Sing-si is a type of oil/ghee produced manually. It is purely made with locally available materials and doesn’t mix any imported ingredients unlike the oil which are available in the market today. The main ingredient used is the Se-lung- a black small oily seed. Its scientific name is Parasassafras Confertiflora. The Se-lung tree is either wild or domesticated. Usually, in bygone days, it is believed that almost many villages had a trend of processing Sing-si, however, the trend wasn’t famous unlike Thongsa village under Chongshing Gewog (block) in Pemagatshel. According to grandma Nimdaza who is seventy-four years old, processing of Sing-si was part and parcel of their lives and members from every household were engaged in performing chores of Singsi production. Further she says that the labor contribution was also done depending upon the number of members present in the household. More than one worker was engaged from the household which had more family members. The materials needed were –Tsir (a small bamboo basket), Mar-kang (wooden block), plank, stones, Neetong-ma (pestle), frying pan, Luu (pounding stone). The Sing-si was used mainly for offering butter lamps. Other secondary uses were for human and animal consumption. Humans consumed it as there weren't imported oils available those days in the shops.

Turkish coffee culture and tradition goes back to the 16th century when coffee started to be served at coffeehouses in Istanbul. The tradition has two distinguished aspects which make its taste unique and provide means toward socialization. As a beverage Turkish coffee carries special preparation and brewing techniques. It is one of the oldest coffee making methods still in use. The traditional techniques used in preparing coffee led to development of special tools and silverware such as like the boiling pot (cezve), coffee cup (fincan), mortars which have artistic value. Turkish Coffee leaves a long lasting taste at someone’s palate due to its preparation techniques which require time and its freshness. It is softer, more aromatic and more concentrated than other types of coffee. It is easy to distinguish from other coffees with its aroma, ground and foam peculiar to it. Turkish Coffee is not only a beverage but also a communal practice that brings together cultural spaces, social values and beliefs within a context of socialization process. Its role socialization can be traced back to opening of the first coffeehouses with its noticeable decorations in Istanbul. Coffee houses were then, and still are the places where people drink coffee, converse, share news, read books and socialize. The tradition itself is a symbol of hospitality, friendship, delicacy, and entertainment. All these are reflected in the famous Turkish proverb “the memory of a cup of coffee lasts for forty years.” This saying represents how important and profound coffee is in Turkish culture.

Turkey 2013

Knowledge of the Kyrgyz concerning treatment and use of medicinal plants is distinguished by depth and diversity. It contains knowledge and practice about harvesting, drying, and storing medicinal plants, and their use in traditional medicine. Different tinctures, decoctions, ointments, and powders made of plants for treatment purposes are used today in traditional medicine to treat bleedings, heart deceases, kinks, scabs. Except plants, natural objects, minerals, and animal limbs are used in traditional medicine. The so called psychological treatment methods such as spells and exorcisms were used in the past, to which the Kyrgyz, rarely, but still resort to nowadays.

The extraction and production of Pangtse Makhu were effectively practiced from the 1970s until 1990s, and have remained to be a part of an income source and source of oil until now to the people of Toed-Wang Gewog (block) under Punakha Dzongkhag (district). “As the plant is highly adaptable and grows naturally on barren, degraded land and dry areas but for better yield, the plant is also grown on the terraces,” said the villagers. But today it is said and observed by the grandparents in the community that because of the country’s speed of development and with advancements in technology and intellectual, the tradition of extracting Pangtse Makhu in the community has significantly declined over time due to the availability of cheaper imported refined oils in the markets. It is also said that during the olden days with abundant Pangtse Shing and with more extractors, people did not have to buy oil rather oil extracted from Toed-wang gewog was sent throughout the region. However, with an increased number of youths going to school and colleges during the harvesting and production time, and also with less market value over more hardships, it has been a challenge for the few people maintaining this practice in the locality to share the value to the younger generation. Today, the community is on verge of losing the tradition of extracting Pangtse oil because of its labor-intensive nature with a tedious and time-consuming procedure. And also, it’s because of people’s choice for the cheaper imported oil over the one that has been naturally extracted and produced which has a slightly higher price in the market. Despite the challenge, the local producers are looking forward to a government intervention in the conservation of the losing tradition.

