In the Lhotsam (Southern Bhutanese) community, baby shower is an event observed on the eleventh day after the birth of a baby, which is generally understood as the naming of the new born baby. In fact, the act of performing “Nauran” relates to Hindu Holy Scriptures and it is done as a cultural and religious mandate. It is performed by all casts like the Rai, Gurung, Ghalley, Chhetri or Brahmins in Hindu religion following the same process on the eleventh day which is regarded auspicious.

NAYIT is an Arabic word. Eid means holiday. In the Islamic tradition, two Eids are officially celebrated as religious holidays: the great Eid or the Eid of Sacrifice (Arabic: Eid al-Kabir, Eid al-Adha) and the lesser Eid, or Eid of fasting (Arabic: Eid al-Sagheer, Eid al-Fitr). Eid al-Adha is associated with the pilgrimage and sacrifice, and Eid al-Fitr is about opening the mouth at the end of the month of Ramadan. Eid al-Adha is celebrated on the 10th day of Zu-l-Hijjah, and Eid al-Fitr is celebrated on the 1st day of Shawwal. Eid al-Fitr prayer in the mosque in the morning, giving al-Fitr charity (before the Eid al-Fitr prayer), and making sacrifices on Eid al-Fitr, etc. rites related to Islam arose. In many places, the local customs of the peoples are included in these Eid rituals: sharing food on the eve, wearing new clothes, giving "Hayt", going for a walk, visiting loved ones, etc. also joined.

Uzbekistan

The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented with the names Lavash-Katyrma-Jupka-Yufka, is a set of traditional knowledge, views, skills and rituals related to preparation, baking, storing, using and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkey and is transmitted from generations to generations. Flatbread tradition is a symbol of shared cultural identity and serves expression of mutual respect among communities. The five countries share a number of common features, skills and knowledge related to preparation and use of the flatbread. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. The dough is rolled by hand or using a dough roller into round or oval shape. In Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey and some communities of Kyrgyzstan, flatbread is baked in earthen or stone ovens called “tandyr” or “tanūr” buried into the ground. Some communities in Azerbaijan, Iran, Kazakhstan and Turkey bake the flatbread (yufka or lavash) on a metal plate known as “sac” (“saj” or “sāj”) over the fire. Communities in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners. The preparation of flatbread involves traditional practices based on collective labour and sharing within family and neighbourhood. As expression of social solidarity in rural areas, families prepare and bake flatbread together with their neighbours, especially as a preparation for winter. The flatbread is baked both at homes by family members and flatbread bakers, who learn the practice through a master-apprentice relationship. The flatbread preparation bears a great variety of social and cultural functions for its communities in terms of its usage at special occasions and its relation to transition between seasons. Communities of five countries consider flatbread preparation places sacred. In Kazakhstan, communities believe preparing flatbread at funerals helps the deceased get protection from the burning Sun, while waiting for decision of the God. To wish prosperity and wealth to newly-married couple, in Azerbaijani and Iranian weddings the flatbread lavash is often put on shoulders of the bride, while in Turkish weddings dried flatbread yufka is crumbled over the head of the bride. In Kyrgyzstan, tradition bearers believe that flatbread helps sick people. In some religious ceremonies and traditional weddings in Iran flatbread is served as a component of the sacred offering. During the preparation of flatbread, it is shared with all passers-by as a sign of hospitality. Flatbread culture is expression of belonging to common cultural roots. It reinforces cultural links and serves as marker of hospitality, conviviality and friendliness within the societies of five countries.

Azerbaijan,Iran,Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan,Turkey 2016

The tradition-bears of the gong culture are the seventeen Austro-Asian and Austronesian ethno-linguistic communities living in Vietnam’s Central Highlands. Gong music is an integral part of the life cycle of each person and important agricultural events of the community, performed in a wide range of ceremonies and rituals, such as ear-blowing for babies, weddings, sacrifice buffalo, abandoning grave, worshipping water troughs, celebrating new rice, closing rice storehouse, celebrating new communal house, so on. It is believed there is a god in each gong, a protecting shield for the family. Having gongs represents wealth and power. Gong ensembles in the Central Highlands are communal, each performer plays one note. Every member in the ensemble must remember the rhythms and melodies so that they can harmonize with other performers. Depending on the ethnic groups, the gongs are played by hand or with wooden sticks wrapped in cloth, leather or rubber strips. Each gong ensemble has between 2 and 13 flat and knobbed gongs with a diameter ranging from 25 to 120 cm, played by both men and women. Peoples in the Central Highlands often buy gongs from Kinh people in Quang Nam, Quang Ngai provinces, or even in Laos and Cambodia. The gongs are re-tuned in order to have the desired sounds. In the past, almost every village had a gong tuner. Today, there are only a few remaining gong tuners in the region. Economic, social and religious transformations have dramatically affected the lives of the local communities here. The safeguarding of gong space in the Central Highlands is thus more challenging. Senior tradition-bearers are passing away, while few people master the traditional rituals. Some major rituals with gong performance are no longer practiced. Younger generations are is less interested in traditional culture. Buffalo sacrifice is banned in many localities. Rice cultivation is altered with industrial crops. The instruments become trade items for other purposes. Nonetheless, the government is doing its best to ensure its practice and transmission.

