogue on topics chosen by the audience. The winner is the performer considered to have demonstrated the best musical skills, rhythm, originality, resourcefulness, wisdom and wit. The most meaningful and witty expressions often become popular sayings. The element is practiced on a variety of occasions, ranging from local festivities to nationwide events, where practitioners often use the contest to raise important social issues. Although it was traditionally performed only by men, many women now participate in Aitys and use the contest to express women’s aspirations and viewpoints. Akyns compete with each other without any preparation, minutely composing poems mutual answers to questions of concern to society. Deep philosophical reflections in the witty, bubbly manner often turn into a form of poetic ridicule and criticism. Akyns compete in their resourcefulness and originality.
Kazakhstan 2015 -
Saman dance
The Saman dance is cultural heritage of the Gayo people traceable to the 13th century, developed later by Syeh Saman incorporating religious messages. Saman is performed by boys and young men, always in odd numbers, sitting on their heels or kneeling in tight rows. The players wear black costumes embroidered with colourful Gayo motifs, symbolizing nature and noble values. The trainer or leader, called penangkat sits in the middle of the line and leads singing of verses containing messages about tradition, development, religion, advice, sarcasm, humor and even romance. Players clap their hands, slap their chests, thighs and the ground, click their fingers, sway and twist their bodies and heads forward and backward, left and right, synchronizing with the rhythm, sometimes slow, sometimes fast and energetic, in unison or with alternate dancers making opposite moves. Saman movements symbolize nature, the environment, and daily lives of Gayo people. Villages invite each other for Saman competitions to build friendly relationships. Saman is performed to celebrate national and religious holidays, and is a game among village children, who learn it informally. The frequency of Saman performances and transmission are decreasing, despite community and government efforts. Therefore safeguarding is urgently needed. A Saman performance consists of 7 parts, called: Rengum, Salam, Dering, Uluni Lagu, Lagu, Anak ni Lagu, and Lagu Penutup (closing song). According to other sources, there are 9 parts: Keketar (introduction), Rengum, Salam, Gerakan Tari, Anak ni Lagu, Saur, Syair, Guncang and Penutup, or only 4 parts.
Indonesia 2011 -
Chubja Tsan-choed: Invoking the Local Deity of Chubja Community
The term Tsan-choed means invoking or appeasing the deity and making various offerings in honor of the deity. Chubja Tsan-choed is an event celebrated by the communities of Bje-shigang, Damchena, Chubja-kha and Hungrel-kha. On this occasion, people from these communities pay their respects to the deity by making offerings to it, thus asking for further protection from the deity for the following year. Tsan is a local patron deity of a particular community who is worshipped by the people for their protection and welfare. These deities are often worshipped as Ke-lha (worshipped from birth as a protective deity) and Yue-lha (deity of a specific community). In addition to the specific dates designated to pacify the deity, people visit and offer prayers during illnesses, deaths, births, long journeys, or times of misfortune. The deity is also invoked by women who are barren and request the deity's blessing for a child. Often, after the woman becomes pregnant, the child relies on the deity for protection during its birth. Chubja Tsan (local deity), known as Tashi Pema/Pema Dendup, is considered deaf but endowed with the power to bestow worldly blessings. According to oral sources, the reason for his deafness was that Chubja Tsan and the Tsan of Zache-kha village had conflicts and quarreled long ago (the cause is not known). The Zache-kha Tsan hit the Chubja Tsan on his ear and made him deaf, while in return the Chubja Tsan hit the Zhache-kha Tsan on his eyes and made him blind. For this reason, even today, the people from Zhache-kha light a fire during the Tsan-choed (ritual to invoke the local deities), while the people from Chubja have to make loud "oooo" sounds in front of the Tsan's home. And the people of the two communities do not visit each other's Lhakhangs (temples). The timing of the Tsan-choed depends on the purpose of its patrons, but for Kay-lha it takes place twice a year; the first time immediately after the Paro Tshechu (Mask Dance Festival, which occurs in the third lunar month) and the second time during the autumn season. In the latter offering, a Phued (first share) of the harvest is usually offered to express gratitude for the blessing of a bountiful harvest while asking for his protection in the future.