Colloquially, Mo-ngan kha-mung (Cotton Woven Cloth) is also called as Kam thag-ma in Dzongkha (Bhutanese national language). It is one of the practices in this locality which is the main source of income for most of the household. This has been practiced for many years but when and who had started this practice was not known. The clothes woven out of cotton are found thick and warm compared to the one which is imported. It‘s cost is also high compared to the one which is woven in ordinary yarn and threads. The products are of different colors and patterns. The cost depends upon the color of the cloth and the patterns used. The cost for the men’s clothes is higher than that of women’s. They used local materials for dying for different colors. With the support from the APIC, the people in the village from a small group to uplift and keep the Mo-ngan kha-mung production alive. According to the Chiwog Tshogpa (Community representative), annually a group of people from Japan and other part of the nation used to visit, however due to prolonged lockdown the group is been affected as not so many products are able to sell. Nimin daza also shared her worrisome feelings of dying such age-old method of producing Mo-ngan kha-mung since not so many youths take interest in learning, nevertheless with the support from government (APIC) she is very optimistic that young women may develop interest, unlike the past they need not have to sit for long to separate seed and Mo-ngan.

Inscribed in 2020 (15.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity As the eighth day of the fourth lunar month (Buddha's Birthday) approaches, the entire country, from otherwise tranquil Buddhist temples to bustling city centers, lights up with colorful lanterns. A rite to celebrate Shakyamuni's birth is observed nationwide and public processions of people holding lanterns are held. Records associating Buddhism and the lotus lanterns dates back to the 9th-century according to Samguksagi(Histrory of the Three Kingdoms). And there are records showing that the lotus lantern festival was organized around Buddha’s birthday in the Goryeo dynasty(918-1392). Originally a religious ritual to celebrate Shakyamuni's birth, Yeondeunghoe has become a representative national spring festival open to all. Made of a bamboo frame, or a steel wire frame covered by traditional paper, the lanterns decorating Buddhist temples and public spaces are crafted by traditional artisans who share their knowledge and skills with lay participants. Members of the public can participate in the festival carrying lanterns they made to express good wishes not only for themselves and their families, but for their neighborhoods and the entire nation. The lighting lanterns also symbolizes enlightening the minds of the individuals, the communities, and the whole society through Buddha's wisdom. The primary element of the annual festival starts with bathing an image of the baby Buddha as a ritual celebrating Shakyamuni's birth. This sacred ritual is followed by a public procession of lantern-bearing participants. After completing the procession, participants gather for recreational events. The spirit of unity culminates in collective game activities as social boundaries are temporarily erased.

South Korea 2020

Hát bội (or can go with the name “tuồng”) is a traditional performance art form in Vietnam, it has a rich historical foundation. The oldest manuscript about Hát bội can be found back in the 18th century. However, Hát bội is believed to appear earlier than that and has become a dominating theatre practice, especially in the Inner Lands/Đàng Trong (a part of South Central area and Southern Vietnam). Just like any traditional art form, the stage of Hát bội also consists of aesthetic values of the Viet people, reflecting the life, stories, and aspirations of the common Viet people. Hát bội has charmed the audience not only for its humane storyline, but also for the sophisticated visual of face-painting, costuming, choreography, staging, and symbolic gestures. In recent times, Hát bội has slowly lost its place in public perception and became more of a spiritual performance to serve communal temples instead.

Dassain symbolizes the victory of good/virtue prevailing over evil/falsity. It is the most important festival in Nepal. Since most of the Lotshampas (Southern Bhutanese) originated from Nepal, the southern Bhutanese celebrate it every year in September or in beginning days of October. The date of celebration varies every year which marked as per the Hindu calendar. According to Hindu Mythology, Dassain festival has been celebrated since Lord Ram and Goddess Durga had gotten the victory over Ravan and Mahisharura, the demons who had created terror in the Devaloka (the world where God reside.) consequently, the festival is a way of acknowledging triumph over an evil spirit. Dassain is popularly a celebration within families lasting for 15 days starting from bright lunar fortnight to full moon (Hindu calendar) The days are divided for the activities starting from cleaning, washing to shopping. However, in Bhutan the official declaration of holiday is one day (day of Tika.) The community people explain that the significance of celebrating the festival with families is to honour the unity of Lord Ram’s Monkey army who helped him build the stone bridge to connect Lanka where Sita has been confined. The most memorable of all days of Dassain is the Vijaya Dashami or the Day of Victory. On this day, the families gather to put tika (rice mixed with curd) beginning with the eldest person on the youngest. The person who puts tika also has to give money as a symbol of blessing. In the community level, the Gup, head of the community will be invited to receive the Raja Tika. However, the nature of celebration of Dassain then and now has taken a transformation; earlier all the people of the community used to come together for the grand festive celebration, but nowadays due to the modernization and employment opportunities, many of the family members have migrated to the urban cities or travelled aboard, leaving the celebration only for members present during the occasion.

