Mongolian traditional folk dance “Bii Biyelgee” is an outstanding form among traditional performing arts of Mongolia, and unique and distinguished art expression which has embodied and originated from the nomadic living style of Mongols. Bii Biyelgee expresses the customs, traditions and spiritual practices through dancing elements, and its movements are typically confided to small space inside the Nomad’s dwelling-ger. Biyelgee is performed while half sitting or cross-legged sitting, coupled with fist and hand opening and waving, stiff and swift movements of chest and shoulders, shrugging and shaking them, crossing legs, steps and walks, as well as flexible body movements involved in prevalence. In doing so, biyelgee performers imitate the expressions of their lifestyle, household activities, courage, love, prides and livestock to the accompaniment of morin khuur, ikel khuur, tovshuur, tsuur, coupled with ethnic costumes.

Mongolia 2009

Type of traditional embroidery which was widely spread in applied design art of Uzbekistan, Gold embroidery was revived at the middle of XXth Century. It's formation goes back to ancient history. At the end of the XIX – beginning of the ХХ century especially Bukhara was the center of crafts associated with gold embroidery. Notably, at that time gold embroidery was mostly dealt by men. But in some cases, when there were more orders than expected, women (who were close relatives of gold embroiderers) could act in the role of assistants. Bukhara gold embroiderers applied several methods of embroidering. These were: 1) "zardozi-zamindozi" – solid embroidering of the background with gold threads 2) "zardozi-guldozi" – embroidering based on design (image), which is cut out from paper 3) "zardozi-guldozi-zamindozi" – a combined method of embroidering, which unites the above-mentioned two methods 4) "zardozi-berishimdozi" –combined embroidering 5) "zardozi-pulakchadozi" –gold embroidering with spangles. Ornamentation in gold embroidery was predominantly of vegetative nature. Geometric patterns were used less often. Main motifs were rosettes, palmettes, bushes, trees, branches, flowerpots with flowers, almonds, pomegranates, cherries and grapes. Usage of certain vegetative motifs, for example, of "guli-chinni" (chrysanthemum), "guli-qashqari" (Kashgar flower), testify to the fact that pictures of Chinese porcelain (since ancient times it was imported to Central Asia and was popular among elites of Bukhara in the XIX – beginning of the XX century), were borrowed and adapted by Bukhara gold embroiderers.

Wood turned utensils and dishes were present in Bhutan since ancient times. Communities from different parts of Bhutan have a similar type of craft as cups and plates are necessary for all household meals. However, the labour-intensive wood turned lacquer wares from Yangtse earned a considerable reputation in the kingdom. About a century-old traditional woodturning art (Shag-zo) in Yangtse is still a vibrant and popular means of family business and occupation. The present young artisans in Yangtse who are in their 20s and early 30s are the fifth-generation descendants of Lobazang from Kham in Tibet. Like other crafts of Bhutan, Shagzo demands a long process. The extracted wood knots and burls have to be dried; soaked in water; roughly shaped (first turned); roughly turned bowls are boiled; dried again; final turned bowls are smoothened with sandpapers and dried leaves of Trema politoria (locally known as Sog sogpa-shing). After colouring them yellow or red, it becomes ready for the next step – lacquering. Lacquering is another time-consuming process. Traditionally, lacquerers mostly use an urushiol-based lacquer common in East Asia derived primarily from toxic wax trees known as Sey Shing in Yangtse. These wooden bowls are an integral part of both the Bhutanese and Tibetan lifestyles and this explains the high demand for these products in Tibet. In the medieval period, people from Yangtse and Bumdeling traded wooden plates (not Dhapas) and bowls (cups) to Assam (India) and Go-phors (wooden bowl with lid), Lha-phor (bowl with lid used by monks), Dra-phor (bigger than other Phobs originally used by Tibetan Drapas), and Bay-phor (used by Tibetans, and has a deeper interior than Bhutanese hobs) to people of Tibet. Other than products historically exported to Assam and Tibet, Shagzopas make varieties of wood-turned products.

