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ICH Elements 80
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Qālišuyān rituals of Mašhad-e Ardehāl in Kāšān
Denoting ""carpet-washing ceremony"" (qāli""carpet""-šuyān""washing ceremony""), Qālišuyān manifests as a huge gathering in Ardehāl, at a 800m-long site, between Emāmzāde Soltān Ali ebn Mohammad Bāqer Mausoleum (abbreviated as Soltān Ali) and the holy stream beside Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum yard, where a holy carpet is washed as part of a live ritualistic procedure. Unlike the majority of Iranian rituals that follow a rotating lunar calendar, Qālišuyān is attended according to a fixed solar-agricultural calendar, requiring it around the nearest Friday to the 17th day of the month of Mehr (October 8th), called Jom'e-ye Qāli (""carpet Friday""). Thousands of people of Fin and Xāve constitute the practitioners; a greater crowd attends as witnesses. On Jom'e-ye Qāli morning, the people of Xāve gather at Soltān Ali to sprinkle rose-flower on a donated carpet they select. Having done the wrapping rituals, they, then, deliver it to the people of Fin outside. Holding neatly cut and beautifully decorated wooden sticks, the people of Fin run to take the lead in getting a grasp of the carpet, and carrying it to the running water, cleaned of pollutions and mixed with rose-water. A corner of the carpet is rinsed; the rest is covered with drops sprinkled with the sticks. The carpet is, then, returned to the mausoleum and delivered to the servants inside. The rituals are to express love and loyalty toward Soltān Ali, who is claimed to have been martyred in the same place and carried to his resting place on a carpet, instead of a shroud. Asserted, mainly, through oral history, Soltān Ali enjoyed a holy stance among the people of Kāšān and Fin of 1,300 years ago, who depended on his spiritual guidance. He was, finally, murdered by jealous governors. The story continues that the corpse was found, three days later, by the people of Fin who carried it in a carpet to the stream of Šāhzāde Hoseyn Mausoleum, Ardehāl, where the people of Xāve joined in washing and burying him. The present-day carpet-washing rituals are to commemorate the sad burial. A number of peripheral activities have emerged alongside Qālišuyān, too: - J ār: Oral proclamation of the ""carpet-Friday"" date by an elder; - Donated food: Distributed by witnessing people - Ta'ziye and other ritualistic performing arts: Performed peripheral to the main rituals; - Gatherings of people on the site, which last for several days.
Iran 2012 -
Akiu no Taue Odori
“Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art, expressed mainly by the dance which reminds of the rice cropping, with background music of drums and other instruments. The music for this rice cropping dance is played with big and small drums, flutes, and songs. The dancers are two or four males, depending on a case, as facilitators, and currently about ten females. Females are well dressed up with colorful and fashionable kimono and wear a headdress decorated with artificial flowers. Dances are performed outdoors by females aligning in a line, or sometimes in two lines depending on the space and the number of dancers. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six to ten depending on communities. Each repertoire begins with blessing terms by facilitators who appear from both ends of a line. Dancers perform to the music, alternatively holding fans or sticks with bells on it according to a repertoire. The choreography of these dances reminds people there of the rice cropping. During dances they pray for the best harvest, believing that thus celebrating an abundant harvest in advance may make it true in that autumn; the dance is to bless people. The performance is characterized with facilitators’ progressing and its quite beautiful dances. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is cultural heritage transmitted to-day with its dances begun in the late seventeenth century in the region, wishing for an abundant harvest of the rice cropping. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. The rice is a principal foodstuff to Japanese since old time. Therefore, its abundant harvest was a really serious wish to them, quite differently from today’s circumstances. The weather immeasurably affects the rice cropping or agriculture in general. As affect of the weather is unavoidable, they prayed for a good harvest by simulating an annual process of the rice cropping before actual cultivation. In an entire process of the rice cropping, taue, i.e. transplanting of seedlings, is especially important; they first seed rice plant in a small section, and when seedlings grow a little, they transplant seedlings onto a wider rice field filled with water. Such transplantation is a traditional knowledge for the prevention of pests and the alleviation of temperature changes. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a simulation dance for an abundant harvest in order to pray for it, believing that a previous celebration of a possibly abundant harvest of the year may secure an actual good harvest in autumn. The people has sophisticated the dance and developed it to a more spectacular performing art. Becoming a spectacular performing art, it has been transmitted from generations to generations by the people in the communities. Until the early twentieth century, it was performed on every January 15th in each community. Because of such an entertaining element as a beautiful appearance in addition to praying for an abundant harvest, they were often invited by other neighboring communities to perform there. The number of dancers at that time allegedly transcended fifty. Later, the opportunity of invited performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” declined in number, the season of performance shifted from a severe winter to April or May or to autumn, and the number of dancers dropped to approximately ten. However, it has continued to be performed every year up to-day. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” in front of the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. “Akiu no Taue Odori” is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances reflect Japanese sentiment on performing arts. The background of the transmission and the performance of “Akiu no Taue Odori” indicates the Japanese concept on an agricultural life and the nature. As mentioned above, “Akiu no Taue Odori” has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generations.