Bhutan -
Bja-wo Karma Nya-ru: Conjunction of the Pleiades and the full moon Festival
In earlier times, Bhutanese traveled as far south as possible to buy salt, spices, and other basic products in the nearest border towns. Pasakha (formerly the southern gateway) was an important business center for the people of western Bhutan because of its proximity to the nearest Indian towns. After an arduous journey of more than 20 days through the high mountains and after nights spent in the cold, dense jungle, the villagers then reached their home, bringing their daily supplies. A young man from the village of Bja-wo once set out for Pasakha to buy supplies. Upon his return, as he prepared to spend the night in the forest, he lay down under a large tree, placed the heavy basket under his head to rest, and stared up at the sky. He saw the bright moon almost smiling at him and the stars twinkling around him. He thought about the number of nights he would have to spend like this, and wondered if the stars and moon would keep him company during his journey home. He continued his journey home during the day, spending each exhausting night under bushes and trees. Each evening he looked up at the sky and noticed that the brightest star seemed to get closer and closer to the moon each night. When he returned home a few days later, the young man, suspecting an interesting observation in the sky, wanted to know how close the star had come to the moon. The following night, he looked up at the sky and found that the star had come so close to the moon that it almost looked like it was interacting with the moon (this was the narrator's exact interpretation). It was a unique discovery that symbolized a happy moment. Incidentally, the day he made this discovery was the 15th of the 10th month, one of the most auspicious holy days in the Bhutanese lunar calendar. Therefore, the festival of Bja-wo Karma Nya-ru (conjunction of the Pleiades and the full moon) is believed to have originated in Bja-wo village and is still celebrated with great enthusiasm. Nowadays, it is also popularly known as Dogar Nya-ru. Nya-ru is celebrated on the 15th day of the 10th month of the Bhutanese lunar calendar and is considered a special occasion where family and friends scattered all over Bhutan gather on this day and celebrate the auspicious day in each and every home with festivity and joy. On the 13th and 14th day of the 10th month, people who work in the cities, students, businessmen, relatives and basically all people who are from the village gather to celebrate Nya-ru. In this village of Nyo-yue dhuen (old name) or Khamda Sali Chiwog (sub-block) as it is commonly known today, people prepare for the big event by washing their clothes, cleaning themselves, tidying their houses and the men discuss archery that will take place during Nya-ru while the women prepare the menu for the special day in the house and make preparations for Ara (locally brewed wine) and other drinks.
Bhutan -
Khar-phued: The First Offering Ritual
The people of Drangmaling-Nangar village in Tsamang Gewog, Mongar Dzongkhag in the eastern district gather every two years to perform Khar-phued. Literally, dairy product; milk, curd, cheese, butter, etc. were used as offerings. In other words, Kar means "wheat", Phued means "offering" - it is the offering of the first wheat harvest. Kharphu is a Bon ritual festival used to pay homage to local deities and ensure the well-being of the community, its households, livestock and crops. Kharphu is celebrated from the 26th day of the fourth month to the 2nd day of the fifth month according to the Bhutanese calendar. The village elders trace the origin of this ancient festival to the days of the creation of earth and sky (sachag namchag), as they do not know the exact century of origin or when it was held. The program and its components have been entirely preserved and passed down through oral tradition. This includes the ritual nightly exchange of songs that extends throughout the week. Apparently, this festival is in great danger of being lost in the modern cultural landscape.
