Inscribed in 2018 (13.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity As one of the popular Korean folk tradtion, ssireum is a type of wrestling in which two players wearing long fabric belts around their waists and one thigh grip their opponents' belt and employ various techniques to send the opponent to the ground. It is played on diverse occasions, including traditional holidays, market days, and festivals. Ssireum games occur on sand in any available space around a neighborhood, and are open to participation by community members of all ages, from children to seniors. The winner in the final game for adults is awarded an ox, which symbolises agricultural abundance, and the title of Jangsa. When the games are over, the Jangsa parades around the neighborhood riding the ox in celebration. The customary practice of providing an ox as a prize is meant to allow the winner to farm more effectively.

South Korea 2018

Thai society in its way of life as well as in the commodities of its trade has been an agricultural one since in the ancient times. As a consequence of centuries of practice, farmers and orchardists have developed localized forms of wisdom and know-how on the cultivation of a variety of crops. A crucial element of this know-how lies in the mastery of irrigation methods used to maximize the productivity of the fields and orchards. The management of the water supplied by the Chaophraya river and the strong seasonal rainfalls was crucial to convert the plentiful sunlight provided by the tropical climate into rich harvests. Among the techniques that the farmers and orchardists developed, the most important way in which the flow of the Chaophraya’s nutrient-rich water to the fields was regulated was by the digging of irrigation ditches. The traditional ditch that was used most widely had its origin in southern China, from where significant numbers of Chinese immigrated to Siam during the Ayutthaya period. This technique can be used both as a way to prepare soil for cultivation and to sustainably regulate water supply to the plants. In the particular case of Bangkok, with its proximity to the sea, it is also a water management process through which the gardener can maintain the balance between fresh water, salt water and brackish water. The gardener will work to regulate the proportions of these three sources of water within their garden by purposefully designing the ditch channels without harming their crops. The wisdom behind the raised garden with a ditch and dike system consists of many small connecting canals dug by the farmers within the turf soil to fertilize the trees. The trees are planted in an elevated plot to prevent flooding during the rainy season. This knowledge of making high-ridge agricultural plots where the soil is dug in lanes is called “Oak Rong” and “Thong Rong”. Besides, the gardens’ water systems were connected to rivers and streams of the public water system.

The famous King Drimed Kuenden (previous life of the historical Buddha in the Vassantara Jakata) on exile, known for his altruistic, and compassionate acts that even gave away his own family members, visited Black Mountain (Jowo Durzhing). On the way he gave away his horse to an old man, and hence the name Taktse came into existence. Bhutan is a multilingual country where approximately 19 local dialects are commonly spoken. Mangduep kha is one of the local dialects commonly spoken in Trongsa and some parts of Wangduephodrang. The term Mangdue was derived from the place being able to grow any kind of crops and cereals. The local dialect Magdue kha is still used for communication in 3 gewogs (Nubi, Tangsibji and Drakten) under Trongsa Dzongkhag.