Viet Nam 2008

The Lum Medicinal Bathing of Sowa Rigpa (Tibetan Medicine) has been developed by the Tibetan people within a life view based on Jungwa-nga (five elements) – i.e., Sa (earth), Chu (water), Me (fire), Lung (wind) and Namkha (space) – and a view about health and illness based on Nyepa-sum (three dynamics) – i.e., Lung, Tripa and Pekan. In Tibetan, “Lum” indicates the traditional knowledge and practices of bathing in natural hot springs, herbal water or steam to adjust the balance of mind and body, to ensure health and treat illnesses. Influenced by the Bon religion and Tibetan Buddhism, Lum embodies folk experiences in illness prevention and treatment, and reflects the transmission and development of traditional knowledge represented by the treatise Gyud zhi (the Four Tantras) in present-day health practice. Lum is practiced under the guidance of a Manpa (traditional physician) in two ways. One is bathing in Five Types of Hot Springs containing different minerals. The other, bathing with Five Medicinal Nectars, includes three methods: immersion, steam-bathing and applications with sachets. In this process, Manpa, in collaboration with Lum Jorkhan (pharmacist) and Manyok (Lum assistant), conducts symptom differentiation based on observation, questions and pulse palpation. Then preparation of medicines includes herb compound, boiling, fermentation and addition of extra herbs. The element has been transmitted over generations through daily life, religious rituals, folkloric activities and medical practices on account of its safety and accessibility. While providing Tibetans with a sense of identity and continuity, the element reflects cultural diversity and human creativity.

China 2018

Kazakh traditional Assyk games are an ancient tradition in Kazakhstan. Each player has their own set of ‘Assyks’, traditionally made out of the talus bone of a sheep, and a ‘Saka’ dyed in bright colours. Players use their Assyk to knock out other Assyks from the field, and the focus is on the position of the bone. The community concerned comprises most of the population of Kazakhstan, including members of the Federation ‘Assyk Atu’ Game as well as the larger community of practitioners, mainly children aged between four and eighteen. The element is an outdoor activity that helps develop children’s analytical thinking and physical state, fostering friendship and social inclusiveness. It is also a good model for positive collaboration, uniting people regardless of their age, ethnic background or religious affiliation. It is widely practised at festive celebrations and gatherings, and the community plays a key role in safeguarding the practice, as well as in popularizing it among other ethnic groups in Kazakhstan, turning it into a national symbol of childhood. It is transmitted from older boys to younger ones through observation, as well as through radio and TV documentaries aimed at encouraging children to play Assyk and acquainting people with their cultural heritage.