Bhutan -
Yarney: the Summer Retreat
Yarney is one of the mainstays of monastic life in Buddhist communities, the tradition descends from the time of Buddha until today. It is observed as one of the most important annual events in Buddhist monasteries and institutions. ‘Yar’ means ‘summer’ and ‘ney’ means ‘to stay or abide’. Varsavasa is the Sanskrit term for Yarney, and like the Chokey term it is rather literal: varsa means ‘rains or rainy season’ and vasa means ‘dwelling or residence.’ The term widely used in Bhutan is Yarney. The origin of Yarney practice can be traced back to the historical Buddha, Siddhartha Gautama, 2600 years ago in India. The first Buddhist monks did not build monasteries and temples; they were mostly homeless and depended solely on alms for their sustenance. However, the summer’s monsoon rains presented a number of obstacles to Lord Buddha and his Sangha Buddhist community to make daily customary alms round from village to village and teaching tours. Not only is it unhealthy and uncomfortable to be unhoused in the rains, but the nurturing rains bring forth insects and worms who inhabit the muddy walkways and small plants and newly planted rice paddies would start budding in the fields. At that time the Tirthikas non-Buddhist critiques of Buddha Gautama would criticize the practice of alms round, reasoning that walking for alms especially during the summer killed several animals and insects. So to keep from crushing insects or young crops in their tender state; and avoid the health hazards of the monsoon rains, flooding, and displaced wildlife, the Buddha established the rainy seasons as a time for retreat. This is codified in the Vinaya rules for the monastic community. Instead, they would remain within the premises of their residences or dwelling places, most often monasteries, each summer or venture to a specific rainy season retreat. For the monasteries, the place Sangha members observe Yarney must be conducive to spiritual and mental development. One of the main objects of observing Yarney is to set aside time to practice meditation outside the schedule of preaching the Dharma to lay devotees or going on alms rounds. The period for the retreat lasts three months by the lunar calendar, usually starting in June or July and would continue until September or October. This established a formal practice of observing Yarney – Buddhist monastics using the summer or the rainy season as an opportunity to take retreat. The Buddha and Sangha would stay and spend days in their residences. This was a period for the Sangha to spend time in quiet and serious meditation, give local Dharma talks and help laypeople and junior Sangha members in spiritual development. It was also opportune time for them to clarify their understanding of every aspect of the Buddha’s teachings through questions and discussions. As the tradition progressed, it became renowned as a productive period in which the sutras were said to have been written down. Thus, during Yarney monastics engage their vows; listen and contemplate lob pa thoe sam; and meditate on teachings pong wa sam tan they received from their Khenpo or abbot. During Buddha’s time, many monks and practitioners were said to have achieved the accomplished state of Arhat, non-returner, and once-returner through this deep study.
Bhutan -
Nga-zo: Buddhist Drum Making
Shagzo or the traditional art of woodturning is an ancient art that has been passed down for generations. Shagzo is vibrantly practised in Bhutan and the master artisans are known as Shagzopa. Bhutan’s abundant and wide range of woods like tashing (Juglans regia), hashing (Taxus baccata), baashing (Picea spinulosa), tsenden shing (Cupressus corneyana), sermaling shing (Acer camphellii) and etometo (Rhododendron arboretum) have enabled the Bhutanese Shagzopa to create a variety of exquisite functional and decorative products like turned wooden bowls, cups, plates, and containers of various shapes, sizes and colours unique to Bhutan. Skilled wood turners also craft traditional hand drums that are beaten during religious ceremonies. Since Bhutanese tradition is deeply rooted in the teachings of the Buddha, use of drums and drum sticks are a part of the rituals performed everywhere. Used in all religious ceremonies and rituals, the Bhutanese traditional drum known as Nga, and the Nge-tog (drumstick) are indispensable articles found in every temple, monastery and home. An ancient instrument of musical offering, the beatings of the Nga symbolizes the subjugation of evil, indicates the fluctuation of tunes and wordings, and regulates the pace of other instruments during rituals and propitiation ceremonies.