Japan 2009 -
Customs and rituals related to a child-birth
Suyunchu Suyunchu is a tradition of sharing good news. When baby is born one of the family members shares this news with other relatives. The one who communicates good news receives a gift for sharing good news. When seeing a baby for the first time, the family members also give korunduk, a gift for seeing a baby. At koiuu A ritual of naming a baby is called At koiuu in Kyrgyz. Usually, it is not the baby’s parents but paternal grandparents who get to give a name to the baby. Sometimes, this right is given to the most respect person in the community or to one who has seen the baby first. Kyrgyz people believe that name is very important and can influence the person’s destiny. When selecting a name for the infant, elders look carefully at the baby and try to pick the name that suits the baby best. Beshikke saluu A ritual of placing a baby into a cradle called Beshikke saluu is one of the major rituals followed by a feast. On a seventh day after a baby’s birth when baby’s belly button is healed, a baby is placed in a cradle. Cradle is very convenient for taking care of a baby, feeding and putting baby to sleep. According to Kyrgyz traditions, a maternal grandmother of the baby brings a cradle. All relatives, neighbors and friends are invited to a feast. Jentek toi After some time after baby’s birth, family makes a feast for relatives and neighbors. This fest is called Jentek toi. Those who come to Jentek toi give blessings to the baby and the family. Often times a sheep or a larger domestic animal is slaughtered for the feast. The clean bones of a sacrificed animal are buried in the ground. It is considered to be a sacrifice for Umai ene, the protector of women and infants. Kyrkyn chygaruu Kyrgyz people mark the 40th day after the birth of a baby - Kyrkyn chygaruu. To perform this ritual, the women take forty spoonful of water and dissolve some salt in it. Salt is beneficial for baby’s body and washes off various things. The baby’s hair is cut and is buried at a place where people do not step on. While conducting the ritual, elderly women are invited to give blessings to the newborn. Then, a first shirt is quilted for a baby from 40 pieces of fabric. The shirt is put on inside out. It is the maternal grandparents who conduct this ritual for a baby. The person who cuts the hair must be a respected person in a community. As a sign of gratitude, baby’s parent give that person a gift such as a sheep or its equivalent. Tushoo kesuu This ritual is dedicated to the first steps made by a baby. For this ritual, elders prepare a special rope made out of white and black wool. The baby’s ankles are tied with this rope. Tushoo kesuu means cutting those ropes. The combination of black and white symbolize the struggle of two eternal energies of light and darkness, good and evil. Then, young boys from the neighborhood are gathered for a race. They are put in some distance from a baby and race towards him. The one who comes first to the baby cuts the rope on baby’s ankles. The winner and the person who came second take the baby by hands and help him or her walk. According to Kyrgyz beliefs, this ritual will help the baby to walk his or her path in this life well.
Kyrgyzstan -
Custom to castrate young animals
Young animals are castrated at the beginning of summer. The methods to castrate animals differ depending upon the flock or herd. The general ceremony of castration is the same. For instance, in order to castrate flocks, a felt rug or piece of quilted felt is stretched out at the western part of a ger. There is a support piece of the ger that is placed at the right of felt rug facing to the north. On the western side of the man doing the castration, a small sack of millet and a pail of water blended with a bit of milk are also placed. An arrow is set lengthwise on the top of pail. Beside them juniper needles are burnt in an incense-burner. After man did castration, he says as “be lighter than feather and faster than arrow, blood must be dried in time and healing comes in time, khurai khurai khurai, dur dur suukhaa”.