Shagzo or the traditional art of woodturning is an ancient art that has been passed down for generations. Shagzo is vibrantly practised in Bhutan and the master artisans are known as Shagzopa. Bhutan’s abundant and wide range of woods like tashing (Juglans regia), hashing (Taxus baccata), baashing (Picea spinulosa), tsenden shing (Cupressus corneyana), sermaling shing (Acer camphellii) and etometo (Rhododendron arboretum) have enabled the Bhutanese Shagzopa to create a variety of exquisite functional and decorative products like turned wooden bowls, cups, plates, and containers of various shapes, sizes and colours unique to Bhutan. Skilled wood turners also craft traditional hand drums that are beaten during religious ceremonies. Since Bhutanese tradition is deeply rooted in the teachings of the Buddha, use of drums and drum sticks are a part of the rituals performed everywhere. Used in all religious ceremonies and rituals, the Bhutanese traditional drum known as Nga, and the Nge-tog (drumstick) are indispensable articles found in every temple, monastery and home. An ancient instrument of musical offering, the beatings of the Nga symbolizes the subjugation of evil, indicates the fluctuation of tunes and wordings, and regulates the pace of other instruments during rituals and propitiation ceremonies.

The Ramman is a form of traditional ritual theatre celebrated every year in the courtyard of the temple of Bhumiyal Devta situated in Saloor Dungra Village in Painkhanda valley of Chamoli district, Uttarakhand, India. The village deity of Saloor Dungra is Bhumichetrapal, also known as Bhumiyal Devta. Historical accounts of the preexisting tradition are available since 1911. In the Hindu month, Baisakh (April-May), on the sankranti day, Bhumiyal Devta comes out in a procession to the temple. On the second day of the festival, people offer hariyali (sprouted barley plants), to the deity, which has ecological reference. Every day, the Bhumiyal Devta takes a round of the village. The main components of the masked performance are as follows: ▶Celestial Aspect -Dance of Ganesh-Kalinki (Parvati) -The dance of Sun God: Enactment of creation-myth and birth of Brahma and Ganesh. -Bur Deva (Narad): Rani-Radhika dance. -Bur Deva Raja dances along with Gopi Chand (Sri Krishna) and Rani Radhika (Gopis) on different beats and gestures. ▶Temporal Mwar-Mwarin Dance: The dance shows the travails of the buffalo herders in their hazardous journey through the jungle to the hills. A tiger is shown attacking and injuring the Mwar. Baniya-Baniyain Nritya (Dance of the Trader-Couple): It shows hardships of the common people. The episode shows robbers attacking and looting the merchant couple. ▶Performance The performance then shifts towards the enactment of the local Ramkatha, the core Rama story. Episodes from Rama’s life are sung. The dance is performed on 18 different beats yielding a total 324 beats and steps. The episodes enacted and sung are: -Ram-Lakshman’s visit to Janakpur -Sita’s Swyamwar -Hanuman Milan (Meeting with Hanuman) -Swarna Mrig Vadh (killing of the Golden deer) -Sita Haran (Abduction of Sita) -Lanka Dahan (Burning of Lanka) -Raj Tilak (Coronation ) There are other dances and episodes like Maal Nritya, Koorjogi and Narsingh Pattar Nritya. ▶Historical Aspect -Maal Nritya: Rama story is followed by the historical battle between the Gurkhas of Nepal and the local Garhwalis. Two dancers carrying weapons move on to the central performing arena, enacting a battle scene. They are comical in looks, attire and gestures. -Maal artists are four in number, two red and two white, respectively representing the Gorkhas and the Garhwalis. It is mandatory to have a red Maal from the Kunwar caste of the Rot hamlet, Saloor village, as it is believed that this hamlet supported the Gorkhas. The other three are selected by the Gram Panchas. One white Maal each is chosen from the twin villages and the remaining red Maal comes from village Dungra. This performance manifests past valour and bravery, sums up the total religious and aesthetic experience of the community, and renegotiates its identity and place in the bigger cosmic drama every year. ▶Ecological Aspect Ramman is an agrarian festival in celebration of ties between man, nature and the divine. Maize and barley seeds, sprouted in ritual pots, are offered to Bhumiyal Devta who, in turn, promises prosperity to all, including agricultural yield and forest produce. -Koorjogi: This episode is of immense ecological relevance. Various harmful weeds (koor) in the village fields are pulled out by Koorjogi (character who carries a sack full of these weeds). One of the most joyous moments in the series is throwing thorny weeds on each other, creating a mayhem of goodwill and merriment, establishing a sense of community and harmony. -Make-up of Artists: The Ramman performance involves use of masks and make-up using sheep’s wool, honey, vermilion, wheat flour, oil, turmeric, soot and locally grown plants and vegetables. -Masks are made from wood of local trees and this involves lengthy rituals. ▶Musical Aspect -Drumming Tradition: The performance revolves around playing of drums by Das drummers from the lowest caste, whose status is elevated during the performance. -Jagar Tradition: Jagaris or Bhallas of Rajput caste are professional bards and sing oral epics and legends (Jagars). The festival ends with a feast where the prasada of the deity is distributed as sacrament.