Bhutan -
Pawo: Shaman
Part of the Bon tradition that still exists in Bhutan is the practice of shamanism. Shamans are sought out in times of illness, misfortune, or for divination. The practice of shamanism is common in almost all regions and is referred to differently in each region. It is also distinguished by ethnic groups, which can be divided into three major regions. Shamanism in Bhutan, as in other parts of the world, is deeply rooted in religion and involves supernatural powers. Since the practice of shamanism is based on religion, the religious origin and affiliation of the practice of shamanism in western and eastern Bhutan is Buddhism, while in the south it is Hinduism. There are two types of Bon practices: Bonkar and Bon nag. While Bonkar does not require animal sacrifice, Bon nag requires blood and animal sacrifice. Bon nag is virtually non-existent in Bhutan now that Buddhism is widely practiced. Popular shamanistic practices in the east include Pawo (male medium), Pamo (female medium), and Jab (Possessor or a deity). Nel-jorm (term for Pawo and Pamo in the West), Terda (male medium), and Jomo (jab of the East) are practiced primarily in the West. In the south, Jak-ri/Dha-mi is practiced, which is further divided into four categories: Ban-jhak-ri (abduction by a wild shaman), Naag-mata (female shaman), Ghalley-pawo (practiced by the Ghalley caste), and Rai-pawo (practiced by the Rai caste). Pawo Tashi Penjor (60) from the Shaba Gewog (block) under Paro Dzongkhag (district) has been a shaman for almost 21 years and is a well-known figure in the Gewog. His services are also sought by people from other Dzongkhags. During the Thangka Bonko, the Pawo asks the deity for help for the welfare of the community and for peace and prosperity. A shaman does not become a shaman by choice or interest. It is not necessarily hereditary. It depends on the choice of the deity or god. Before a person is identified as a shaman, he or she falls seriously ill and is confirmed by a divination from a lamb. After that, the person dedicates himself to a Yidam (protective deity) who is able to guide the person to a good Pawo. Pawo Tashi Penjor also became a shaman at the age of thirty and continues to assist the community with psychological and healing tasks. According to him, people continue to seek the help of shamans while seeking the assistance of technology and science. The amount people offer him does not deter him, whether it is small or large, because he only wants to help people. People seek the help of a shaman in times of illness, misfortune, or accidents that are beyond the control of medicine or other forms of intervention. A shaman acts as a medium between the people and the spirits or gods. He invokes the god or spirit, finds the causes of the illness and misfortune, and makes predictions about the actions or solutions. On such occasions, shamans are either invited to their homes, or they are performed only at the shaman's place. It is also performed during local village festivals or events such as Bon-kor, when the intervention of the Pawo or Nel-jorm is required. In such cases, the shamans help the village or community by predicting unforeseen mishaps or epidemics and suggesting appropriate solutions. On such occasions, shamanism is performed in a common place, either in a village Lhakhang (temple) or in a designated open space where local festivals are held.
Bhutan -
Dondang Sayang
Dondang Sayang is a Malay traditional music and song that is well-known in the State of Malacca and still practised by four communities such as the Malay, Baba Nyonya, Chitty and Portuguese. “Dondang” means ‘to entertain the heart’ which is the same meaning as ‘Dendang’, while “Sayang” means ‘affection’. The combination of the words “Dondang Sayang” means ‘Love Song’ or ‘Song of Affection’. It cannot be ascertained of the establishment date of Dondang Sayang, but much earlier than the establishment of the Malacca Malay Sultanate in the 15th century. Earlier on, Dondang Sayang was only sung without its music arrangement and accompanied by percussion instruments like drums. The arrival of the Portuguese and conquered Malacca in the 16th century was the beginning of the usage of violin for this arts form. The usual instruments used are the rebana or hand-held drum, gong, accordion as well as the violin that has become very important for the song’s melody. The number of musicians is between four to five people. The violin’s rhythm is regarded as the opening and main accompaniment to the singing, while the rebana’s beat alternating with the gong’s complement the song. Dondang Sayang repertoires are usually sung in rhythms such as Asli, Inang, Joget and Mambo. The lyrics are of quatrain verses sung by the singer in one’s own style depending on one’s respective capability and expertise. Among the singing style is ‘hanging’ the song by shortening the word pronunciation in a quatrain or lengthening the pronunciation of the third or fourth words in the quatrain’s first line, as well as dragging the singing of the meaning in the quatrain.The quatrains are of the linked type or binded or thematic with themes of affection, deed or comedy. Based on tradition, Dondang Sayang performances are accompanied by music and sung by two singers of the opposite sex, who sing in quatrains. Typically, Dondang Sayang singers are individuals who are highly competent and skilled in poetry recitation. Dondang Sayang performances are open to all, irrespective of age, occupation, status or religion, and the art is considered as a means of conveying positive messages and sharing feelings of love, joy and sorrow that strengthen community bonding. There are four (4) types of dondang sayang such as dondang sayang Melaka, dondang sayang Baba Peranakan, dondang sayang Tanjung Penyengat and dondang sayang Pulau Pinang. The difference between them is not on the basis and form of a song or musical instrument but in the way of singing. Now Dondang Sayang is made as one of the main performances in government official functions to ensure the continuity of this arts heritage that has become a signature and iconic of Malacca’s cultural arts. Dondang Sayang has received UNESCO’s recognition as a Representative List of The Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity on 29th November 2018, during the 13th Meeting of Intergovernmental Committee for The Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (IGC-ICH) at the Swami Vivekananda International Convention Center, Port Louis, Mauritius Republic.
