ALL
traditional musical instruments
ICH Elements 45
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Traditional music (kuu) - melodies
Folk tuned melodies (kuu) of different sizes are classical musical heritage of the Kyrgyz, which are performed on national musical instruments. Each of them is exceptional and unique in its own way. The main musical instrument used in solo performance of kuu is a three-stringed plucked instrument – komuz. Well-known folk tuned melodies as Kambarkan, Botoi, Kerbez, Tolgoo and Kairyk have become the basis for emergence of separate genres of kuu and have had their own impact on development of the Kyrgyz instrumental music as a whole. Performance of each kuu is distinguished by the diversity of methods of artistic expressiveness and playing technique. Kuu are divided into program and non- program musical pieces. The bases of program folk tunes are folk life, epical, and historical plots, historical geneses of which are presented before each kuu performance. Non-program kuu reflect certain life circumstances and have their own titles. They reflect deep human experiences about the meaning of life, images of the human. In general, kuu have laid the foundations for development of the Kyrgyz instrumental music. The Kyrgyz instrumental music performed by folklore groups is very popular now. No cultural event is organized without it today, whether it is a festive or a national event. Depending on the complexity of compositions, sounds of typical musical instruments of the Kyrgyz such as komuz, kyl kiyak, temir komuz, chopo-choor, dobulbas and sybyzgy are present in the instrumental music. National musical instruments of the Kyrgyz can be functionally divided into instruments bearing artistic and esthetic function, instruments bearing application purpose, and the ritual ones that combine the first two features. Along with concert and orchestral practice, some instruments of applied and ritual character continue to be used in ceremonial songs up today.
Kyrgyzstan -
Bibaha/Vivah: Marriage custom in southern Bhutan
Bibaha/Vivah has been in practice for hundreds of years with its first documentation in one of the Hindu epics. As per the epic, the first official marriage was celebrated between Lord Ram and Sita (Hindhu gods). It was also practiced by RISHIS, the great saints who existed in the Ganges valley civilization, before it reached down to the common people. This practice came down in line through religious texts and personals, in the eight different types mentioned above. The Bibaha/Vivah system then spread into other parts of the world with migrating people.
Bhutan -
Traditional knowledge in making musical instruments
There are many musical instruments in Kyrgyzstan. The most iconic is the komuz, a three-stringed instrument resembling a small guitar. The body of the komuz is made of a whole piece of apricot or juniper wood, and sometimes of walnut or redwood. The tool head of the instrument has three wooden hitch-pins to which ends of strings are attached. The other ends of strings go to a bridge located on the table (deque) right in front of the tone-hole. Mutton guts were used as strings until recent times. The length of komuz is no longer than 85- 90 sm. Alternatives of the tuning of komuz is one its unique features, which are, in their turn, linked with a chosen type of musical composition. It is played by hands. Kyl-kiyak (or kiyak) is a stringed instrument with a bow. It is made of the same woods as the komuz. The instrument has two strings. It is a ladle-shaped instrument with an open upper half; its lower part is covered with camel leather. The length of kiyak is no longer than 70 sm. Untwisted horsehair is used for strings and bow. The fiddle for the bow is made of a specific plant, meadowsweet. Temir komuz is a mouth plucking instrument made of the metal only (temir - metallic). It is U-shaped and 6-7 centimeters long. Materials used to make it are brass, bronze or copper. The metal reed is fixed in the middle of a “plug” of the instrument, which is held by fingers of the right hand. When played, temir komuz is held near the mouth, which is a natural resonator. The whole performing apparatus, including lips, voice box, hands, and even lungs of the musician, is used in each tone. Chopo-choor (clay chor) is an ancient wind instrument. At present, it is spread in a ceramic form and has a regular oblong shape of 20 centimeters in length and 8 centimeters in width. Performer holds it with lips and fingers holes that are arranged along the length of the instrument. Dobulbash is a national percussion instrument, representing one-sided drum, which is covered by the leather. Height of its corpus, which is cut out of a juniper, is no longer than 60 centimeters; diameter of the membrane, which is covered by camel’s leather, is 25-30 centimeters. Notes from the drum are elicited by the tail point of the Kyrgyz whip (kamchy) or palms. The instrument sounds loudly, resonantly, and lastingly.