Chhau is a major dance tradition of eastern India. It enacts episodes from epics Mahabharata, Ramayana, Puranas, traditional folklore,local legends and abstract themes through the idiom of dance and a music ensembles that consists primarily of indigenous drums. It is seen in its distinct styles in Seraikella, Mayurbhanj and Purulia that are neighbouring areas of the states of Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal respectively. Chhau of Seraikella uses masks. Its technique and its repertoire was developed by the erstwhile nobility who were both performers and choreographers. Mayurbhanj Chhau is performed without masks and has a technique similar to Seraikella. The Chhau of Purulia retains the spontaneity of folk art. It is also performed with masks. The population is largely agricultural, though with urbanization and an increasing pressure on land, people have come to depend on other means of livelihood, mainly as unskilled labour in small towns. Predominantly Hindus, their religious beliefs, festivals and rituals have been influenced by the pre-existing tribal customs. The Chhau Dance in its traditional context is intimately connected to the festivals and rituals of this region. Important among these is the Chaitra Parva held in the month of April. The month of Chaitra in the Hindu calendar celebrates the advent of spring and the beginning of the harvesting season. Thirteen days of dance-like rituals of Jatra Ghat, Mangla Ghat, Kalika Ghat and Brindabani are dedicated to Shiva and Shakti as the source of all cosmic creation. These culminate in a vibrant festival of dance. Support of the erstwhile rulers made it an important event. In present times, the festival is supported by funding provided by the provincial government. Any paucity in funds is fulfilled by garnering support from local sponsors. All the arrangements for this festival are done by an organizing committee that is constituted by the people themselves and has representation from all sections of the society. Various communities, according to their occupations were responsible for different aspects of the dance. This division, though blurred with time is still to be seen in activities like instrumentmaking, music, mask and headgear-making. While royal patronage was extended to the Chhau of Seraikella and Mayurbhanj, the Chhau of Purulia was sustained and developed by the people themselves. This whole exercise promoted popular participation and fostered a sense of commitment to the art that is still palpable among the people of these regions. Chhau traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Important among these was the Paika tradition. Paikas were soldiers brought up by the native rulers of Orissa. The Parikhand khela (play of the sword and shield) in Seraikella Chhau and the ruk-mar-naach (meaning the dance of attack and defence) in Mayurbhanj Chhau clearly point to these martial moorings. The basic stances of Chowk and Dharan are common and have an inherent strong martial character. Some of the dancers that excelled in these techniques, for example the Parikhars in the Seraikella tradition were invited to perform at social/religious ceremonies. It is a people’s art as it involves the entire community. Performed by male dancers of families of traditional artists, or those trained under Gurus or Ustads (masters). It traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Khel (mock combat techniques), chalis and topkas (stylized gaits of birds and animals) and uflis (movements modeled on the daily chores of a village housewife) constitute the fundamental vocabulary of Chhau dance. It is performed in an open space called akhada or asar and lasts through the night. The dancers perform a repertoire that explores a variety of subjects: local legends, folklore and episodes from the epics Ramayana/ Mahabharata and abstract themes. The vibrant music is characterized by the rhythm of indigenous drums like the dhol, dhumsa and kharka and the melody of the mohuri and shehnai. Rhythm is vital to the rendering of Chhau. Some of the rhythms of Chhau are from the repertory of drummers playing at births, deaths and other life-cycle ceremonies in households of this region. The composition of the rhythm is so structured that it is independently capable of expressing the emotive content of the dance.

India 2010

Semah; originated from the Arabic word sema meaning heavens, fortune and hearing. Semahs are the most effective instruments for the transmission of Alevi-Bektaşi tradition. Semah is one of the main twelve services of the cem rituals which are considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents. It is possible to encounter various kinds of semahs across Turkey with different musical characteristics and rhythmic structures. The fact that there are variations in melodic and lyrical structure of semahs with the same name is an evident sign of the richness in semah culture. Centuries of oral transmission of semahs from generations to generations has enabled a rich diversity among semah culture. One of the main principles on which semahs are conceptualized is the unity with God which happens through a natural cycle. In this cycle man comes from God and goes back to God which resembles the circulation of the celestial bodies in the universe. However, man is the locus of this circulation. God is omnipresent and semah is the way to reach God. Hand and body motions in semahs have symbolical meanings. For instance, the motion in which one palm faces the sky while the other faces the earth is meant to say “You are God, we are the people, I come from You and hold your essence in me, I am not separated from You”. The motion in which palms first face the sky and then turned to the earth is meant to represent the same thought. When semahçıs (semah dancers) face each other just like in Tahtacı Semah it means that God is present in man and people facing each other will witness the divine beauty of God in man’s visage. The motion in which semahçı (semah dancers) turns the palm of his hand to his face represents man seeing his own beauty in the mirror and therefore he also witnesses the divine beauty of God. When both palms facing the sky are pulled towards the heart it is meant “God I am Man, so God is in me” or “God is in Man”. Semahs are categorized into two groups: 1- İçeri (private) semahs / Order semahs 2- Dışarı (public) semahs / Avare semahs İçeri Semahs (Order semahs): They are performed in Cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents) where 12 services are carried out. It is not desirable to perform içeri semahs in front of those without the faith. They are performed in three phases: - Ağırlama: The prologue with slow movements. - Yürütme: The phase when the semahs gets faster and livelier. - Yeldirme: The last phase when the semah is the fastest and hardest to perform. While this three-phase composition of semahs is very prevalent it is possible to see other kinds of performances as well. In some semahs it is very difficult to distinguish these phases from each other. Dışarı Semahs (Avare semahs, Yoz Semah or Mengis): They are performed independent of 12 services for the purposes of teaching the semah culture to younger generations or simply entertaining. Nevertheless, they are still loyal to semah principles. Dışarı semahs are mostly comprised of two phases; ağırlama and yürütme or ağırlama and yeldirme. Although semah performances vary according to regions, the main characteristics are common: - Semahs are performed by both women and men, - While semahçıs (semah dancers) in içeri semahs are limited in number there is no such restriction for dışarı semahs. - Semahçıs (semah dancers) start the semahs saluting and inviting each other. - While performing semah, semahçıs (semah dancers) are in a circular order or facing each other, without touching or holding. - Bağlama is usually the accompanying instrument to semahs but there are some regions where other rhythm instruments are also played during semahs. - While there is no specific attire to be worn in semahs it is not uncommon to wear traditional clothes in rural cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents). - When concluding semahs, dedes (spiritual leaders) usually say a prayer. - Transmission of semah occurs through the performance of the tradition. The basic characteristics and universal values reflecting the understanding of tradition bearers of Semah are as follows: -According to followers of Alevi-Bektaşi belief, every human being has a divine essence and they see man in unity with God called as the belief of “En-el Hak” which means “I’m God”. Thus, during the worship they prostrate towards one another. - Seeing man in unity with God, they internalize a humanist philosophy - According to Alevi-Bektaşi belief, sharing is of great importance in social life. “Musahiplik” (a kind of fellowship as regards to Alevi-Bektaşi belief) in which each individual chooses one another as a spiritual brother or sister committing to care for spiritual, emotional, physical and financial needs of each other, for the purpose of creating a type of communion intimately tied. - Alevi-Bektaşi believers object gender discrimination, therefore they pray side by side. - Alevi-Bektaşi followers consider offending human being as equal to offending God; hence, through establishing a kind of judging mechanism called “düşkünlük”, they use a sanction power over the members to prevent them from committing misdeeds. If one commits any of those, s/he is declared as “düşkün” (shunned) and temporarily or permanently excommunicated from the community or society. - The practices, traditional motifs and teachings are orally transmitted rather than written sources and distinct genres of art and literature particular to the tradition, thereby, have been created. - They practice their authentic worship and cultural transmission through expressions like lyrics, music and Semahs.