Kazakhstan 2017

Traditions of Si Sla Mlu are deeply rooted in the societies of Asian countries, including Cambodia. In Cambodia, Sla-Mlou has become an integral part of all Khmer traditional ceremonies from birth to death, as well as other religious ceremonies of both the people and the king. The royal word to call Mlu-Sla is “Preah Srey”. Mlu Sla is important at home, especially for the wealthy, to have luxurious things for keeping this Sla Mlu. Those things are made from wood, bamboo, Ror Peak, and silver or gold, as well as Kmok Mreak and fine designs, as they are not only used to store Sla Mlu, but also for home decoration, and even in large ceremonies at the royal palace. It is seen to be placed on the table near the place where the King sit down. Before the Khmer wedding, there is a ceremony called "engagement." In that ceremony, the elders and the parents of both sides "Si Sla” as a testimony of the engagement ceremony, and even have the words" Si Sla Pjoib Peak”. It is believed that Sla Mlu is a medicine and a sacred object because the Khmer therapist chews it to spit and blow to cure diseases (Tlos, Krech, Rerm, especially Peus Plerng…) or spitting to avoid the disease from harassing and expelling evil. About two decades ago, eating Mlu Sla was a common practice for both men and women, and some are even addicted to eating Sla. Mlu Sla is a snack to welcome guests who visit. That is why Sla Mlu is often planted in almost every house. Occasionally there is a burning of Kombor (from the shell of clams, snails, and sea snails) by itself. Locals understand that eating Sla makes teeth stronger and does not cause bad breath. Eating Sla makes the teeth darker and this may be the popularity of that generation. But the Khmer people say Si Sla, apart from Sla, there are other ingredients such as Mlu, Kombor, and Tnam Juk. And the way to eat is by applying Kombor on one leaf of Mlu leaf eat together with young or ripe Sla. If the elders are without teeth, Sla and Mlu will be grinded together so that he or she can eat afterward. Then squeeze a small amount of Tnam Juk and roll it between the teeth and the lips. Some Jok Tnam without eating Sla. The sla is not swallowed, it is spit out. The saliva that comes out is as red as blood and it will make the house dirty if there is nothing to put the saliva in. That is why we always see in every house there is a spittoon for saliva, and that spittoon is also a valuable tool for showing off the wealth, the same resources as the things that used to store Sla-Mlu. In literary texts, whether it is Lberk, poetry, or song, this Si Sla Mlu tradition is also included, and there are even more legends related to the origin of this Sla-Mlu.21 Nowadays, the Si Sla-Mlu tradition has declined somewhat, especially for people in the city and children because they no longer make their teeth black like before.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea This refers to the ritual enshrining of objects within a Buddhist statue or painting. Through this process, an inert image is animated and reborn as an object of worship. This ritual has been practiced in Korea for more than 700 years, since at least the Goryeo Dynasty. Instructions on the performance of the ritual were compiled into a book during the Joseon Dynasty with the title Josanggyeong. The practice continued through the Japanese colonial era and has been transmitted to the present. Compared to China and Japan, Korea is unique in establishing the process of interring objects in Buddhist images as a ritual. There are diverse ritualistic factors encompassed within this ritual, each of which is equipped with its own religious meaning. All these attributes were considered positively during the designation process of this element. * Jakbeop (作法): This term is commonly understood as referring to Buddhist dances like those performed in such ceremonies as Surykjae ("Water and Land Ceremony") and Yeongsanjae ("Celebration of Buddha's Sermon on Vulture Peak Mountain"). Here, however, the term denotes that the interment of objects in a Buddhist image is practiced as a ritual.

The Tay people have many rituals and prayers to ask for blessings, ask for good things, and banish evil and bad things. The vows made in the rituals called then roads are performed by the Thens (in the vowing rituals, there is also a system of words called Mo, Tao, and Phat roads, which are performed by magicians and teachers. Tao, Buddha - different names for worshipers). Therefore, the then ritual is a system of rhythmic lyrics, accompanied by rituals in religious activities of the Tay ethnic group. Those who can practice then rituals must be people with special abilities. According to the Tay people's concept and in reality, Then is someone sent down by heaven or selected by ancestors with then karma to help earthly people perform then rituals, meeting the spiritual needs of the community, if it is a woman, it is called Me Then (or Me Slin), and if it is a man - very rarely, it is called Po Then (or Po Slin). Then in Tuyen Quang, there are 2 types: the fan key and the calculated key. Currently, there are very few people who are "granted" Then Fan in Tuyen Quang. Then Fan (also known as Then Ky yen) is used in rituals to pray for peace such as: worshiping the mother, praying for relief from drought, praying for healing or worshiping ghosts... Then Tinh has an accompaniment musical instrument such as a pipe, a squirrel beam. and music.