The Limbe is one of the ancient musical wind instruments of nomadic Mongolians. The limbe is a side-blown wind instrument, mostly made of hard wood or bamboo. It is considered as one of the valuable traditional musical instruments among Mongolians for its unique technique and characteristics such as producing euphonical melody, melisma, hidden tune associated with circular breathing, and its performing techniques of skillful and delicate movements of fingers and tongue. Over the long historic development of Limbe performance, Mongolians have created the unique technique of playing Limbe using circular breathing. Circular breathing technique of the Limbe performance is closely interconnected with the traditional mentality of Mongolians, traditional folk long song and the vast steppe. The circular breathing technique of the Limbe Performance comprehensively corresponds to the characteristics of the melody of Mongolian folk long song, particularly adequate for performing the folk long song with prolonged and melodic tune for its entire duration without any pause. Limbe is one of the main instruments that perform unilaterally the melodies of traditional folk long song or accompany its performance. While performing a folk long song, it is customary for Limbe performers to use the technique of circular breathing. Limbe has the ability to comprehensively express and support the manifestation of folk long song, its slow pace and expansive wide ranging flow of melody. Its continuous melody serves as a support during the singer's pause for inhaling and thus enriches the song's melody as well. 'Bituu amisgaa' means 'hidden circle of breathing'. Performing with circular breathing is a complex technique of uninterruptedly continuing the activity of expelling the air stored in a mouth cavity to play the melody and at the same time inhaling air into the lungs through the nose and transferring it to the mouth cavity. The distinctiveness of the technique to circular breathe lies in the ability of intentionally changing the normal way or process of breathing, thus creating the circular bond of continuous air flow by inhaling and exhaling simultaniously. The first step in mastering this technique of Limbe performance is to learn in the ability to inhale gently neither stopping the flow of blowing nor interrupting its tone of melody. The second step is to learn to play the Limbe with the ability to completely express the melody of traditional folk long song, its manifestation, phylosophical view by perfectly possessing the technique of producing ornamentation, coloratura, melismaa and shurankhai (falsetto) which requires one's true endeavours and hard work, talent and sense of acoustics. In this sense, it can be concluded that the element ""Folk long song performance technique of Limbe performers – Circular breathing"" finds its true form or fulfilled from within the inseparable interconnection of circular breathing technique of the Limbe and its performance of folk long song. The ""Circular breathing"" is a great achievement of nomadic Mongolians derived from their creativity, result of the exploration and necessity of their daily life. The origin and development of circular breathing is closely bound up with the skills and knowledge of ancient craftsmen or metalsmiths who specialized in gold and silver. Early Mongolian craftsmen used circular breathing techniques for crafting various decorative and ornamental items including valuable jewelries. In crafting such items, craftsmen were required to blow continuously to the flame through a pipe with needle like hole, in order to make the hard metal melt or soften. In that regards, the craftsmen had to blow gently to the flame through the pipe bitten in their mouth, continuing as long as possible. From such necessity of lifestyle, craftsmen have mastered the technique of circular breathing, creating a circular-like cycle of breathing, simultaneously inhaling through their nose while blowing without any pauses. It can be considered that the introduction of the circular breathing technique by craftsmen in the art of Limbe was a new and productive invention in its performing technique. The traditional method of learning the simultanious act of inhaling and exhaling has a coherent sets of training forms, ranging from elementary to advanced which include continuous blowing act at a candle light or a flame without extinguishing it and blowing through a straw into a glass of water. The technique of circular breathing performance of the Limbe has valuable significance that could equally be practiced for other wooden wind instruments (Mongolian traditional wind instruments: Bishguur, Byalar, Hornpipe; non traditional: Clarinet, Saxophone, Oboe, etc.) and is an outstanding example of musical performing techniques created by humanity, consituting one of the distinctive forms of intangible cultural heritage in need of urgent safeguarding. This traditional element of ""Folk long song performance technique of the Limbe performers-Circular breathing"" has been handed down by and preserved among renowned Limbe performers: L.Tserendorj, L.Maam, M.Dorj. Nowadays, the second generation apprentices of these well-known Limbe performers are the main bearers and holders of this traditional art. But the existing few number of these bearers of the element has become the biggest concern for its further viability. Currently, there is a high risk of possibility that the tradition of this element could dissappear from its existence. One of the factors causing the element to dissapear is inevitably the significance of decrease of current groups and individuals of artists and practitioners of traditional folklore in numbers and changes in the traditional repertoire. The main change of repertoire in traditional folklore has caused by the tendency to absorb classical or modern forms of view, and the predominance of western methodology in training system. Additionally, the intense globalization and urbanization changes are the factors causing to diminish the value and tendency towards intangible cultural heritage among general public, particularly among younger generations. Today, some of the urgent objectives for us are to promote, safeguard and transmit the element to the younger generations, to ensure its further existence and viability.