Turkey 2010

The materials and techniques used to produce high-quality, lightweight ramie textiles known as Ojiya-chijimi and Echigo-jofu, has been developed under its distinctive climatic conditions and transmitted from generations to generations in the long history of the community. After World War II, under the influence of a rapidly-changing society, it fell into a decline. With a strong determination to protect their own cultural heritage, however, the people concerned with textiles and weavings joined forces and reconstructed its base for the conservation and transmission of this intangible cultural heritage themselves. It has been rooted in the community as its cultural identity. In 1955 “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” was designated as an Important Intangible Cultural Property, and “Association for the conservation of techniques for Echigo-jofu, Ojiya-chijimi-fu,” founded by the community, was recognized as the Holding Group of this technique. This Association strongly recognizes “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” as its own cultural heritage and makes every effort to preserve and transmit them. Ojiya-chijimi and Echigo-jofu has a long history. Ramie weaving began in ancient times around Uonuma region in Niigata Prefecture, and we have a remains presumably dated back to the eighth century. In the seventeenth century it was dedicated to Tokugawa Shogunate. As suitable to the hot and humid summer of Japan, clothes made of ramie weaving have been a favourite of many people in various classes for centuries. Thus, those textiles have been constantly produced as a cultural pride for the people of the community, and its producing technique has been transmitted from generations to generations until today. The production area is such a heavy snowfall area as closed by snow during a half of a year, and hence its production technique makes a good use of its distinctive nature and climate. The yukizarashi method is well-known as a unique part of the production process, in which the woven textile is spread on the snow, and bleached by the ozone released as the snow evaporates. The traditional ikat (kasuri) designs are made from threads that were tied before dyeing. They feature various colours in geometric patterns or abstract patterns of plants, or combinations of these. These traditional patterns are still being used by people today, who bring a contemporary sense to the traditional designs. Thus, the community has inherited the traditional producing technique of “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” and constantly recreated this intangible cultural heritage by production with the specific technique. Sophisticated manufacturing of those textiles, process with traditional tools and distinctive utilization of snow are required for the designation as important intangible cultural heritage in this case. It is needless to say that the people of this Association shall fully understand the meaning of their own intangible cultural heritage, cooperate each other and respect mutual skills. Because they are determined to transmit to the next generation what they have inherited from the ancestors, they make every effort to widely disseminate it and hold a workshop for it. The community has constantly recreated a sense of identity and continuity through the conservation and transmission of this important intangible cultural property. The making of “Ojiya-chijimi, Echigo-jofu” is a complex, detailed process. The process must meet specific conditions in order to qualify for Important Intangible Cultural Property status. These conditions have been carried on and transmitted by the Association and the people involved up to the present. ▶Conditions of Designation -TEUMI (Hand-twisted ramie thread) Ramie fibers are split by fingernail and shredded into very fine threads. Further manipulated and moistened by the hands and mouths of threadmakers, the ends of each strand are twisted together to form a continuous thread. An additional tight twisting of the weft threads gives Ojiya-chijimi its characteristic crepe texture. This work takes place during cold winter months when the humidity from snow keeps the ramie threads pliable. -TEKUBIRI (Hand-tied ikat (kasuri) threads) Skeins of ramie thread are bound with cotton thread in a predetermined pattern before being immersed in a dye vat. This method of hand-tying is known as tekubiri. The bound areas resist the dye. When untied, placed on a loom, and woven into a fabric, the kasuri pattern emerges. -IZARIBATA (Use of a body-tension loom) Utilizing a simple body-tension loom (izaribata), the weaver sits on a wooden plank raised slightly off the floor with her legs outstretched underneath the loom. Her foot is slipped into a sling that manipulates a bent, wood lever attached to string heddles. A cloth beam (chimaki) is then placed against the weaver’s abdomen and secured by a strap that is brought around the small of the back. In this position the loom becomes an integrated extension of the weaver’s body. She can achieve subtle adjustments to warp tension by simply shifting her weight. An extremely high degree of skill is required to weave ramie thread as fine as human hair without the thread breaking. -YUMOMI, ASHIBUMI (The SHIBOTORI finishing method) The woven cloth is soaked in hot water and rubbed to remove any starch (yumomi). Afterwards, the cloth is soaked again in hot water and washed by trampling or massaging it with one’s feet (ashibumi). This process softens out the creases in jofu cloth and gives chijimi cloth its beautiful crepe-like texture. -YUKIZARASHI (Snow bleached) Wet lengths of ramie cloth are placed on top of snow-covered fields. For ten to twenty days the textiles are exposed to the bleaching properties of sunlight, which is intensified by the white snow. The cloth is further lightened by the penetration of ozone ions from the melting snow.