Mongolia -
The Worship of Hùng Kings in Phú Thọ
The Việt people in Phú Thọ province have been practicing and trasmitting the worship of Hùng Kings whose father named Lạc Long Quân and mother named Âu Cơ for a very long time. The legend has become a strong belief of the country’s origin in the Việt people’s mentality for centuries. Dynasties of Great Việt attached great importance to the worship of Hùng Kings and offerred imperial conferments to villages worshiping Hùng Kings in temples and shrines. The worship of Hùng Kings has created many legends of wharves, rivers, fields, rice plants, land and other unique cultural creativity. Part of cultural creativity is reenacted in annual worship performed at communal houses, temples and shrines in villages. Communities make offerings of rice – based delicacies such as square cakes and glutinous cakes dedicated to Hùng Kings. Legend has it that, Lang Liêu who later became the seventh Hùng King made these two types of cakes by himself. They represent the heaven and the earth as well as the filial piety of the children for the parents. These two offerings are indispensable in the worship of Hùng Kings. Offerings dedicated to Hùng Kings at temples and shrines by villagers usually last for a few days: offerings by families first and then by the whole community. The tablets of Hùng Kings are proccessed throughout the villages and the rice fields, which implies that Hùng Kings may witness today’s lives of villagers and offer good weather, abundant harvests, good luck and good health to villagers, plants and animals. Offerings conducted by villagers at temples, communal houses, and shrines is supposed to be the most sacred moments when the respect and gratitude of communities dedicated to Hùng Kings are expressed.
Viet Nam 2012 -
Traditional knowledge concerning pilgrimages to the sacred sites
Kyrgyz people worshipped natural objects from antiquity, deeming that it is in the nature the visible and invisible worlds may coexist harmoniously. One of such practices is the Obo ceremony. It is a worshipping practice that was spread in a pre-Islamic period, when people equally worshipped the Sun and the Earth. It was understood that the Sun represents the fatherly beginning, and the Earth represents the motherly one. Sacred sites are visited by people, who need to be treated from illnesses, both physical, and spiritual; or those who want to make a prayer in memory of the dead relatives. Other widely spread practices are zikir chaluu and shamanic ritual korum zikir. In addition, other varieties of spiritual practices include talma bii and oiun. Roles of bakhshi (in Turkic tradition) and dubana (Muslim dervishes) are merged in many ways in Kyrgyz practice. Zikir chaluu represents emotional prayer, which is made because of pragmatic reasons, and as a rule, people ask for prosperity, welfare, healing, fertility or peace. Fire purification ceremony sham is performed often along with zikir chaluu during festive rituals as the Kyrgyz believe that the spiritual and visible worlds are unified in the fire.
Kyrgyzstan -
Traditional art of whistling
The traditional art of whistling calls for human teeth and lips to function as the music instrument and the mouth cavity to function as a sound box. Whistling is classified into the following three types: tooth whistle, lip whistle and palate whistle. The reasons Mongolians whistle is greatly dependant on the season, time, location, and context due to that from ancient times Mongols have considered whistling as a call for wind. Mongols whistle the short and long songs, and melodies in hot days of summer and autumn season while herding livestock and during the labor for relaxing. Before mentioned, Mongols believe that the whistle can bring the deity of wind, therefore they do whistle while harvesting the grain for blowing the skin of grain.
Mongolia -
Pangtse makhu: Extraction of Oil from Symplocos paniculata Fruits
The extraction and production of Pangtse Makhu were effectively practiced from the 1970s until 1990s, and have remained to be a part of an income source and source of oil until now to the people of Toed-Wang Gewog (block) under Punakha Dzongkhag (district). “As the plant is highly adaptable and grows naturally on barren, degraded land and dry areas but for better yield, the plant is also grown on the terraces,” said the villagers. But today it is said and observed by the grandparents in the community that because of the country’s speed of development and with advancements in technology and intellectual, the tradition of extracting Pangtse Makhu in the community has significantly declined over time due to the availability of cheaper imported refined oils in the markets. It is also said that during the olden days with abundant Pangtse Shing and with more extractors, people did not have to buy oil rather oil extracted from Toed-wang gewog was sent throughout the region. However, with an increased number of youths going to school and colleges during the harvesting and production time, and also with less market value over more hardships, it has been a challenge for the few people maintaining this practice in the locality to share the value to the younger generation. Today, the community is on verge of losing the tradition of extracting Pangtse oil because of its labor-intensive nature with a tedious and time-consuming procedure. And also, it’s because of people’s choice for the cheaper imported oil over the one that has been naturally extracted and produced which has a slightly higher price in the market. Despite the challenge, the local producers are looking forward to a government intervention in the conservation of the losing tradition.