Mongolia 2011

The Kalbelias are an itinerant community who ascribe their origin to Guru Kanni Pavji (one of the masters of the mystical Nath Sect) who granted them the gift of handling snakes. In traditional rural society, Kalbelia men would carry cobras in cane baskets from door to door in the village while their women would sing and dance and beg for alms. In so doing, they passed on mythological stories that revered the cobra and advocated non-killing of the reptile. So, if a snake inadvertently entered a home, then a Kalbelia would be hastily summoned to catch and take the serpent away through non-violent means, such as music, without killing it. Kalbelias have traditionally been a fringe group existing at the periphery of the mainstream society. Largely, the Kalbelias live in spaces outside the village where they reside in makeshift camps called 'deras.' With their belongings on the back of donkeys, and with a few hunting dogs of the 'Lohari' breed, the Kalbelias used to move their 'deras' from one place to another in a circuitous route repeated over time. With the experience and received wisdom of generations, the Kalbelias have acquired a unique understanding of the local flora and fauna, and are aware of herbal remedies for various diseases. This is also an alternative source of income for them. With the Wildlife Act in place, the Kalbelias have moved away from their traditional profession of snake handling. Now, their performing arts are a major source of income for them. Fortunately, their art forms have received widespread recognition within and outside India, and their economic status has improved. However, performance opportunities are sporadic and the whole community is not involved in it on regular basis. Hence, many members of the community work in the fields, or graze cattle to sustain themselves. Nonetheless the entire community is today known for its performing art tradition. The Kalbelias have a great tradition of song and dance which is a strong marker of their identity. Women sing and dance while the men play on musical instruments. The music and dance of the Kalbelia have a distinct relation to their earlier profession as snake charmers. The Poongi is the traditional wind instrument that the Kalbelia men play to a specific tune to capture snakes. Nowadays, women dancers try to replicate the rhythmic movements of a serpent’s body through their dance. Poongi, a two feet long wind instrument used by Kalbelia musicians, is unique to them. They make the 'poongi,' from locally grown gourds that impart a plaintive tonality to their music. Giving rhythm to the 'poongi' is the 'khanjari' - a percussion instrument made of wood and hide. Besides these, there are other instruments including the 'ghuralio' – similar to the harp but unique to the Kalbelias. When the Kalbelias go around the village from door to door, they sing from their wide repertoire of songs about the rites of passage in life. It is noteworthy that the highly entertaining Kalbelia songs also disseminate mythological knowledge to the people through stories. They have many traditional dances like the 'Loor', which is performed during the festival of Holi. During this joyous festival of colours, groups of Kalbelias perform in village squares and streets while playing with colours with the community. Moving from house to house, the Kalbelia men play the one-sided drum called the 'chang' or the 'daph'. Most of the 'Loor' dance songs are full of fun and gaiety. 'Matku' is yet another traditional dance performed by the Kalbelias routinely. In this dance, the dancer's upper torso is used more actively with flowing hand gestures. The men are traditionally attired in colourful ‘safas’ or turbans, white 'kurtas' and 'dhotis' (shirt and unstitched lower garment) and embroidered footwear called ‘mojdies.’ The women’s traditional costumes consist of a ‘ghaghra’ (pleated skirt) and a ‘choli’ (full-sleeved upper garment) that comes down till the knee. The ‘ghaghra’ or the pleated skirt is enlarged manifold by using eleven meters of cloth. The ‘ghaghra’ along with the upper garment called ‘jhumpher’ is richly embroidered with mirror work and embellished with silver thread. Other significant features of their make-up are the use of traditional tattoo designs and ‘kajal’ or kohl. Over a period of time, the Kalbelias have improvised on their costumes and jewellery. They have begun using new make-up techniques and have added more instruments to their music. Similarly Kalbelia jewellery has also undergone creative modification. They also use an embroidered colourful waistband called ‘patto’ decorated with small mirrors and cowry shells. There are colourful bangles, and ‘phoondi’ - tassels worn by women. This creative process of change has made the Kalbelia dance more vibrant and vigorous in its steps. The dancers have added many acrobatic features into their dance, like bending backwards to pick up a ring from the ground with their eyelids, and so on. Dancers spin in circles with swirling skirts to the beat of a percussion instrument, taking the dance to a crescendo.

India 2010

Acupuncture and moxibustion of TCM(traditional Chinese medicine) is a traditional knowledge and practice for regulating the body’s balance and maintaining health. It is based on the holistic concept of the ‘unity between man and nature’. Under the guidance of the theories of the channels and acupuncture points, its practice involves the insertion of needles into points or the burning of moxa to warm the superficial part of the body. The holistic concept of the ‘unity between man and nature’ views the living individual as a component part of the universe, and explains life activities with the theory of yin and yang. It holds that the occurrence of disease is due to either an imbalance of yin and yang within the body, or an imbalance of yin and yang between the human body and universe. The theories of acupuncture and moxibustion hold that the human body is a small universe, each part of which is connected by channels. Through long-term practice, points on the channels have been discovered, gradually developing into a systematized theory, of which the 12 channels correspond to the 12 months, and 365 acupuncture points to the 365 days of the year. Palpation on the three portions of the body (upper, middle and lower) and three needling depths (superficial, moderate and deep) are associated respectively with heaven, man and earth. The principle of selecting points on the lower body for diseases in the upper, or of selecting points on the right for diseases on the left reflects clearly this TCM holistic view of seeing the human body as an integral whole. The practice of acupuncture and moxibustion includes two treatment modalities: acupuncture and moxibustion. In acupuncture, needles are properly selected according to the individual conditions and used to puncture and stimulate the chosen points to dredge the channels with “lifting”, “thrusting”, “twirling” and “rotating” methods, or with comprehensive needling techniques, for both prevention and treatment of disease. Nine needles of different shapes and dozens of different needling techniques were recorded in Zhen Jing (Classic of Acupuncture, 针经) in the 2nd to 3rd century B.C. Needles were mainly made of special stones, or metals (such as bronze, iron, gold and silver). Modern needles are mostly made of stainless steel. Moxibustion is usually divided into direct and indirect moxibustion, in which either moxa cones are placed directly on points or moxa sticks are held and kept at some distance from the body surface to warm the points so as to adjust the yin and yang of the body and restore balance. Moxa cones and sticks are made of moxa wool processed from moxa leaves which have been dried up and ground into wool. They are inflammable with an even warmth and burn for a long period of time. Artemisiae, the raw material of moxa, is an aromatic plant. It grows widely in China, and has been extensively used in moxibustion because since ancient times the Chinese have believed that it can dispel pathogenic factors. Acupuncture and moxibustion has been re-created in response to its environment and interactions with nature and history. Therefore, characteristics of regional, group or individual schools have been formed. The “three-step needling techniques” improved upon by Cheng Xinnong (1921-) and the “three-free-flow needling techniques” summarized by He Puren (1926-) have brought a far-reaching influence on promotion of the continuing existence of this tradition. A great deal of common sayings, such as “Hegu (LI4) is used for diseases of the face and mouth, Weizhong (BL40) for the back and lumbus” and "without knowledge of the channels, mistakes when needling are inevitable”, objectively explains that acupuncture and moxibustion manifests itself in the culture integrated highly by knowledge coupled with practice. Therefore, to be an identified tradition bearer demands long-term accumulation of knowledge and practical experience. Acupuncture and moxibustion has been transmitted through teaching by personal examples as well as verbal instruction in inherited lineages formed by master-disciple relations or members of a clan. These tradition bearers are identified by their reverence for Huang Di and Fu Xi (two founders of acupuncture and moxibustion). The bronze figure of acupuncture points cast in 1026 (Song Dynasty), Zhen Jiu Jia Yi Jing (Systematic Classic of Acupuncture and Moxibustion, 针灸甲乙经) compiled in 259, Zhen Jiu Da Cheng (The Great Compendium of Acupuncture and Moxibustion, 针灸大成) written in 1601 and other works, are a testimony to the inheritance and development of this tradition, which have served as important reference materials in the study of acupuncture and moxibustion, and have been playing a significant role in their viability and re-creation. Among the Chinese, there are sayings such as “one needle and a bundle of herbs keeps you healthy into your old age” and “hanging moxa leaves in front of your house gate on the 5th day of the 5th lunar month keeps the doctor away all year round”. This shows in all aspects that acupuncture and moxibustion has produced a great impact on people’s lives and reflects its relevant visibility and awareness. Acupuncture and moxibustion, an embodiment of the wisdom of the Chinese nation and a reflection of the uniqueness of Chinese culture, has been playing an important role in promoting people’s healthcare with its steady rate of development and systematized theories inherited in history.