Japan 2009

WASHOKU is social practice based on a comprehensive set of skills, knowledge, practice and traditions related to the production, processing, preparation and consumption of food. It is associated with an essential spirit of respect for nature closely related to the sustainable use of natural resources. WASHOKU has developed as part of daily life and with a connection to annual events and is constantly recreated in response to changes in human relationship with natural and social environment. Basic knowledge, social and cultural characteristics associated with WASHOKU are typically seen in New Year’s cerebrations when Japanese people immerse themselves in their tradition transmitted from generations to generations, thus reaffirming their identity and continuity. WASHOKU in New Year’s celebrations are regionally rich in diversity, given that each province has its own historical and geographical specificity. People make various preparation to welcome the deities of the incoming year; pounding rice cakes, preparing special meals such as beautifully decorated dishes called Osechi, Zoni and Toso, using fresh locally available ingredients each of which has a symbolic meaning. These dishes are served on special tableware and shared by the family members, or shared collectively by the community members, ensuring peoples’ health and social cohesion. This provides an occasion for elderly persons to teach the meanings contained in this social practice to the children. In daily life, WASHOKU has important social functions for the Japanese to reaffirm identity, to foster familial and community cohesion, and to contribute to healthy life, through sharing traditional and well-balanced meals.

Japan 2013

Ancient Chinese divided the circle of the annual motion of the sun into 24 equal segments; each segment was called a “jie qi” or solar term. Hence the 24 segments are collectively called the Twenty-four Solar Terms. This system of time embodies the traditional knowledge and the social practices through which Chinese organize their perception of the regularity of seasons, of astronomical laws and of other local natural phenomena occurring in the course of the year. It is an indispensable component of the traditional Chinese calendrics and its living applications, serving as a time-frame for agricultural activities and daily life. In International circle of meteorology, this cognitive system has been honored as the Fifth Great Invention of China. Transmitted through generations, the element has profoundly influenced Chinese people’s way of thinking and code of conduct. Upon a specific solar term, people spontaneously arrange farming and daily routine as well as basic necessities of life. Thus this knowledge continuum of time is sustained through a variety of ritual practices and folk activities. Thereby the Twenty-four Solar Terms is an important carrier of Chinese cultural identity.