Viet Nam 2019

The Art of Calligraphy and writing is not only the fundamental need of academic knowledge but it is also an essential skill required preserving and promoting religious teachings. It not only requires academic intellects but most important the hand-skill of calligraphy. The origin of the calligraphy as per Lam (Spiritual master) Ugyen Tenzin Yoezer, popularly known as Lopen Nado, who was then the Advisor to the Department of Education on Dzongkha Development in Bhutan says that, there was a natural system of using words and phrases in oral communications such as conversations, discussions, and official announcements, consistent with the general practice. Development of the system of communication through the writing of letters and documentation had not been widespread. During the second visit of Guru Padmasambhava to Bumthang was in the 8th century, he was accompanied by one of his 25 principal disciples’ names Denmang Tsemang. At that time Guru Padmasambava gave the sacred teachings of the Secret Mantra to the King Sindhu Raja, but it was said that there was no system of writing in the country that time. So, it was Denma Tsemang who transcribed the transmitted teachings for the King’s practices and thus the beginning of the tradition of writing in Bhutan. Thereafter in the 15th century, Terton Pema Lingpa (1450-5121) transmitted the writing tradition to his heirs until the dawn of 17th century when Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) established the State Government by initiating the Monastic Body where the Calligraphy section (Yig-zoi-de) was particularly set for the monks to impart and learn art of calligraphy. It was necessary not only or writing and learning for oneself but, for the woodblock engraving projects that was thriving in Punakha Dzong initiated mainly for the flourishment of the Buddhist teaching in the country. Later, the art was perpetuated and practiced by the successive Je Khenpos (chief abbot) and Druk Desis (temporal secular rulers) and Monarchs until now. Some of the remarkable calligraphers that are enlisted in the Bhutanese history were; 1.\tDenma Tsemang 9th century 2.\tNgawang Penjor as Dzongpon and Ngedup Penjor (1964) 3.\tDrungyig Zimchenpa Tandin Wanggyel 17th century 4.\tLopen Wangdue 17th century 5.\tLopen Phuentso 17th century 6.\tTshewang Dorji 17th century 7.\tLopen Gangchen, also called Kuenga Pelden, 19th century during the reign of Desi Jigma Namgyal (1825-1881) 8.\tDrungyig Tshewang Ngodrup, 19th century during the reign of His Majesty the 1st King Ugyen Wangchuck (1862–1926) 9.\tGonpo Tenzin from Lingzhi, 19th century during the reign of His Majesty the 1st King Ugyen Wangchuck 10.\tZhongar Dzongpon Kuenzang Wangdue, 20th century during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 11.\tDrungyig Tsowo Dasho Kezang Dawa, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 12.\tTangbi Kezang, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 13.\tUra Yeshey Wangdi, during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd King Jigme Wangchuck (1862–1926) 14.\tSonam Peljor, 15.\tDasho Gaydon Thinley Dorji (?) 20th century during the reign of His Majesty the 2nd and 3rd King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1929–1972) 16.\tDasho Shingkhar Lam Kuenzang Wangchuk (?) 17.\tSey Dopola Aka Dasho Phuntsho Wangdi (1892-1953) 18.\tLam Norbu Wangchuk (?), 21st century during the reign of His Majesty the 4th King Jigme Singye Wangchuck (1955–) 19.\tYarab Aja Lama Drodul Zhenphen Dorji Tenzin (1921-2005) 20.\tLam Pema Tshewang, (1926-2009), 21.\tLopen Gonpo Tenzin from Chumey, Bumthang 22.\tLam Nado from Namgyal Dratshang (?) 23.\tDasho Tenzin Dorji (1928-2012) 24.\tLam Tenzin from Ramjar, Tashi Yangtse 25.\tChabje Geshey Gedhun Rinchen (1926-1997) 26.\tChabje Khenchen Ngawang Tenzin Doendup, 68th Je Khenpo (1925-2020) 27.\tLopen Daupo from Bartsham 28.\tLam Kuenzang Wangdi (aka Lam Nyingkhula) 29.\tLopen Yonten Gyaltshen, Central Monastic Body 30.\tDasho Sangay Wangchuk Generally, there are five types of calligraphy writing; U-chen (Block script), U-mey (Headless script), Len-tsa (Rajana script), War-tu (a type of Indian script) and finally the Jog-yig (the typical Bhutanese script). Amongst these scripts, Len-tsa and War-tu scripts are mainly used as decorative scripts, while U-chen is more common in writing Buddhist canons, ritual scripts and even for the formal corresponding letters and Jog-yig script is just for writing formal records and corresponding letters. Regarding U-mey script, though it is rare to its usage bring a Tibetan script but there are some calligraphers knowing how to write. However, the tradition of writing i.e. Calligraphy has been greatly hampered and left on the verge of dying tradition due to the emergence of computer technology and available fonts in the country. Yet, there are still well known and skilled calligraphers which are mostly used by His Majesty’s Kangyur Project for writing Golden Scriptures of Buddhist Canon and even by some individual Spiritual masters which have helped in reviving and revitalizing the art in the country.