China 2010

Nub Tshona-patra literally means "The Great Lake in the West" and is beautifully situated between the ancient trade route of Haa and Tibet. From some sources, "Nub" may also be known as Nob, which means Norbu (precious treasures). Nub Tshona-patra is considered one of the most sacred and revered lakes in Bhutan. It is believed that the lake is so large that two types of vegetation grow on the lake. On the Tsho-gu (head of the lake) grow plants commonly known as Chukar meto (Rheum nobile), which grow only in mountainous regions such as Jomolhari, while on the Tsho-ju (tail of the lake) grow Dungshing plants (Abies densa), which grow in low regions such as the Haa Valley. Nub Tshona-patra is one of the holiest lakes in Bhutan and can be hiked from Haa on many different routes. The most common routes are from Kipri in Uesu gewog, from Karjena in Kartsho gewog via Changzur Nyela to Drakna Trashiding-kha Gonpa and also from Tokey in Bji gewog. Nub Tshona-patra can also be reached through Jula Pass, Talila Pass, from Miri Pun Suum and from Norbugang in Samar gewog. The river that flows through Dozam at the foot of Chana Dorje (Vajrapani bodhisattava) hill is fed by Lake Tshonapatra. This river feeds the Haa fishery at the foot of Chana Dorji hill. This river flows through Nakha Tashigang and Shubji in the Sangbay Gewog and joins the Amochu further downstream. The river from Baytsho also flows along this river. The sanctity of the lake brings about the fact that Terton (treasure revealer) Sherab Mebar (1267-1297?) came to Bhutan from Kham in Tibet in the 13th century at the age of thirteen, settled in Paro Pangbisa and established the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple as his seat. Even today, this two-story temple is considered very sacred. According to oral traditions, he was destined to recover treasures from a lake in western Bhutan. He was also destined to visit Bumthang and the Jawar Tsedrag Goenpa (temple). To find the treasures, Terton Sherab Mebar traveled to Haa. After finding the lake (now Nub Tshona-patra), he unveiled many treasures including gold, religious artifacts and religious instruments such as dung (trumpet), Nga (drum), Nge-tok (drumstick) and a pair of Rol-mo (cymbals), among others. Terton was prophesied to visit Nub Tshona-patra seven times. When Terton came across a huge lump of gold in Nub Tshona-patra, it turned into a giant frog as big as a hill and swallowed (and held) all the water of the lake in its mouth. He asked a carpenter to carve the gold nugget into a pillar to be used in Paro Dzong. The carpenter was instructed to take the splinters and fragments of the pillar as payment for his work. However, the carpenter tried to shear off too much of the column in order to receive his wages. The Terton feared that the column would be too short, and when he tried to talk to them about shearing too much out of concern, a drop of water fell out of his nose and spilled into the lake, drowning them all along with the gold. Some locals believe that those who cut off the gold pillar were his one hundred and five monk disciples from the village of Pangbisa, while others say that his team consisted of thirty-two strong men who were farmers and carpenters. The angry deity of the lake Tshodag/Tshomen (mermaid) sensed this and began to pursue the Terton. While he was running for his life, religious instruments such as cymbal, trumpet, drum, drumstick and a sickle fell from him, and lakes sprouted in the place where the treasures fell. Locals know these lakes as Drum Lake (Nga-tsho), Drum Lake (Dungtsho, in Jarey), Drumstick Lake (Ngetok-tsho), Cymbal Lake (Roel-tsho, in Rigona), and Sickle Lake (Zoutsho), which are now found in the Haa Shongana region (also known as Shokuna), including Nub Tshona-patra in Tshona Diga. Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho are located close to each other at Tsoo. Yak herders spend their summers in Tsoo. Locals believe that the Terton also spent time meditating (thukdam/tsham) in Yatokha, the area behind the hills of Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho, to see clear visions and find hidden treasures. Some sources say that the Terton also dropped other treasures such as religious artifacts and religious instruments made of gold, turquoise, silver, shells and a vase during his escape, which led to the formation of Ser-tsho, Yu-tsho, Ngyul-tsho, Dungkar-tsho and Bumpa-tsho (in Jarey Damshog). The terton Sherab Mebar turned into a bird and the angry deity into a falcon. When they reached Tergola (which means "gateway to hidden treasures," as it was believed that many treasures were hidden behind this mountain pass), the deity of the mountain (Tsan) negotiated peace between the Terton and the angry deity of the lake. Some consider this Tsan or Drak-tsen to be Ap Chungdu. Some sources also indicate that the negotiation actually took place in Lab-dza of Tshellu-tsho. It was agreed that both Terton and the deity would not enter their respective territories. Terton and the