India 2009

Lozey (lyrical ballad or witty narratives) is a form of oral expression, appropriately described as one of the ornaments of speech. According to the accounts of elderly citizens in the western districts, the origin of Lozey goes back to the 12th century coinciding with the arrival of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo (1148-1251). Often known as Togden Phajo, he was a Tibetan saint whose life and deeds are closely linked with the initial spread of the Drukpa School of teachings in Bhutan in accordance with the prophesy of Tsangpa Gyare (11611211), the founder of the Drukpa Kagyud Lineage. Phajo Drugom Zhigpo was followed by numerous Tibetan scholars who disseminated the teachings of the Buddha. Amongst these realised beings Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) was the destined leader. He instituted the traditions based on the Buddhist values of Mi-choe tsangma chudrug (sixteen virtues for mundane practice) and reformed the old traditions, resulting in establishment of the dual system of government in Bhutan, whereby a temporal ruler coexists with the spiritual authority of the nation. Amongst those indigenous traditions, the songs Parshing mindru gyelmo and Zurchen gyi sheypa are the most popular in Bhutan and are sung especially during the construction of typical Bhutanese house made of rammed earth. These age old songs are solely sung by the people of central and western Bhutan. Parshing Mindru Gyelmo is an honorific name given to the wooden tools used for ramming earth, therefore the tools are respected and revered as an embodiment of Khandro Sonam Peldon, consort of Phajo Drugom Zhigpo. The song has many verses inviting the Parshing Mindru Gyelmo to visit from Tibet and concludes with propitious words of seeing her off back to Tibet during the consecration ceremony for the new house. Similarly, Zurchen gi sheypa (song sung during the installation of four phalluses on the four eaves of the house facing the four directions) is also sung on the day of the consecration ceremony. Two groups are formed for the singing of the songs, normally separate groups for males and females. There are often verbal skirmishes between the male and female groups. A quick-witted and verbally eloquent person may compose appropriate verses of response on the spot based on the nature of the opponents’ song. It is said that the verses of these songs are so long, “if sung till the end, it is believed that it could last for almost a day” as told by a few elderly citizens. There have been incidents in the past when the host family had to place a large Palla (bamboo container) of Ara (distilled home brew) down and request the verbally warring songsters to reconcile. However, these songs are actually a type of ballad or narrative poem to which a melody was added later. The recitation of Lozey is still widely practised in the western part of Bhutan and is regarded as an entertainment and enjoyment by one and old alike. There are variants of given names for Lozey, sometimes it is also written as Losel, but, there is no clue why, since both terms have their separate sets of definitions. According to Lopon Kunzang Thinley, chief researcher at KMT Press, Thimphu, Lozey is an art of speech which requires a unique skill in making rapid response. It requires constant flow like the hair on a horse’s neck, thus, the term ‘lo’ means statement and ‘ze’ refers to the neck hair, and in this context to the brilliance of the bantering back and forth. Lozey is defined as brilliant, intelligent, clever and bright. In both Dzongkha and Tibetan dictionaries, Lozey is defined as any prompt statement constructed in verse well decorated with rhetorical qualities of similes and metaphors according to the situation. Such qualities can only be attributed to intelligent, quick-thinking and witty persons. Lozey is of three kinds: popular lozey (which consist various subject and episodes occur depending on the moods and feelings), lojue lozey (a narrative, usually of epic dimension), and finally lozey labja (lozey associated with advice and guidance). Therefore, most often lozey dwells within these episodes; che toed (praising), nyen lu or zalu (romantic), dralu (odium), medlu (disgrace), trolu (joyful), cholu (sad), tse tshol (debating/challenging), trashi/monlu (supplication) and lozey labja (advice/guidance). Lozey labja is sometimes identical to kortam (innuendo or indirect statement). Lozey has no fixed length, but may be long or short, which entirely depends upon the depth of knowledge of a person, but generally the shortest will vary from three lines to fifteen. Short lozey are called lozey do thum while long ones are called lozey jun-ringm. However, loju lozey are historical accounts and regarded as the longest and some lojue lozey are accounts drawn from oral tradition of how the fortresses were constructed by Zhabdrung Nawang Namgyal. Lozey of each district has its own unique characteristics in style, language tone and recitation tune. Sometimes lozey can be used as means of debate or verbal skirmishes between people of different communities or villages, and between male and female. At least two participants are required for a lozey. After one has recited the initial verse, the other responds depending on the gist of the preceding verse. This is called Lozey khaejew (lozey competition) in Dzongkha. While reciting lozey, the rules are very simple. Depending on the type, if the opponent has good knowledge, he/she must respond with the same similes and metaphors that were used by the other. The challenge will continue until a winner or a draw is declared. In both cases, messages will be conveyed through eloquent usage of metaphors and symbols. The responses are never direct. Nevertheless, lozey can be used for both entertainment and wish-making in every aspect of life such as: Parshing gi she pa, Zurchen gi she pa, Dha she (description of Arrow), Gishey (description of Sword), Zo she (description of an Art), Shog da kuelwa (encouraging words while dragging large logs or boulders), Lang key (Praising words to the Oxen while ploughing), Che sho (making wishes while sowing seeds) and Bab she (wish-making while threshing rice) etc. A person who has the knowledge and skills is known as kham khe gyep (King of eloquence or an articulate person) in Dzongkha.