China 2016

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Traditionally, the Namsadang troupes didn’t settle in one place but traveled around, performing their repertoire mostly for grassroots audiences. The only extant group today was originally based in a neighborhood near Cheongnyongsa, a Buddhist temple in Seoun-myeon, Anseong City, Gyeonggi-do Province. Until the early 20th century, this group traveled from village to village around the central district of Korea and sometimes farther to Manchuria in northeastern China. Through its active itinerant performances the group influenced folk entertainment, masked dance plays and seasonal games in various regions. The wandering entertainers lived on small earnings from their shows, usually staying in Buddhist temples. They sold amulets made by monks and donated part of their income to host temples. A Namsadang troupe needs some 40-50 male performers to present its full repertoire. Under the kkokdusoe, literally the “head actor”, the troupe has a planner (gombaengisoe), stage manager (ddeunsoe), actors (gayeol), apprentices (ppiri), elderly seniors (jeoseungpae), errand runners (jan simbureumkkun) and porters (deungjimkkun). They have a strict hierarchy and apprenticeship to hand down their skills from generation to generation. The six acts of their program may be explained as follows: • Farmers’ Band Music (Pungmul): The farmers’ music played by the current Namsadang troupe originated in Gyeonggi and Chungcheong provinces in central Korea. It consists of a road parade and individual skill demonstrations. • Mask Dance Play (Deotboegi): Thirteen actors appear in four scenes – the ground purifier, the episode of scabies sufferer, the episode of feeble-minded scholar, and the episode of black monk. • Tightrope Walking (Eoreum): An acrobat performs a variety of feats on a tight rope between humorous exchanges with a clown on the ground. The rope is some 9-10 meters long and 2.5 meters high. Kwon Won-tae of the present Namsadang group can perform 17 kinds of feats. • Puppet Play (Deolmi): A total of 51 puppets in 31 kinds appear in this play with two acts and seven scenes. The stage is set up with black curtains, some 1.2 meters above ground. Puppeteers manipulate the puppets from behind the curtain, exchanging dialogue with a narrator seated in front of the stage along with musicians. The play consists of the Act of Old Man Park and the Act of Pyongyang Governor. The Act of Old Man Park has four scenes -- Old Man Park Goes on Sightseeing; Pijori (Park’s niece); Kkokdu Gaksi (Park’s wife); Isimi (python). The Act of Pyongyang Governor has three scenes -- Falconing, Pallbearing and Temple Building. • Acrobatics (Salpan): This act has a variety of breathtaking feats performed on the ground. • Sieve Frame Spinning (Beona): An acrobat displays intricate skills for spinning and tossing a sieve frame using a wooden stick some 40cm long. Sometimes he uses a tobacco pipe, a knife or a small reel, or an impromptu device combining these tools. Among the six acts of Namsadang Nori, the mask dance and puppet plays are particularly worthy of note for their explicit social messages. Characters in these humorous plays represent typical Koreans from different social classes, such as an aristocratic master and a defiant servant, an old couple and a concubine, Buddhist monks indulging in worldly pleasures, and the masses suffering from unending suppression and exploitation. These dramas were not simply designed to offer entertainment but also raise issues on behalf of the grassroots who had no means to voice their opinion. They were intended to imbue hopes for freedom and equality in the hearts of their commoner audience under yokes of class distinction. Through humorous depiction of women’s lives in a male-dominated society they also manifested the ideal of gender equality and human dignity. The masks and puppets symbolically express the reality faced by each character. The pains and sorrows in their hearts are soothed and even fears of death are overcome with cheerful plays. Namsadang plays thus advocated the ideas of freedom and equality through witty and humorous dialogue and symbolic dances and gestures. They spoke for the desires of Korean grassroots to pursue a beautiful and dignified life even though they had to accept the limitations of reality. These themes will be easily understood and earn sympathy from audiences around the world. The plays feature many silent characters, as well as abundant gestures and dances, facilitating easier communication and active audience participation beyond language barriers. The Namsadang troupes typically were performed in round outdoor spaces surrounded by crowds except the entrance and exit paths. The performing arenas, therefore, were open to everyone. The wandering entertainers held rites to pray for peace and fertility, playing loud and pleasant music, in every village they dropped in. They entertained the villagers with exciting programs of music, drama, dances and acrobatics, offering joyful moments to the oppressed commoners and boosting their morale. Namsadang Nori possesses intrinsic value as a content source for contemporary cultural creation. With a history spanning 1,500 years at the least, this integrated folk repertoire represents traditional Korean performing arts in broad genres. Its content will be actively utilized in various cultural genres in the years ahead. In this context, the recent hit movie “The King and the Clown” (2005) deftly proved such potential. The movie featured tightrope walking, farmers’ band, mask dance drama and puppet play in a number of scenes. Its two lead characters are wandering entertainers who happen to drift into the royal court. The movie’s phenomenal success has inspired many artists to employ motifs from the Namsadang repertory.