In Bhutan, there are several funeral practices as mentioned below: 1. Cremation of dead body at cremation ground or near one’s own house or on a river bank; 2. Sky burial, where the body is placed on a mountaintop for vultures to consume; 3. Water burial, where the body is immersed in the river and weighed down with heavy stones, or else cut into small pieces which are then scattered in the river; 4. Ground burial, where the body is buried underground; 5. Cave burial, where the body is deposited or hidden in caves on cliff faces; and 6. Surface burial, where the body is buried above the ground but covered with a structure made of stones and plaster. Cremation is the most common practice throughout the country. People prefer to cremate the body of a family member at a charnel ground, which has been prepared in accordance with the mandala of Buddha Akshobhya, and consecrated and blessed by highly attained lamas. The Hindus in the southern foothills cremate their dead on riverbanks so that the ashes and remaining debris are easily disposed of in the river. People in Merak and Sakteng communities (eastern Bhutan) dispose of dead bodies in the river or else bury them underground, while in places like Lingzhi (Western north) the dead bodies are left on a flat stone at a higher elevation for the vultures. In the Lhop community (Southern ethnic) , the dead body is buried above the surface of the ground within a stone mound which is plastered to make it air proof. Where cremation is practised, dead children below the age of eight are not allowed to be cremated. In olden days, they were either taken for sky burial on high mountaintops where vultures could feed on them, or they were buried in the river, weighed down with heavy stones to prevent them from being carried downstream. Sky burial is discouraged these days, however. In the event of a death, it is of utmost importance to seek divination from an astrologer before disposing of the body. Based on his ruling, various religious and charitable activities are organised in the name of the deceased. The main purpose of such activity is to accumulate enough merit to speed up his or her next rebirth as a human. Failing to accumulate enough merit will lead the deceased to be reborn into one of the four unhappy states of existence below the human plane. The virtuous person will either take rebirth as a human being, or be reborn in the pure realm of a Buddha field, from which they may travel the path towards enlightenment without falling back into the lower realms. The Buddhist tradition of funeral rite continues for 49 days after death. Aspiration prayers for the deceased are recited and rituals performed almost daily by those who can afford it, depending on the availability of monks or gomchens (lay-monks) and nuns. Those who cannot afford daily rituals, must at the very least initiate the droda zhi on the 4th day since the death, duen tshig on the 7th day, chuzhi on the 14th day and nyishu tsachi or gewa on the 21st day and finally zhipchu zhegu on the 49th day for performance of kangsha (prayer rituals) to the various forms of Compassionate Buddhas (mithrugpa and chenrezig), without fail. The family also conducts a ritual at the first anniversary after the passing away of the person, but for those who can afford it, the anniversary ritual can go on up to any number of years from the third year onwards. Relatives and intimate friends will try to attend all the rites including the annual rites, but people from the community will prefer to come mostly during the last two days (i.e. 21st and 49th days since the death). Following the funeral rite, a drigo (meaning, an effigy or a photograph of the deceased) is kept in the corner of the shrine room and offered meals, butter lamps, tshog (other forms of food), fruits and drinks every day, starting with the first day of passing away, until the 21st day rite, after which the drigo is removed. This is because the soul of the deceased is thought to hover around the body instead of leaving to seek the path of liberation. After cremation, any remaining fragments of bone are collected from the cremation site, then ground into powder, mixed with clean mud and made into tshatsha (mini stupas). These are laid in caves, on ledges of cliffs and at other sacred sites before the 49th day. One hundred and eight prayer flags printed with the Chenrezig mantra (om mani padme hum) are hoisted for the deceased, in order to benefit all sentient beings. Customarily, the six-syllable mani mantra would be sung melodiously with heartfelt devotion by those present at such rituals, but the practice is slowly diminishing, either because people nowadays do not know the tradition or because it is coming to be seen as obsolete. Even in remoter areas of the country, the tradition is no longer very strong.

Starting with ritual observances which involve singing and dancing in the temples of Manipur, Sankirtana encompasses an array of arts performed also in the home and the street to mark occasions of religious import and stages in the life of the Vaishnava people inhabiting the Manipur plains. The theology and lore of Krishna is central to these performances, but they assimilate in their rendering formal features carried over from music and dance in Manipur’s pre-Vaishnavite past. The core of Sankirtana practice is to be found in the temple, where it narrates through song and dance the lives and deeds of the Lord. These are typically presented in the round, in a hall (Mandapa) attached to the temple before devotees. The main repertoire consists of Nata Pala, which is performed all over the Manipur valley. The Ariba Pala and Manohar Sai Pala, less often in evidence today, are also temple-centred. Outside the temple, Sankirtana assumes forms such as the Holi Pala celebrating the festival of colours in springtime or Shayan performed in the winter months. Khubak Eshei is celebrated within the temple during the rains, marking the chariot festival of the Lord. In the setting of the home, Sankirtana is offered as prayer at all life-cycle ceremonies, such as the ear-piercing ritual (for both males and females in childhood), the donning of the sacred thread (for adolescent males), marriage, and the rites of passage at death. Thus pervading the life of the Manipuri Vaishnava, Sankirtana is regarded as the visible manifestation of God.

India 2013