Kyrgyzstan -
Traditional skills of crafting and playing Dotār
The element is recognized as one of the main elements of cultural and social identity for the regions in which it is crafted and played. The bearers and practitioners are mostly farmers including men as crafters and players and women as players, and recently a number of them are young researchers of both genders. Its traditional knowledge of crafting and playing is informally transmitted through generations by the master-student method. This element is seen in local, oral and written literature (including local poems, proverbs, chants and lullabies) which constitute a part of nature, history, and background of the bearers. As this element is shared by a number of communities, groups and individuals, it brings mutual respect and understanding amongst the communities concerned. Dotār is a folkloric plucked-string musical instrument that has been played in social and cultural events/spaces such as weddings, parties, celebrations, ritual ceremonies etc. Dotār has a bowl which is pear-shaped and made of dried wood of dead mulberry tree and its neck is made of apricot or walnut wood. It has two strings traditionally made of silk which been replaced with metal wires nowadays. Some believe that one string is male and functions as accord and the other is female which plays the main melody. The crafters also repect nature as they use dead and dried wood for making Dotār. It is not in opposition toward the national and international instruments like Universal Human Rights Declaration, sustainable development , etc.
Iran 2019 -
Dondang Sayang
Dondang Sayang is a Malay traditional music and song that is well-known in the State of Malacca and still practised by four communities such as the Malay, Baba Nyonya, Chitty and Portuguese. “Dondang” means ‘to entertain the heart’ which is the same meaning as ‘Dendang’, while “Sayang” means ‘affection’. The combination of the words “Dondang Sayang” means ‘Love Song’ or ‘Song of Affection’. It cannot be ascertained of the establishment date of Dondang Sayang, but much earlier than the establishment of the Malacca Malay Sultanate in the 15th century. Earlier on, Dondang Sayang was only sung without its music arrangement and accompanied by percussion instruments like drums. The arrival of the Portuguese and conquered Malacca in the 16th century was the beginning of the usage of violin for this arts form. The usual instruments used are the rebana or hand-held drum, gong, accordion as well as the violin that has become very important for the song’s melody. The number of musicians is between four to five people. The violin’s rhythm is regarded as the opening and main accompaniment to the singing, while the rebana’s beat alternating with the gong’s complement the song. Dondang Sayang repertoires are usually sung in rhythms such as Asli, Inang, Joget and Mambo. The lyrics are of quatrain verses sung by the singer in one’s own style depending on one’s respective capability and expertise. Among the singing style is ‘hanging’ the song by shortening the word pronunciation in a quatrain or lengthening the pronunciation of the third or fourth words in the quatrain’s first line, as well as dragging the singing of the meaning in the quatrain.The quatrains are of the linked type or binded or thematic with themes of affection, deed or comedy. Based on tradition, Dondang Sayang performances are accompanied by music and sung by two singers of the opposite sex, who sing in quatrains. Typically, Dondang Sayang singers are individuals who are highly competent and skilled in poetry recitation. Dondang Sayang performances are open to all, irrespective of age, occupation, status or religion, and the art is considered as a means of conveying positive messages and sharing feelings of love, joy and sorrow that strengthen community bonding. There are four (4) types of dondang sayang such as dondang sayang Melaka, dondang sayang Baba Peranakan, dondang sayang Tanjung Penyengat and dondang sayang Pulau Pinang. The difference between them is not on the basis and form of a song or musical instrument but in the way of singing. Now Dondang Sayang is made as one of the main performances in government official functions to ensure the continuity of this arts heritage that has become a signature and iconic of Malacca’s cultural arts. Dondang Sayang has received UNESCO’s recognition as a Representative List of The Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity on 29th November 2018, during the 13th Meeting of Intergovernmental Committee for The Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (IGC-ICH) at the Swami Vivekananda International Convention Center, Port Louis, Mauritius Republic.