descendants of his followers would never set foot in Haa Shongana. Similarly, the lake deity agreed not to cross Tergola. Thus, all connections between the people of Haa Shongana and Paro Pangbisa were severed, even though these two places are considered to be close to each other. Even today, when the descendants of the Terton people in Pangbisa cross the Tergola Pass, it rains even when the weather is fine, and people die when they enter the Haa Shongana region. Animals also die when they cross the border, or if animals are traded between these two places, they do not survive. However, some of the locals believe that this border does not apply to livestock. To resolve the conflict between the two, the mountain deity erected five Do-tshams (boundary stones) between Gangche-la and Zou-tsho (Sickle Lake) to mark the border. It is believed that the boundary was initially marked with dried yak and sheep dung, which later turned into stones. The cairns are still preserved today. The Do-tshams are located in Ramzur, under the Uesu gewog. The stone mounds look as if they would collapse at any time. But if you actually touch them, it is not easy to dismantle them or break them into the ground. People say that stones and pebbles can be added to the piled up structures, but they should not be removed or disintegrated. When the Terton died, he left the only Rol-mo treasure (basin) and a Phurpai ku (three-sided ritual dagger statue) in the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. The Phurpa ku can be seen in this temple to this day as one of the Nangten (sacred religious objects). It is said that after the death of Terton, his Kudung (sacred body) was taken from Pangbisa to Rinpung Dzong (fortress). However, the people of Pangbisa wanted to reclaim the Kudung, and when they tried to steal the Kudung through the U-tse (central tower) of Rinpung Dzong, the "head" detached from the Kudung, and the headless Kudung was left in Rinpung Dzong, which later burned in a fire tragedy. Today, the skull of Terton is revered as one of the most important sacred relics of the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. In lieu of formal punishment, the people of Pangbisa had to cede the only treasure, the Rolmo, to the Rinpung Dzong. This cymbal can be visited today as one of the most important sacred relics of the Rinpung Dzong. The cymbal is shown to the public once a year, on the first day of Paro Tsechu, to give blessings, and it is also used to determine the timing of the mask dancers during Tsechu. The other cymbal that belongs to this treasure was newly made; therefore, this pair of cymbals sounds slightly different from the other normal pairs of cymbals. Some believe that the Nub Tshona-patra was originally located in the village of Sangbay Ama in the Sangbay gewog before it was settled in its present location. People say that a mermaid carried the lake in a dung-chung (slender container made of bamboo used to store salt) and planned to move the lake to another location because the lake's location was either dirty or it was time to move away from Sangbay Ama. On the way to the present location of the lake, the mermaid stopped for a night at a Norgi-jangsa (settlement of cattle herders). It is believed that the mermaid gave cattle to the Nublang cattle as a reward for the kindness shown to her by this local herdsman. Today, this particular breed of Tha-nor (low altitude cattle) exists only in the Sangbay gewog of Haa. Before the lake was built on the present site, the place was a Bjobi-lakha (nomadic settlement). The mermaid asked the shepherds to move their camp so that the lake could settle there. The mermaid found that even the next morning the shepherds had not moved away. So, the mermaid emptied the Dung-chung that contained the lake's water, drowning all the shepherds along with their camps. It is believed that some lucky people on a clear day can see the entire Nogi-jangsa, including dogs, yaks and people. Legend has it that once a woman from Tshaphel village was washing clothes on the lakeshore and polluted the lake. Nothing happened to her for five years. But in the sixth year, the lake "consumed" and she drowned along with her livestock and camp. To this day it is believed that at Nya-chhu, the source of Haa fishing, people come across pieces of clothing or Bjob's hat. It is believed that it is a bad sign to find such items. Locals also believe that whenever the waters of Lake Nyaku-na appear in Tshaphel, people either die or mysteriously disappear. It is believed that Dungkar Aekhil (a shell with a right head) appears to those who have good luck when visiting the lake. Lam Duetsi from Dumchog village in Uesu is said to have seen this shell while visiting the lake. Local people believe that a hundred cattle once drowned in the lake because the water of the lake appeared so calm that the cattle mistook the water of the lake for the ground. Later, about nine tethers that were used to tie the cattle were found at the water source that feeds the fishery in Haa.