Malaysia 2018 -
Mar-chang: Wine Oblation Ceremony
Mar-chang or wine oblation ceremony is an offering of Chang-phue (first share of wine) or offering of wine to invoke the glorious teacher, the four assemblages of deities, the dakas and dakinis (celestial beings) of the three realms, the dwellers of charnel grounds, guardians of directions, the local guardians (Kshetrapalas) and asking them to remove all obstacles so that the work may be accomplished successfully. On certain occasions, such as an elaborate Chib-dre ceremony, the Mar-chang offering is performed twice. The first offering takes place outdoors at the end of the Chib-dre procession while the second offering is made during the Zhug-dre phun-sum tshog-pa (Ceremonial setting) ceremony. Performance of the Mar-chang ceremony is not limited to specific places but is held anywhere depending on the nature of the programme — be it in the temple, residence, courtyard, or in an open ground. The Mar-chang ceremony is in line with the traditional custom of presenting a guest with wine called Dong-chang (reception wine) in a container, the lip of which was decorated with three horns of butter (Yar-dron) on the guest’s first visit. This Dong-chang or Mar-chang gesture is to wish the guest a long life and success in all his endeavours. So, the act of offering first to the deities and then to the honoured guest is clearly depicted in ceremonial presentation. The verses for the marchang ceremony were composed by Kunkhen Pema Karpo in the 16th century. During the ceremony, in accordance with the recitation of the verses by monks, the marchang is offered first to the lamas and deities, and then offered to the dignitary. After the Mar-chang is offered to the guest, it is followed by the offering of a small white flag. For the reigning monarch and the Head Abbot, instead of the white flag, the National Flag of Bhutan is offered. The offering of flag symbolises victory over all the negative forces, and increases fortune and luck for the people.
Bhutan -
Jakar Tshechu: Annual Festival of Jakar Dzong
Jakar Tshechu is a recent introduction, as noted above. It was established in 1994 on the 4th day of the sixth lunar month through the initiative of Dzongdag Dasho Pema Dorje and Thrimpon Dasho Sangay Rinzin. In the beginning, the mask dances were performed by Trongsa Rabdey as the dzong had no permanent monks. The duration of the tshechu was initially only one day long. Later, during the time of Dzongdag Nyima Tshering, it was extended to four days, running through the 8th to 11th days of the ninth lunar month. Given their prominence and importance, usually the annual district tshechu are sponsored and coordinated by the respective District administrations. Similarly, Jakar Tshechu is organized by the Bumthang District Administration in collaboration with the Jakar Rabdey. While at many festivals the local residents provide contributions, at Jakar Tshechu all the expenses are borne by the District Administration rather than by the locals. As the sponsor, the District Administration documents all expenditures for the duration of the tshechu, which includes meals for all participants, mask dancers and folk dancers, as well as their wages. Preparations for the festival are intense and involve significant manpower, financial resources and planning. Preparations begin well in advance, with the lam and dratshang overseeing the preparations for rituals and practice sessions for the mask dances. The dzongkhag takes on administrative responsibilities and plans the budget. A week before the festival, the dzongkhag staff prepare the performance area in the dzong courtyard. The district administration selects around thirty-two mask dancers, between ages of eighteen and forty-two, from the four gewogs. In addition, a troupe of approximately eleven folk dancers is chosen from each gewog to perform in between the mask dances. The troupes rotate each year, with each group performing every four years. The folk dancers and the mask dancers begin practicing about a month before the tshechu. On the 7th day of the ninth lunar month, dancers hold a rehearsal session, which is called chamjug. These rehearsals are held in the courtyard of the dzong where the festival takes place and include the use of musical instruments, such as trumpets and clarinets. The practice continues for much of the day, from around 8:30 a.m. until around 3 p.m. The two chief mask dancers, one from the monastic community and the other from the District Administration, oversee the practice to ensure that everything is perfect. During rehearsal, the dancers don’t wear the costumes or masks and only the main mask