Malaysia 2018 -
Nga-zo: Buddhist Drum Making
Shagzo or the traditional art of woodturning is an ancient art that has been passed down for generations. Shagzo is vibrantly practised in Bhutan and the master artisans are known as Shagzopa. Bhutan’s abundant and wide range of woods like tashing (Juglans regia), hashing (Taxus baccata), baashing (Picea spinulosa), tsenden shing (Cupressus corneyana), sermaling shing (Acer camphellii) and etometo (Rhododendron arboretum) have enabled the Bhutanese Shagzopa to create a variety of exquisite functional and decorative products like turned wooden bowls, cups, plates, and containers of various shapes, sizes and colours unique to Bhutan. Skilled wood turners also craft traditional hand drums that are beaten during religious ceremonies. Since Bhutanese tradition is deeply rooted in the teachings of the Buddha, use of drums and drum sticks are a part of the rituals performed everywhere. Used in all religious ceremonies and rituals, the Bhutanese traditional drum known as Nga, and the Nge-tog (drumstick) are indispensable articles found in every temple, monastery and home. An ancient instrument of musical offering, the beatings of the Nga symbolizes the subjugation of evil, indicates the fluctuation of tunes and wordings, and regulates the pace of other instruments during rituals and propitiation ceremonies.
Bhutan -
Semah, Alevi-Bektaşi ritual
Semah; originated from the Arabic word sema meaning heavens, fortune and hearing. Semahs are the most effective instruments for the transmission of Alevi-Bektaşi tradition. Semah is one of the main twelve services of the cem rituals which are considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents. It is possible to encounter various kinds of semahs across Turkey with different musical characteristics and rhythmic structures. The fact that there are variations in melodic and lyrical structure of semahs with the same name is an evident sign of the richness in semah culture. Centuries of oral transmission of semahs from generations to generations has enabled a rich diversity among semah culture. One of the main principles on which semahs are conceptualized is the unity with God which happens through a natural cycle. In this cycle man comes from God and goes back to God which resembles the circulation of the celestial bodies in the universe. However, man is the locus of this circulation. God is omnipresent and semah is the way to reach God. Hand and body motions in semahs have symbolical meanings. For instance, the motion in which one palm faces the sky while the other faces the earth is meant to say “You are God, we are the people, I come from You and hold your essence in me, I am not separated from You”. The motion in which palms first face the sky and then turned to the earth is meant to represent the same thought. When semahçıs (semah dancers) face each other just like in Tahtacı Semah it means that God is present in man and people facing each other will witness the divine beauty of God in man’s visage. The motion in which semahçı (semah dancers) turns the palm of his hand to his face represents man seeing his own beauty in the mirror and therefore he also witnesses the divine beauty of God. When both palms facing the sky are pulled towards the heart it is meant “God I am Man, so God is in me” or “God is in Man”. Semahs are categorized into two groups: 1- İçeri (private) semahs / Order semahs 2- Dışarı (public) semahs / Avare semahs İçeri Semahs (Order semahs): They are performed in Cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents) where 12 services are carried out. It is not desirable to perform içeri semahs in front of those without the faith. They are performed in three phases: - Ağırlama: The prologue with slow movements. - Yürütme: The phase when the semahs gets faster and livelier. - Yeldirme: The last phase when the semah is the fastest and hardest to perform. While this three-phase composition of semahs is very prevalent it is possible to see other kinds of performances as well. In some semahs it is very difficult to distinguish these phases from each other. Dışarı Semahs (Avare semahs, Yoz Semah or Mengis): They are performed independent of 12 services for the purposes of teaching the semah culture to younger generations or simply entertaining. Nevertheless, they are still loyal to semah principles. Dışarı semahs are mostly comprised of two phases; ağırlama and yürütme or ağırlama and yeldirme. Although semah performances vary according to regions, the main characteristics are common: - Semahs are performed by both women and men, - While semahçıs (semah dancers) in içeri semahs are limited in number there is no such restriction for dışarı semahs. - Semahçıs (semah dancers) start the semahs saluting and inviting each other. - While performing semah, semahçıs (semah dancers) are in a circular order or facing each other, without touching or holding. - Bağlama is usually the accompanying instrument to semahs but there are some regions where other rhythm instruments are also played during semahs. - While there is no specific attire to be worn in semahs it is not uncommon to wear traditional clothes in rural cems (considered as religious practices by Alevi-Bektaşi adherents). - When concluding semahs, dedes (spiritual leaders) usually say a prayer. - Transmission of semah occurs through the performance of the tradition. The basic characteristics and universal values reflecting the understanding of tradition bearers of Semah are as follows: -According to followers of Alevi-Bektaşi belief, every human being has a divine essence and they see man in unity with God called as the belief of “En-el Hak” which means “I’m God”. Thus, during the worship they prostrate towards one another. - Seeing man in unity with God, they internalize a humanist philosophy - According to Alevi-Bektaşi belief, sharing is of great importance in social life. “Musahiplik” (a kind of fellowship as regards to Alevi-Bektaşi belief) in which each individual chooses one another as a spiritual brother or sister committing to care for spiritual, emotional, physical and financial needs of each other, for the purpose of creating a type of communion intimately tied. - Alevi-Bektaşi believers object gender discrimination, therefore they pray side by side. - Alevi-Bektaşi followers consider offending human being as equal to offending God; hence, through establishing a kind of judging mechanism called “düşkünlük”, they use a sanction power over the members to prevent them from committing misdeeds. If one commits any of those, s/he is declared as “düşkün” (shunned) and temporarily or permanently excommunicated from the community or society. - The practices, traditional motifs and teachings are orally transmitted rather than written sources and distinct genres of art and literature particular to the tradition, thereby, have been created. - They practice their authentic worship and cultural transmission through expressions like lyrics, music and Semahs.
Turkey 2010 -
Traditional Sohbet meetings
Seemingly regarded as a leisure time activity today, “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” tradition with its historical background and institutional structure has a crucial role in social life. In some regions of Turkey, since the tradition is at the risk of disappearing practiced solely among the elderly, though it is preserved in some other parts of Turkey in accordance with the changing conditions of life. As seen in Çankırı case, the element has a significant role within the local culture, therefore Çankırı is defined as “Land of Yâran” by the residents of Çankırı. Although “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” meetings have different names in different regions of Turkey, they all have the same function. In a discipline of teach and delight, the primary aim is to have conversations and talks in leisure times. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” talks, through the concepts of love, fellowship, brotherhood and respect for each other, ensure safeguarding and conservation of traditions as well as creating a sense of neighborhood. The participants admitted to “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” communities vary from region to region. While in some regions only single men are admitted to the community, in some other regions, participants of the community are from different age groups and professions. For example, the groups in Manisa-Soma and Balıkesir-Dursunbey are classified as the youth, the middle aged and the elderly. Hence, in Soma, the meeting place of the young men is named as “Delikanlı Odası”, as “Köşe Odası” for the middle aged and “Koca Oda” for the aged. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” are characterized as patriarchal meetings; however the mothers and wives encourage those male members who take the advantage of those meetings in respect to its social and cultural benefits. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” communities gather at regular periods particularly in winter. For instance, “Sıra Gezmeleri” in Şanlıurfa, is held once a week preferably in Saturday evenings. The beginning and ending month as well as the time schedule concerning the dates and hours of the meeting are decided jointly. Non-participation except for the excuses such as death, illness etc. is subjected to penalty and the non- participant members not obeying the rules of procedures are also fined. The penalization practiced today has mainly turned into punishing with a fine. The total sum is allocated for organizing the following meetings, for the people in need as well as building fountains and roads. These communities usually compose of 5-30 persons and those members are guided by 3-5 community leaders, whose names vary from region to region. The community leaders are appointed via election or through proposals made by the elderly who are highly respected and designated by the consensus of all Yârans. The duty of community leader is to arrange in-group relations and to control the flow of the meetings. In this context, he has sanction power and the members are expected to obey the decisions made by the community leader. The titles of the community leaders can be summarized as follows: “Bayraktar” in Soma, Manisa; “Büyük Baranabaşı, Küçük Baranabaşı, Sohbet Çavuşu” in Balıkesir; “Büyük Yâranbaşı, Küçük Yâranbaşı, Köşe İhtiyarı” in Kütahya; “Delikanlıbaşı” in Ankara; “Efe, Saki” in Kırşehir; “Yiğitbaşı, Gönüller Ağası, Bayraktar” in Niğde; “Efrad” in Isparta, and “Büyük Başağa, Küçük Başağa, Çavuş” in Çankırı and ""Başkan"" in Şanlıurfa. Admission to Traditional Sohbet Meetings is of high dignity; nevertheless dismissal from the community is concerned as indignity. Certain procedures, which differ in each locality, are followed for the admission to or dismissal from or becoming a regular member or quitting the membership of the community. Being honest and modest, keeping secrets, not gambling, not wandering drunken around are accepted as the basic virtues and common rules in every locality. The members of the community have equal rights and commitments. There is no difference in social status among the members. The members of the community are taught and controlled by the leaders and by the other elder members in their daily lives. They also take the advantages of being a member of the community in physical and emotional support, if needed. The characteristics aforementioned contribute greatly to the members, the locality and to the society as well. The meetings are open to guests. The members sometimes bring their children along with them, which ensure the transmission of the tradition to future generations. Learns laying the table by her mother Learns joining in Sohbet by his father Traditional Sohbet Meetings are indoor activities. Those places can be the houses of the community members, be commonly-shared places called “köy odaları”, which has traditional features in Turkey, or rented places called “oda” for which expenses are shared as in Şanlıurfa case. Today, the meetings are held in the places allocated by local authorities. Interior design and setting differ in some regions yet generally sofa and floor cushion is used at the meetings. Traditional Sohbet Meetings consist of many elements but the main element is ""Talk"". This ""Talk"" has a wide range of topics, anything relevant to social life. Other elements of these meetings are folk music, folk dances, indoor plays, village spectacle plays and dining. There is not a certain order for practicing the elements; nonetheless, in each meeting there can be a specifically drawn order. List of dishes can show differences from region to region; nevertheless, not creating a difference in social status as well as not being costly for the host is carefully taken into consideration when preparing the dishes. For instance, the dish list is composed of çiğ köfte, deserts (künefe, şıllık, etc.) and strong coffee, known as mırra, in Şanlıurfa. In Çankırı, soup, güveç (casserole), rice and baklava are main dishes served in Yâran meetings. One of the most important elements of this tradition is music. Şanlıurfa Sıra Gecesi and Elazığ Kürsübaşı meetings, in a master-apprentice discipline, function as a conservatory for the traditionally trained performers. The musical performance begins with the pieces in rast and divan maqams; continues by other maqams if requested; and finalizes by kürdi and rast maqams. The instruments used in these meetings vary from region to region, but the main instruments are the bağlama, cümbüş (mandolin with a metal body), def (tambourine), violin, ud, kanun (zither) and kaval (end-blown flute). The local tunes are performed by the master bearers. Listening to music is also as important as performing the music. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings”, including music, dining, plays and talks, last until the early morning. Therefore, Traditional Sohbet Meetings compose all elements of life and culture. Owing to changing living conditions and migration from rural to urban area, Traditional Sohbet Meetings tradition is transmitted by its bearers to other cities.