"Trud" Dance is originated in rural communities and is now only found in Siem Reap and some villages of Battambang adjacent to Siem Reap. "Trud" in Sanskrit means “The act of cutting, detachment) The locals play this dance only during the Khmer New Year, in the sense of cutting off the old year to move on to the new year, as well as expelling evil spirits in order to get good fortune. However, during the dry season, this dance is also performed to pray for rainfall. In addition, the importance of playing this dance is to raise funds to build and repair communal infrastructures in the community, especially in the pagoda, which is not for personal gain. This dance can be joined by more or fewer dancers according to the preferences of the village or the number of volunteers. The equipment also depends on the number of dancers. The equipment is also doubled as the props and accompaniment to the dance. The complete Trud Dance can consist of instruments such as: Kanh Chhe (bamboo mast with bells on top), Changkrang Dombe, ChangKrang Rong, Sko Arak (hand drum), Bei Pok (flute), Tro Ou, Tro Sor (bowed strings) and Dang Santuch or Dang Doy (pulling bar of an ox cart) attached with an open bag for retrieving the donations. The main accessories for the Trud Dance are clown masks and crowns made of paper mache and lacquer, real deer and banteng antlers or artificial antlers made of paper mache, peacock feathers,s and fake long nails made of rattan. When performing, there are two or three priests leading the group and holding a fundraising bowl, and giving blessings to those who Donate. If it is played in rain asking ritual, the priest who leads the ceremony is called “Dangkhao”. The lyrics are not the same, it depends on the preference of the group or the village because some lyrics can be created immediately according to the actual situation in order to convince the donor to give more donations. But the interesting thing is that most of the "songs" contain 4 syllables in each line. 6 The following are some excerpts from the lyrics in the document of Samdech Preah Vanroth Iv Tuot, Chief of Monk from Battambang Province: Lyrics on arrival at the ceremonial ground I arrive outside your gate, calling out to you. My respected master Can I come inside? (Vocalizing) oh na neang na Can I come inside? Permit or not, Please let us know. We can come in or not, Please quickly tell us. (Vocalizing) oh na neang na Please quickly tell us. Fellow team! Fellow team! That the fire is lit Means that we are welcomed. (Vocalizing) oh na neang na Means that we are welcomed. Lyrics when asking for alms This Trud is not from here. This Trud is not from here. The master ordered us That we came here to play. (Vocalizing) oh na neang na That we came here to play. Big house with sculptures Stair steps made of silver Suiting his wealth (Vocalizing) oh na neang na sa ra mom bong. Lyrics when collecting the scattered alms Some hide, some throw, Some scoop up, Don’t talk, lads! Catch the money quietly (Vocalizing) Yeur chhai nao nao neang nan a na oun euy. Lyrics to bless the givers Fellow team! His silk and thread He gave us all We shall bless him. To have a son She weaves silk to bless regularly Officials He gave us all To get a mouthful for a daughter Soup for money. We bless him. Children as well. Sculpture land. Before performing, people prepare an offering for Lord Vishvakarman and the spirits of the land and nature. Then the priest ties holy thread to the wrists of the dancers and puts on the masks and horns for the performers. Mr. Pol Sam Oeun researched this dance in Battambang province and choreographed it as a performance on stage and performed for the first time by Mr. Meas Kok, who was the first singer to hold the Dang Santuch, and the following performers: Mr. Ros Lon, Mr. Meas Sam El, Ms. Mom Hoy, Mrs. Sieng Sivhun, Mrs. Kaing Steng, Mrs. Ok Leung, Mr. Hing Tim, Mr. Moeung Chandara, Mr. Kong Samith, Mr. Pen Lon, Mr. Put Lon, Mr. Suon Sareth, Mr. Eam Sean, Mr. Pen Yet. The dance ceased to be performed in 1975 and resumed in December 1979. Today, Trud Dance is very popular because during the period before the New Year. It is performed in government institutions, companies, or private houses to ward off evil spirits and bring prosperity.

" Kor Chuk " is one of the adolescent ceremonies of the Cambodian people from birth to death. This ceremony is to prepare the person to enter adulthood. The ancient Khmer practiced this tradition in almost every family. Children, both boys, and girls, from the age of one year, had to shave their hair to clean their heads every month or every holy day, leaving only one piece of hair (chuk or kampoy) at the top, or some kept three pieces like the angle of the stove on the top of the head, and until the age of 12 or 13 (the girl is kept under the age of puberty). Then the ceremony of shaving off the hair. Today, this tradition is almost extinct in Cambodia, except in the Angkor area and in the north or northwest part of the country. By this, it does not mean that there is no such a tradition in other places, it is just rare. The tradition of the ceremony may differ slightly from district to region, so here is the tradition in Chan village, Tang Krasang commune, Batheay district, Kampong Cham province. The locals call this ceremony “shaving or cutting off the Kompoy.” Nowadays, in this area, the practice of keeping the hair on children from a very young age is very rare. Due to financial problems, some families cannot effort throwing the shaving or cutting off the Kompoy ceremony for those children who keep the Kompoy. Even though the locals do not care much for their children to keep their Komoy as before, they still have the desire to celebrate the ceremony of cutting their children's hair because it is a tradition and a blessing for children at this age. Probably because of the limited resources, the locals often have the shaving off ceremony together with the "Cheagn Mlub" ceremony. The process of the ceremony lasts 1 night and 2 days. The first day is called the day of Jol Rorng. Since the morning, the villagers, some relatives, and some neighbors on whom the host relied came to help with their chores, such as building a shaving place and arranging various offerings, as follows. Rundab Tver Tmenh: Soul rice (sticky rice in a glass or in a soup bowl with banana leaf cones), fresh coconut, cut the head of the coconut enough to cover the water with the banana leaf cones on top and wrap a cloth or scarf around it. Rundab Kor Sork neng Bom Berk Phnek: a plate for a razor blade or razor blade, hair comb, glass, perfume, oil, powder, banana leaf container to keep the hair, water container or Ork Kombor, a grass ring, a gold ring and a silver ring for attachment with the three pieces of hair or one piece of hair. Bay Srey Derm: is made from a virgin banana trunk, assuming that the height is the same as the child who shaves his hair. The upper bouts featured consist of Kon Bay Srey 5 Tnak, wrapped around by banana leaf or by texture silk. Represents all children. A stick or a diamond sword: made from the top of two palm leaves, with Bali inscription along the leaves, and the end of the leaves are twisted together for children to carry or wear around their necks during the ceremony. Dong Tpech: Dong made of bamboo for Tpech cotton, curved on both ends like the body of a bow (look similar to Tu Korng). At the front bend or head, three incense sticks and a candle are tied, and at the end of the tail or Konsai they tie a piece of Mlu and a piece of Sla. Dong Tpech is used when Grandpa Achar leads the person to the shave place. Ceremony: Although this Kor Chok ceremony goes hand in hand with the "Cheagn Mlub" ceremony, now let the story of shaving alone be shown. The actual ceremony begins in the afternoon, beginning with the offering of Krong Pali on the ground facing east, towards Rean Bosbok. This work is to inform the owner of the water in the sense of declaring. Ta Acha (layman) asked the owner of the ceremony to hold Dong Tpech and he led the way to the up-stair of the house.