dances are rehearsed. a. Day One: (8th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The main event begins on the 8th day of the ninth lunar month, when the monks get up around 1:30 a.m. to perform the Lama Gongdue ritual. Before dawn, the ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast and preparation for the mask dance performances. Around 8 a.m., the dzongkhag staff gathers at the dzong to receive dzongda and drangpon and then they all wait to receive lam. Then the lam accompanied by Dzongkhag Administration officials including dzongdag and drangpon, move in a chibdrel procession to the zigrekhang (spectators’ pavilion) to witness tshechu proceedings. The mask dance performances begin by 8:30 a.m. In 2015, the mask dances were performed in the following order: - Shinje Yab-yum Cham (Yamantaka Father and Mother Dance); - Yoeluema Cham (Dance of the Malevolent Spirit); - Peling Ging Sum (Dance of the Three Gings): Ju Ging Cham (Stick Dance), Dri Ging Cham (Sword Dance) and Nga Ging Cham (Drum Dance); - Kel Cham (Farewell Dance); - Pholey Moley (Dance of the Noblemen and the Charming Ladies); - Shawo Gangley Phap (the first episode of chasing the stag down the mountain). At the conclusion of the mask dances, the lam and the monks resume the feast offering ritual in the lhakhang from where they left off in morning. b. Day Two: (9th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The morning’s programme on the 9th day of the ninth lunar month is same as the day prior. The ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast, and then the day’s mask dances begin around 8:30 a.m. as follows: - Zhana Cham (Black Hat Dance); - Zhana Nga Cham (Black Hat Drum Dance); - Dramitse Nga Cham (Dance of the Drums from Dramitse); - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Lords of Cremation Grounds); - Ging Tsholing Cham (dance of the wrathful deities and the ging); - Shawa Shakhyi Thaley Tonpa (the second episode driving the stag out of low-lying jungles). As on the previous day, after mask dances, the monks and the lam resume conducting the ritual prayers in the lhakhang, starting from the tshog lhagma intermission and conclude the day’s programme. c. Day Three: (10th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): The morning programme is same as days one and two. The ritual pauses at tshog lhagma for breakfast before the day’s mask dances begin. The day focuses on the judgment of the dead and depicts the consequences of karma on the afterlife, and people receive blessings from the Lord of Death. The mask dances are performed as follows: - Durdhag Cham (Dance of the Lords of Cremation Grounds); - Tum-ngam Cham (Dance of the Terrifying Deities); - Shazam Cham (dance of the four stags); - Raksha Go Cham (Ox-headed Dance); - Raksha Mang Cham (Intermediate State Dance). As on the previous days, the Lam Neten and monks resume the ritual prayers from the tshog lhagma to conclude the day’s events. d. Day Four: (11th Day of the Ninth Lunar Month): Thongdrol (giant tapestry) and Tenwang (blessing by sacred relics): The 11th day of the ninth lunar month is the last day of the tshechu, during which the thongdrol is unfurled and artefacts are displayed to the public, an act called tenwang. People gather in the dzong as early as 3 a.m. The main statue displayed for public blessing is a small statue of Yidam Thongwa Kundrol that Terton Pema Lingpa is said to have withdrawn from Mebartsho (the Burning Lake). The thongdrol was made in 2005 and shows Guru Tshengyed, the Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche. In front of the hanging thongdrol, mask dances – specifically Pacham, Dram-nyen Choeje, and Zhengzhi Pemi Cham – are performed to pay homage to Guru Rinpoche. The day’s mask dance programme is presented in following order: - Unfurling of Guru Tshengyed Thongdrol; - Zhengzhi Pemi Cham (Dance offering with recitation of prayers to Guru Rinpoche); - Bekor Cham (Ceremonial Dance of the Monks); - Pa Cham (Dance of Heroes); - Guru Tshengyed Cham (Dance of the Eight Manifestations of Guru Rinpoche); - Rigma Chudrug (Dance of the Sixteen Wisdom Consorts); - Acho dang Phento (the story of the conversion of the hunter); - Atsara gi Lochoe (Atsara’s ritual) to mark the conclusion of tshechu. As on prior days, the events finish with the feast offering ritual in the lhakhang, though with additional rituals particular to the last day. Specifically, a torshag (cascading the ritualcakes) ritual followed by ngoedrub langwang (receive blessings) and trashi monlam (auspicious prayers), during which all participants gather and to offer collective dedications and auspicious prayers.
Bhutan