Turkey 2010 -
Gesar epic tradition
The Gesar epic recounts the sacred deeds of the hero King Gesar, while unfolding a broad spectrum of oral genres, embedded hundreds of myth, legend, folktale, ballad, and proverb in narrative framework of “beads on a string,” namely “Gesar Epic Cycle,” demonstrating the sheer monumentality and vitality of verbal arts. So far we found the earliest manuscript is The Battle Between Vjang Regality and Gling Regality, which dated to the 14th century, while the earliest Mongolian woodblock version titled “Geser Khan, Guardian Lord of the Ten Directions,” was published in Beijing in 1716. As of today, there are over 120 different oral cantos on record. Not counting the texts in prose, the portions in verse alone are total over one million lines excluding different variations, indicating that the living oral epic continues to expand. As the creators and inheritors of the heroic song, the Tibetan singers and storytellers are traditionally classified in several ways by how they learn and master the epic. In oral performances, they invoke a flexible genre of bcad-lhug-spel-ma, namely ‘prosimetrum,’ by melding concisely worded prose with lyrical verse and over 80 melodies of music in responding to different contexts. They often use a variety of skills that include gestures, facial expressions, postures, and verbal sound effects to enhance the singing artistry. Among their meaningful props, the hat, bronze mirror, and costume are shaped in special ways to symbolize the traditional cosmology and aesthetics. In Mongolian tradition however, the epic singing is handed down professionally from master to apprentice. Performances usually feature musical accompaniment by stringed instruments called the “horse head fiddle” (morin khuur) and the “four stringed spiked fiddle” (hugur). The two major singing styles, “improvised melodic singing” (holboga) and “musical storytelling” (bensen ulger), are combined with oral narratives, which highlight vocal singing with deep, broad, and melodious sounds skilfully utilized as needed. Gesar epic performances play important roles in rites of passage, festival ceremonies and religious rituals in communities concerned. For instance, when a child is born, passages about King Gesar’s descending to the world are sung. The epic also reflects Tibet’s native Bon religion, in respect to beliefs, rituals, theology, divination, and so on. Moreover, the epic singing itself usually accompanies with specific ritualized practices, for example, smoke offering, meditation devoting, and spirit possessed. Hence, the epic is not only the dominant means for communicating with the hero, gods, ancestors, and members of society, but also the major entertainment in rural communities. The epic performers have acted as traditional educators who enable people understanding genealogy and history, astronomy and geography, zoology and botany, arts and crafts, medicine and treatment through their storytelling. Concrete narratives focusing on origins of nature and universe are incorporated in numerous episodes called Ode, such as Ode to Mountain, Ode to Sword, etc., revealing that the epic itself a continuum of experiential knowledge in response to their environment, their interaction with nature, universe, and history. As a Tibetan proverb goes, “On every person’s lips there is a canto of King Gesar.” It has been a constant inspiration for other art forms, including traditional forms such as Thangka painting, Tibetan opera, and Cham masked dance, as well as contemporary arts, which provides peoples and young generations a sense of cultural identity and historical continuity, while reflecting credit on the common cultural legacy, shared by generations, serves as a really all-embracing encyclopedia for the general public.
China 2009 -
Art of making traditional Kazakh dombra
Dombra is a traditional Kazakh musical instrument and object of material culture. The origin оf the name 'dombra' is associated with the activities of the voodoos ('baqsy', 'qam') - the shamans. It is believed that the prototype of the current dombra originated 4000 years ago. The magic formula 'dem bura' translates as "tune the breath", "revive (turn off) the instruments embodies the principle of assimilation of a living creature. In the process of evolution has acquired a stable dombra aesthetic function, form and substantive nature. Dombra consists of two strings (sometimes three and four string) is pear-shaped with a thin elongated neck and head with two pins. The tool is designed to accompany the singing and play kuys. Masters use two methods of manufacturing dombra: traditional and modern.
Kazakhstan -
Mongolian traditional practices of worshipping the sacred sites
Worshipping practices of sacred sites in Mongolia have been developed in specific cultural space of nomadic lifestyle in the vast grassland steppe of Central Asia. One of the main characteristics of nomadic culture is its close relationship and harmony with nature and environment. These practices, according to ancient shamanism, are based on belief in the existence of invisible deities of sky, earth, mountains, and all natural surroundings. Furthermore, Mongolians believe that these deities exist on the top of the mountain or any hill between sky and earth and choose these places as sacred sites for the worshipping for and offerings to these deities. They pile up Ovoos (stone mound) in these places and perform worshipping rituals and ceremonies. All participants at the worshipping rituals ask a deity to bring a timely rain, to protect humans and livestock from natural disasters, and to bestow prosperity and blessings on the participants and local people of given areas. In early times, sacred sites were worshipped with shamanic rituals and these wonderful traditions were later