Bhutan -
Lake Nub Tshona-patra: The Great Lake in the West
Nub Tshona-patra literally means "The Great Lake in the West" and is beautifully situated between the ancient trade route of Haa and Tibet. From some sources, "Nub" may also be known as Nob, which means Norbu (precious treasures). Nub Tshona-patra is considered one of the most sacred and revered lakes in Bhutan. It is believed that the lake is so large that two types of vegetation grow on the lake. On the Tsho-gu (head of the lake) grow plants commonly known as Chukar meto (Rheum nobile), which grow only in mountainous regions such as Jomolhari, while on the Tsho-ju (tail of the lake) grow Dungshing plants (Abies densa), which grow in low regions such as the Haa Valley. Nub Tshona-patra is one of the holiest lakes in Bhutan and can be hiked from Haa on many different routes. The most common routes are from Kipri in Uesu gewog, from Karjena in Kartsho gewog via Changzur Nyela to Drakna Trashiding-kha Gonpa and also from Tokey in Bji gewog. Nub Tshona-patra can also be reached through Jula Pass, Talila Pass, from Miri Pun Suum and from Norbugang in Samar gewog. The river that flows through Dozam at the foot of Chana Dorje (Vajrapani bodhisattava) hill is fed by Lake Tshonapatra. This river feeds the Haa fishery at the foot of Chana Dorji hill. This river flows through Nakha Tashigang and Shubji in the Sangbay Gewog and joins the Amochu further downstream. The river from Baytsho also flows along this river. The sanctity of the lake brings about the fact that Terton (treasure revealer) Sherab Mebar (1267-1297?) came to Bhutan from Kham in Tibet in the 13th century at the age of thirteen, settled in Paro Pangbisa and established the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple as his seat. Even today, this two-story temple is considered very sacred. According to oral traditions, he was destined to recover treasures from a lake in western Bhutan. He was also destined to visit Bumthang and the Jawar Tsedrag Goenpa (temple). To find the treasures, Terton Sherab Mebar traveled to Haa. After finding the lake (now Nub Tshona-patra), he unveiled many treasures including gold, religious artifacts and religious instruments such as dung (trumpet), Nga (drum), Nge-tok (drumstick) and a pair of Rol-mo (cymbals), among others. Terton was prophesied to visit Nub Tshona-patra seven times. When Terton came across a huge lump of gold in Nub Tshona-patra, it turned into a giant frog as big as a hill and swallowed (and held) all the water of the lake in its mouth. He asked a carpenter to carve the gold nugget into a pillar to be used in Paro Dzong. The carpenter was instructed to take the splinters and fragments of the pillar as payment for his work. However, the carpenter tried to shear off too much of the column in order to receive his wages. The Terton feared that the column would be too short, and when he tried to talk to them about shearing too much out of concern, a drop of water fell out of his nose and spilled into the lake, drowning them all along with the gold. Some locals believe that those who cut off the gold pillar were his one hundred and five monk disciples from the village of Pangbisa, while others say that his team consisted of thirty-two strong men who were farmers and carpenters. The angry deity of the lake Tshodag/Tshomen (mermaid) sensed this and began to pursue the Terton. While he was running for his life, religious instruments such as cymbal, trumpet, drum, drumstick and a sickle fell from him, and lakes sprouted in the place where the treasures fell. Locals know these lakes as Drum Lake (Nga-tsho), Drum Lake (Dungtsho, in Jarey), Drumstick Lake (Ngetok-tsho), Cymbal Lake (Roel-tsho, in Rigona), and Sickle Lake (Zoutsho), which are now found in the Haa Shongana region (also known as Shokuna), including Nub Tshona-patra in Tshona Diga. Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho are located close to each other at Tsoo. Yak herders spend their summers in Tsoo. Locals believe that the Terton also spent time meditating (thukdam/tsham) in Yatokha, the area behind the hills of Ngatsho and Ngetok tsho, to see clear visions and find hidden treasures. Some sources say that the Terton also dropped other treasures such as religious artifacts and religious instruments made of gold, turquoise, silver, shells and a vase during his escape, which led to the formation of Ser-tsho, Yu-tsho, Ngyul-tsho, Dungkar-tsho and Bumpa-tsho (in Jarey Damshog). The terton Sherab Mebar turned into a bird and the angry deity into a falcon. When they reached Tergola (which means "gateway to hidden treasures," as it was believed that many treasures were hidden behind this mountain pass), the deity of the mountain (Tsan) negotiated peace between the Terton and the angry deity of the lake. Some consider this Tsan or Drak-tsen to be Ap Chungdu. Some sources also indicate that the negotiation actually took place in Lab-dza of Tshellu-tsho. It was agreed that both Terton and the deity would not enter their respective