Traditional leather processing and dyeing techniques are widely used in Shubarkuduk (Western Kazakhstan), which also hosts a school for teaching these techniques to young people. Leather utensils, serve as a 'refrigerator', which can withstand any changes in temperature. The freshness of kymyz (mare's milk) and shubat (camel milk) kept in such way. The tradition of leather craft, method of treatment passed down from generation to generation. Currently, the synthesis of professional creative activities and traditional motifs of the past is seen as the source of the revival of the classical tradition. These days, leather utensils fail to fulfill its utilitarian function, people mostly use it as a souvenir. Traditional technique of leather processing is used along with modern methods. The leather is used to produce men’s belts (kumys beldyk); hunting belt with accessories (kyseh beldyk with powder flask, pouch, fire striker, and sheath for a knife); women’s belt (belbeu); traditional footwear (yetyk, kebys, myasy); leather braided whip (khamshy), four, six and eight strand whip (used for horse riding); twelve and fourteen strand whip (used for protection from wolf attack); a quiver for arrows; a sheath for knives, swords, and sabers; leather shields. There are also leather vessels for mare’s milk: kauhar (flat vessel with narrow neck), torsykh (a vessel with rounded handles), mess (water skin), sabah (a large vessel tailored from goatskin). Traditional fur hats are widespread in Kazakhstan, namely tymakh and boryk with a lining made from fox, wolf, muskrat or mink fur and pushpakh tymakh made from fox paws; as well traditional men’s clothes (shapan and zharghakh) light coat made from light and soft suede and decorated with fine silk embroidery. Kazakh suede was one of the most valuable goods of the Silk Road and was traded as expensively as Chinese silk. One of the most common techniques used by Kazakh artisans is hot stamping on leather with metal plates called khalyp. Nowadays the national artistic traditions and new creative trends reflected in the works of modern masters and artists, where the ancient stamping technology has been preserved almost intact. . Embossing is made on soaked leather on the underside using special wooden plates with a desired carved design. Leather is clamped between two wooden plates and left to air-dry naturally. The design used for decorating leather is similar to the one used for making carpets. The central field filled with khoshkhar muyiz (sheep horn pattern) and khos myuiz (a cross-piece made of paired sheep horns). For the border, usually a plant design is used. The leather can be decorated with shaped metal plates with silver inlay. Embossed leather can be used for decorating wooden chests (zhaghlan). Along with embossing, incrustation with colored leather (kok saur), velvet and gold embroidery on leather is used.