The national dress for men is Gho and Kira for women. Gho is a one-piece outfit pulled up to knee-length and fastened with a belt called kera at the waist, leading to formation of an enormous pouch across the belly. Men’s belt is a striped hand woven textile using plain cotton or wool on a card loom. It has fringes at both the ends. Kira is a rectangular ankle-length robe wrapped around the body, tied at the waist with a wide woven belt, and fastened at the shoulders by a pair of shoulder brooches called koma. A necklace-like chain called the jabtha holds together the pair of koma. Jabtha also makes an attractive ornament. Women’s kera is made of cotton woven on card looms with intricate silk designs of varying colours. Elderly women wear the broad kera in three folds. The female kera has also fringes at both the ends. The weft thread used is commonly thicker than the base fabric used. Women also wear a toego (short, loose jacket) over the kira. Toego can be made from any kind of material and be in any colour. Women also wear a garment called wonju under the kira. Commonly made from silk or polyester, the wonju is a loose, wrap-over long-sleeved blouse. The semi-nomadic herders of the high valleys of Merak, Sakten and Laya and some other ethnic communities do not traditionally wear the gho and kira. They have a unique dress, lifestyle and language, and their own weaving specialty. In an effort to preserve and promote cultural heritage, all Bhutanese are required to wear the national dress in government offices, schools and on formal occasions. Necklace: Traditionally, a necklace is also a part of the costume of a Bhutanese woman, and a woman who is not wearing a necklace is considered to be incompletely attired. Therefore, women make it a point to wear necklaces, especially during celebrative occasions. When a woman is dressing, she puts on her necklace at the very end, to complete the outfit. Necklaces of precious stones are passed down from mother to daughter. A traditional Bhutanese necklace consists of a string of beads of various stones such as coral, turquoise, onyx, pearl, agate, and many more. The necklace may reach almost to the waist. If the woman is very rich and possesses many precious stones, she will choose to wear more than one necklace at a time. Since public gatherings and celebrative occasions provide formal platforms for display of wealth and/or position in society, women make it a point to wear as much as they possess. Sword For hundreds of years Bhutan suffered from territorial invasion as well as internal strife and civil war, challenges which were countered by our pazaps (militia), and senior officials. In earlier times, those who performed well in battle were awarded a sword in recognition of their show of courage, valour and success. Once the monarchy was established those officials who served the king and the country with utmost dedication and patriotic zeal were awarded pata (sword) and red scarf (bura marp) in recognition of their selfless service. Awarding kabney along with pata is, therefore, the sole prerogative of the monarch. The awardee is then addressed as a ‘Drasho’, which literally means ‘the best’ as they are exemplary people. Therefore, this award symbolises secular responsibility — the preparedness to fight any enemy harming the interest of the Tsa-wa-sum (the king, the country, and the people) and to safeguard the country and its cultural traditions. Kabney When Gautama Buddha administered vinaya rules at the first sermon, the five chief disciples first wore kabney as a mark of respect to the Buddha. Later, when Guru Rinpoche (Guru Padsambhava) visited Bumthang in the 8th century and sowed the seeds of faith in the dharma, he instructed people not to take the lives of others, and gave ge-nyen vows (vow of lay devotee). He instructed his devotees to wear rezen