territories. Terton and the descendants of his followers would never set foot in Haa Shongana. Similarly, the lake deity agreed not to cross Tergola. Thus, all connections between the people of Haa Shongana and Paro Pangbisa were severed, even though these two places are considered to be close to each other. Even today, when the descendants of the Terton people in Pangbisa cross the Tergola Pass, it rains even when the weather is fine, and people die when they enter the Haa Shongana region. Animals also die when they cross the border, or if animals are traded between these two places, they do not survive. However, some of the locals believe that this border does not apply to livestock. To resolve the conflict between the two, the mountain deity erected five Do-tshams (boundary stones) between Gangche-la and Zou-tsho (Sickle Lake) to mark the border. It is believed that the boundary was initially marked with dried yak and sheep dung, which later turned into stones. The cairns are still preserved today. The Do-tshams are located in Ramzur, under the Uesu gewog. The stone mounds look as if they would collapse at any time. But if you actually touch them, it is not easy to dismantle them or break them into the ground. People say that stones and pebbles can be added to the piled up structures, but they should not be removed or disintegrated. When the Terton died, he left the only Rol-mo treasure (basin) and a Phurpai ku (three-sided ritual dagger statue) in the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. The Phurpa ku can be seen in this temple to this day as one of the Nangten (sacred religious objects). It is said that after the death of Terton, his Kudung (sacred body) was taken from Pangbisa to Rinpung Dzong (fortress). However, the people of Pangbisa wanted to reclaim the Kudung, and when they tried to steal the Kudung through the U-tse (central tower) of Rinpung Dzong, the "head" detached from the Kudung, and the headless Kudung was left in Rinpung Dzong, which later burned in a fire tragedy. Today, the skull of Terton is revered as one of the most important sacred relics of the Pangpa Ugyen Guru Temple. In lieu of formal punishment, the people of Pangbisa had to cede the only treasure, the Rolmo, to the Rinpung Dzong. This cymbal can be visited today as one of the most important sacred relics of the Rinpung Dzong. The cymbal is shown to the public once a year, on the first day of Paro Tsechu, to give blessings, and it is also used to determine the timing of the mask dancers during Tsechu. The other cymbal that belongs to this treasure was newly made; therefore, this pair of cymbals sounds slightly different from the other normal pairs of cymbals. Some believe that the Nub Tshona-patra was originally located in the village of Sangbay Ama in the Sangbay gewog before it was settled in its present location. People say that a mermaid carried the lake in a dung-chung (slender container made of bamboo used to store salt) and planned to move the lake to another location because the lake's location was either dirty or it was time to move away from Sangbay Ama. On the way to the present location of the lake, the mermaid stopped for a night at a Norgi-jangsa (settlement of cattle herders). It is believed that the mermaid gave cattle to the Nublang cattle as a reward for the kindness shown to her by this local herdsman. Today, this particular breed of Tha-nor (low altitude cattle) exists only in the Sangbay gewog of Haa. Before the lake was built on the present site, the place was a Bjobi-lakha (nomadic settlement). The mermaid asked the shepherds to move their camp so that the lake could settle there. The mermaid found that even the next morning the shepherds had not moved away. So, the mermaid emptied the Dung-chung that contained the lake's water, drowning all the shepherds along with their camps. It is believed that some lucky people on a clear day can see the entire Nogi-jangsa, including dogs, yaks and people. Legend has it that once a woman from Tshaphel village was washing clothes on the lakeshore and polluted the lake. Nothing happened to her for five years. But in the sixth year, the lake "consumed" and she drowned along with her livestock and camp. To this day it is believed that at Nya-chhu, the source of Haa fishing, people come across pieces of clothing or Bjob's hat. It is believed that it is a bad sign to find such items. Locals also believe that whenever the waters of Lake Nyaku-na appear in Tshaphel, people either die or mysteriously disappear. It is believed that Dungkar Aekhil (a shell with a right head) appears to those who have good luck when visiting the lake. Lam Duetsi from Dumchog village in Uesu is said to have seen this shell while visiting the lake. Local people believe that a hundred cattle once drowned in the lake because the water of the lake appeared so calm that the cattle mistook the water of the lake for the ground. Later, about nine tethers that were used to tie the cattle were found at the water source that feeds the fishery in Haa.