Wood carving is widespread in Kazakhstan as a traditional craft. The yurt’s frame is entirely made of wood, including the shanyrakh (cylindrical top part), uykh (poles that are embedded in the shanyrakh and fixed to keregeh, or greedwall) and sykhyrlauikh (doors). The internal furniture is made of wood as well. including abdireh or sandykh (chests), tosekaghash or keruet (bed), besyk (cradle), assadal (buffet), kebezheh (kitchen cabinet) and dastarkhan (low table). Kitchenware is partly made of wood, including kubyi (butter making jar), tegeneh (cups for kumis, fermented mare’s milk), ozhau (ladle), tostaghan (bowls), saptiyayak (water dippers), astau (bastau, a large plate for boiled meat) and tabakh (plate). As well, special wooden stands (zhukh ayakh) are carved for protection against humidity. Wood carving is also used for production of musical instruments, souvenirs and horse-saddles (yer). Wood carving is widespread in Kazakhstan as a traditional craft. The yurt’s frame is entirely made of wood, including the shanyrakh (cylindrical top part), uykh (poles that are embedded in the shanyrakh and fixed to keregeh, or greedwall) and sykhyrlauikh (doors). The internal furniture is made of wood as well. including abdireh or sandykh (chests), tosekaghash or keruet (bed), besyk (cradle), assadal (buffet), kebezheh (kitchen cabinet) and dastarkhan (low table). Kitchenware is partly made of wood, including kubyi (butter making jar), tegeneh (cups for kumis, fermented mare’s milk), ozhau (ladle), tostaghan (bowls), saptiyayak (water dippers), astau (bastau, a large plate for boiled meat) and tabakh (plate). As well, special wooden stands (zhukh ayakh) are carved for protection against humidity. Wood carving is also used for production of musical instruments, souvenirs and horse-saddles (yer). In forest-rich Eastern and Northern Kazakhstan, hardwood trees are used for carving, including red birch, maple, black or red alder, ash, nut tree, and oak. In Southern Kazakhstan, trees like elm, nut tree, pear, acacia, elaeagnus (djygyda), plane tree (chinara) are used for carving. As well, tree roots and knots are used. In South-East of Kazakhstan, elm, apple, nut tree, and buckthorn are usually used by woodcarvers. Table and chair legs, and some yurt parts are usually carved from pine, aspen or poplar. Other hardwood used for carving includes mulberry tree, and in softwood, juniper. Every wood carved product is decorated with ornament. Pattern and design of wood carved objects are also based on the balance of foreground and background, vertical symmetry, importance of central piece and border pattern. Traditional woodcarving includes several techniques and cuts, such as contour, relief and three-sided hollow carving. Relief carving is used for decorating chests, cabinets, doors, beds and kitchenware. Painted relief carving is used for decorating yurt doors and buildings of worship. Three-sided hollow craving is used for making geometric patterns. Cutout is mostly used for floral ornaments. To make dishes water resistant, they are soaked with boiled animal fat. Carved objects can be combined with paintings. Usually the background is unpainted, while the foreground is painted red, blue, green and yellow. Objects can also be decorated with inlaid bones, silver and other metals. Metallic details can be decorated with precious and semi-precious stones.

A unique female-dominated performance held only on the 8th and 9th day of the 7th lunar month in the two communities of Ura-ma-krong (main village of Ura) and Shingkhar, the farthest settlement under Ura gewog (block) in Bumthang Dzongkhag (district). In Ura dialect, Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) is usually called Saang (smoke offering). It is said that in the old days, when there were yak herders who usually came from their village to raise the yaks at Purshey la (one of the mountains overlooking Ura village), they welcomed the female performers by burning sang at Korgang (the place believed to be the place where the deity descends or dwells and where the female performers circumambulate the stupa). Hence, community members refer to the festival as Sang or Sang na gai-sang (on the way to the Sang offering). Another interpretation states that the female participants begin their offering by making various medicinal herbs and other fresh offerings go up in smoke while appeasing the main female deity named A-shey Lhamo and her entourage, namely Gawa Lhamo, Kiba Lhamo, Champa Lhamo, and Dropa Lhamo. However, in addition to the aforementioned attendant goddesses, Shingkhar A-zhi (pronounced locally) Lhamo has Lam-dron Lhamo forming five attendant goddesses. Therefore, the festival and performance were called Sang from the first offering. The other name of the festival, A-shey Lhamo, is interpreted literally by outsiders and some learned community members as the lyrics of the religious song sung and danced in honor of the deity A-shey Lhamo. Colloquially, the term A-shey is addressed to either the queen or the elder sisters, and Lhamo is a general term for the divine goddess. The origin of Sang or A-shey Lhamo is that during the Dung Lhawang Rabgay (local ruler), not long before the emergence of the Dung caste system in Bhutan around the 10th-11th century, there was a misfortune of Shey-ned (diarrheal infection) that spread among the children of the Ura community. People sought the advice of their ruler as there was no tradition of performing rituals or treatments. Thus, Dung Lhawang introduced Drakpa, who had a divine bloodline, to appease the female local deity by performing dances. He composed the lyrics in the typical Ura dialect and ordered that they be performed by female members of the community. The Lord also determined the place: Pur-shey la (written Pur-gyal la) along with the things to be sacrificed and also the steps. Following the advice, the women performed the dance, which gradually helped the children recover from the epidemic. After that, the performance of A-shey Lhamo was practiced. According to the origin, A-shey Lhamo and the goddesses accompanying her are both the deities of the place and deities of the Bon khar tradition. Perhaps they are the other form of Tshering chey nga (the five sisters of longevity) who appeared in the Bon tradition before they were introduced by Guru Padsambava as the tutelary deity of Buddhism, just as many Bonpo deities were later transformed as protectors of the sacred teachings of the Buddha. In the poetry of A-shey Lhamo, it is mentioned that they reside in the high mountains Gang-toed thoen po. The road to their citadel is like a mule track, filled with the sweet fragrance of Ba-loo (Rhododendron ciliatum) and Su-loo (Rhododendron setosum). She delights in the first share of Mar-chang Ara (locally brewed wine) and Kara and Buram (honey and brown sugar) and sits down on the white sheepskin mat. She resides gracefully in a palace of precious gems with golden columns and silver windows. Apart from the above description of her residence, there is no text describing her appearance, only the names of her sisters and the goddess herself. This ICh element is still alive in Ura and Singkhar communities. However, there are some changes: The sang is now prepared and offered by themselves since there are no more highlanders at Pur-shey la, and the other is that, according to tradition, the sang is generally performed on the 8th and 9th day of the lunar month but, the community members decided to either coordinate the festival on 15th day if the time and weather is not favourable.