South Korea 2009

Lazgi is the most popular Khoresm dance, which is energetic and full of passion. It is performed equally by both male and female dancers. "Lazgi" dance was usually accompanied by instrumental and dancy melodies. Although song versions of "lazgi" (which use various poetic texts) became widespread later on, the nature and character of melody remained the same. There are several versions of "lazgi" dance. These are: dance on a tray, dance on a brick, solo as well as group dance. In these, refined dance movements are replaced consequently by passionate and accelerated dance. The dance starts from steady movements of fingers of one hand and then another. Then simultaneously and slowly includes entire torso. The tempo gets accelerated and dancers snap fingers in time with dance with the help of stone castanets. In a group dance each participant dances in his or her own style.

Uzbekistan 2019

The Dombra is a musical two-stringed instrument, which occupies a special place in Kazakhs’ hearts. The National Dombyra Day has been included in the list of national holidays since 2018 by the decree of the President of Kazakhstan. This was done in in order to further consolidate society around the idea of preserving and reviving national culture and identity. The holiday is celebrated annually on the first Sunday of July. Traditional Kazakh dombra kuy (kaz 'kuy') - instrumental play performed on dombra - a traditional pear-shaped musical instrument with two strings and a long neck. The true meaning of kuy execution dates back to the sacred relationship with the Creator and the desire to establish the internal harmony of the individual. Kazakhs say 'Kuy - Tanyrdyn sybyry' ('Kuy - a whisper of Tengri'). Dombra had been hung on the wall of each nomad house (yurta) for the play before guests and home owners. Kazakhstan’s First President Nursultan Nazarbayev established National Dombra Day on June 12th, 2018. It immediately became a favorite holiday for people and was widely celebrated nationwide with music competitions and festivals. During next celebration in 2019, President Tokayev noted that this day represents the nation’s course towards spiritual modernization and putting value on Kazakh traditions. The music of the Kazakh folk instrument dombra tells the history of its people and the centuries-old chronicle of the great steppe. “The nobility and generosity of Kazakh people are represented in music and kyuis (musical compositions). The culture and art of our people do not exist without dombra. Kyuis have always elevated the national spirit,” said Tokayev. The President also thanked musicians who worked to popularize traditional Kazakh music. In years 2020-2021 people celebrated Dombra Day from home due to the coronavirus pandemic. “This day gives us a deep appreciation of our national arts. The sacred instrument brings us its melody through symphony and opera, becoming an integral part of classical art,” Minister of Culture and Sports Aktoty Raimkulova wrote on her Instagram. The Kyui-Live online contest was held by the Department of Culture, Archives and Documentation in the Akmola Region. More than 30 performers of different ages and professions took part in the competition and posted their videos on social media. All the winners received prizes and diplomas. The Kazakh people also celebrated Dombra Day in other countries. QazAlliance, the Alliance dedicated to supporting Kazakh people living abroad, launched the World Dombra Festival project, reported the alliance on its Facebook. Dombra players from 25 countries and 36 cities took part in the project and congratulated Kazakhstan on Dombra Day.

The culture of flatbread making and sharing, represented in this nomination with the names Katyrma, is a set of traditional knowledge and rituals related to preparation and sharing of traditional thin bread that performs specific cultural and social functions within the related communities in Kazakhstan and is transmitted from generation to generation. Flatbread tradition is symbol of shared cultural identity and serves as expression of mutual respect among communities. Tradition bearers usually prepare the flatbread from unleavened or leavened dough based on flour, salt and water, while also adding sometimes milk, butter, sesame and poppy seeds. Communities use different types of crops to prepare the dough, such as wheat and rye. Some communities in Kazakhstan bake the flatbread by laying out rolled dough in big cauldrons (‘kazan’) heated on fire. As a result of this baking style, practitioners manage to maintain nutritious qualities of the flatbreads and store them for several months without refrigerator. Various methods, techniques, instruments and substances are used by flatbread-preparing practitioners.

Kazakhstan 2016