Bhutan -
Deyshing pako-shub ni: Daphne bark Harvesting
The art of traditional paper making in Bhutan stems from an age-old handicraft tradition whose history can be traced back to the eight century during the reign of Gyelpo Khikhar Rhathor in Bumthang?, used by monasteries for woodblock and manuscript and also for writing prayer books, says Mr. Gonpola , the only Desho paper manufacturer in Bumdeling, Tashiyangtse. It is said that Mr. Tsheten Dorji from Yangtse, Who was Dzongsungpa (Care taker) then, was trained at Bumthang. It is he who actually brought the idea of making Deysho paper to Tashiyangtse. Mr. Tsheten Dorji had trained Mr. Gonpola and a few other friends at Rigsum Gonpa in and around 1971. Daphne bholua is a deciduous and evergreen shrubs in the family Thymelaeaceae, native to Asia, Europe and North Africa. It grows at an altitude of 1700-3500m in the Himalayas and neighboring mountain ranges. It is found in pastures and grassy glades and reaches a height of about 2.5m, however some specimens reach 4m. Daphne bholua has leathery leaves and pink- white flowers with strong fragrance. In Bhutan it is used for making hand-made paper ‘deysho’. Another species of Daphne ‘Edgeworthia gardneri’ (Deykhar) is also used for making desho paper in some part of Bhutan. It is found commonly in southern part of the country. However in Bumdeling, Daphne bholua ‘Deynag’ is widely used for making Deysho paper. Daphne ‘Deynag’ can be abundantly found in places like Tarphel, Cheng, Longkhar, Sanyne, Ngalingmang, Phanteng.
Bhutan -
Kui-tha: Himalayan Nettle Fabric
The different species of nettle grow at different altitudes between 1200 and 3000 meters. The tradition of weaving cloth from nettle yarn, which was practiced for decades by the women of Ney village in Gangzur Gewog (block) in Lhuentse Dzongkhag (district), had once disappeared from the village. According to them, it has been more than 40 years since they saw their grandparents weaving cloth from the nettle plant. People used to make thak-pa (rope), khor-ga (bag), shing-ka (old women's clothes), pha-tsa (sacks), bra-gar (old men's clothes), etc. Nettle fabrics are still used for traditional bowstrings in different parts of the country. Nettle plants are readily available in villages, but a series of processes are required to turn them into a fine yarn. It is said that making yarn from nettle plants lost popularity after cotton became readily available. This is also because it is available as a finished product, which reduces the workload. An elderly resident from Ney, Tenzin Wangmo, tells how they use nettle fiber for weaving. She tells that they used to use a different process. First, a hole was dug in which the nettle bark and the hardwoods needed were placed to heat the stone. Then ash mixed with water was applied to the nettle bark and it was placed in the previously dug hole. The bark coated with ash and the hot stone were alternately placed in the hole and covered with thick ash to prevent the fibers from being destroyed by combustion, and kept for 2 to 3 nights. The last process was washing the fibers in a draining river by continuous beating until they were white.
Bhutan -
Haapi Hoen-tey (Dumpling)
Hoen-tey is a special Haa Valley dish that is usually prepared during Lomba celebrations, the indigenous New Year, which are held on the 29th day of the 10th lunar month. Normally, the ingredients for Hoen-tey are prepared and cooked on the evening of the 28th day. When Hoen-tey needs to be made in large quantities, it is prepared either on the 26th, 27th or 28th day, and then on the 29th day it is cooked. Long ago, Hoen-tey was only made during Lomba celebration. Nowadays it is prepared all year round. To prepare Hoen-tey, you need the following basic ingredients. -\tBuckwheat flour -\tBunches of beet leaves -\tTurnips -\tLocal butter -\tFermented local cheese -\tGinger -\tClove of garlic -\tWild black pepper -\tChili powder -\tWalnut (optional) -\tA few stalks of green onion -\tSalt to taste
Bhutan