or kabney as a sign of their having become followers of Buddhism or taking precepts. While dharma practitioners wore red coloured kabney as a mark of following the dharma teachings, ordinary people wore white coloured kabney as a mark of safeguarding the country — their secular duty. Today, we wear kabney as a part of our national dress in accordance with the code of driglam namzha. The smaller scarf worn by women is called rachu. Kabney is a large, fringed scarf (about 90 by 300 cm), which is worn with one half placed over the left shoulder and the other half drawn across the back, below the right arm and across the body, then caught in a loop made by folding the lower part of the left end over it and then throwing the left end over the left shoulder. When the kabney is correctly placed, the right side should loop down at equal level to the hem of the gho, and the two sides should come together at the left breast. There is considerable variation in how the kabney is actually worn, but what is written here describes how it should be worn. Bhutanese at all social levels wear kabney as a part of formal wear along with the national dress, gho. Wearing kabney marks respect for sacred objects and higher authorities, and symbolises the position or rank of officers serving in the government. Scarves worn by women in place of the male kabney are called rachu. These much smaller, colourful, decoratively woven scarves can be worn draped over both shoulders with the two fringed edges falling from the chest, or can be folded in half and placed over the left shoulder with the fringes falling from the chest. Women in general wear rachu by making a fold in the centre and placing the rachu over the left shoulder. Besides kabney and rachu, there are other variants used by religious practitioners. Those worn by lams and monks are called zen or rezen and the one worn over their rezen is called choe-gho. The rezen is worn all the time over the robe but the choe-gho is worn only during special religious occasions. Similarly, the one worn by ngagpas (tantric practitioners) is called ber or dagam; and the one used by togdenpas (adepts) is called rey or rekar and khamar. Kabney and rachu are worn to pay respect to sublime masters or leaders, and to sacred objects enshrined in the dzongs, monasteries and temples. They are also worn as a symbol of official position. The colour of the kabney determines the official rank of the bearer. Traditional Boot Bhutan’s traditional footwear is a kind of boot worn as high as the knee, the upper, cloth part of which is then held and tied by a narrow strap below the knee. Dra-lham, thru-lham karchung and tshoglham are three different types of traditional footwear and form an important part of Bhutanese national costume. Dra-lham are worn by the senior monks in the monasteries. They are similar to tshoglham but red in colour. Thru-lham karchung derives its name from the white colour of the ben (section just above the ankle) which is highly visible from a distance. The traditional boot worn by the general public is called tshoglham. The thil or sole of the boot used to be made from hard leather, but these days tshoglham usually have rubber soles. Above the sole, two layers of red and white leather (or rubber) make the drilden. Above the drilden is the ri karchu, on which comes the ben in different colours. The ben, is yellow, orange, red, blue or green according to the official position of the wearer. Yellow ben is reserved only for the king and the head abbot (the Je Khenpo); orange is for ministers, red is for senior officials, blue is for members of parliament (both houses) and green is for the general public. The cloth part above the ben is generally black or blue silk brocade. It is mandatory to wear thru-lham or tshoglham as a part of formal national dress during any formal occasions.