enriched with Buddhist teachings and rites. In a sense of respect and symbol and in geographical importance, sacred mountains, hills or the head of rivers in general have become as a cradle (centre) of the natural and cultural areas concerned and create a specific socio-cultural space and a unique cultural heritage landscape. These sacred sites are the symbol of cultural identity and spiritual cohesion of local people concerned and a sacred site for performing worshipping rituals and organizing important social events and ceremonies of given communities. Researchers regard the worshipping practices of sacred sites as multi-functional and multi-content cultural heritage element. The worshipping rituals in Mongolia have originally been conducted by the kin group and later by the local and indigenous people of a specific areas and further by specific representatives of State authorities and interested people at national level. The procedures and ritual order of worship ceremony are usually similar but some differences can be observed in regards to local customs and traditions. In different places, the people who lead worship ceremony are variously called as the owner of Ovoo or head of Ovoo. Those experienced people should be native and respectful people. In rare occasions, if a ritual is conducted in the way of shamanic tradition, a shaman leads this ritual ceremony. If it is a Buddhist ritual, a monk leads a worship ceremony. The key organizer consults with respectful elders, the head of the Buddhist monastery or shaman about the time for conducting ceremony. Timing is determined in accordance with traditional astrology. Once the time is set up, the day of worship is publicly announced. A worship ceremony is often conducted during the summer and/or autumn of the year. In the early morning before sunrise, all participants, in their best dresses, carrying offering food and items, start to head towards the Ovoo together with their young children. Bringing young children to the worship ceremony allows the youngsters to learn the customs and traditions of the community. Before starting the worship ceremony, varied coloured ceremonial scarves are tied to the main wood that is placed in an Ovoo and a hand-made figure of the deity is placed on white cotton in front of the Ovoo. Offering food and items are also placed in front of the Ovoo. Honourable guests, usually elders, sit in the north west direction of the Ovoo. If the State worship ceremony is performed, a state official opens the ceremony by reading an official decree issued for particular worship ceremony. Buddhist monks sit in the north east direction of the Ovoo. There should be more than three monks. Monks should possess knowledge of how to recite (sutra) offering texts with the use of various musical instruments. Sometimes the elders recite offering texts. Offerings including dairy products or cooked meats are placed in the east of the Ovoo. Various aromatic substances such as juniper’s needle, wormwood and wild thyme are burned as a sanctification of the sacred site. The procedure of the ritual ceremony starts with invoking deities and nymphs to come to the offering site then followed by presenting various offerings to them. After making offerings, participants of the ceremony make requests to deities and nymphs to grant richness in livestock and bestow success and prosperity on them. Monks chant sutras dedicated to this mountain and Ovoo. Meanwhile, an arrow called as bringer of auspiciousness is shot towards the sky and mark out any livestock animal as being consecrated to a divinity. Following the ceremony, a festival of horse racing, wrestling and archery competition as well as singing and dancing take place immediately. This tradition is highly considered as one of unique and humane intangible cultural heritage of Mongolia. - Locals participate at sacred site worship ceremony on a voluntarily basis. The local elders personally teach younger people how to attend and behave at the worship ceremony. A sacred site worship ceremony brings all community members together and builds a sense of community and solidarity. - The worshipping natural environment creates more awareness among the people about interdependence between human beings and the environment and creates more respect for the nature. This is one of the best environmental protection methods that has been preserved by the Mongols since ancient time. - The ritual procession is based on Mongolian folk beliefs, literature, poetry, song, dance, rituals, festive events and as well as handicrafts. Thus, the sacred site worship ceremony preserves those ICH elements through time. In sum, it is clear that worshipping practices of sacred sites have immeasurable value both in transmission of ICH and as a source of public education, identity and pride. At the practical level, these practices play an important role in maintaining ecological balance and the preservation and protection of biological and cultural diversity. This heritage significantly contributes to the protection of our natural environment and wildlife as sacred and pristine.
Mongolia 2017 -
Chakkirako
The community transmitting Chakkirako is located at the tip of the peninsular and developed as a town of a fishery harbour as well as a military port since the twelfth century. It is also a harbour from a storm for civil ships of other areas. The repertoires transmitted to-day are six, as generally called Chakkirako. Some of them were popular dances in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries, and others were created in the early seventeenth century. Mariners visiting the harbour demonstrated dances of other local communities, and the people of this community transformed them with their ideas into the dance to mainly celebrate a happy new year. The dance of Chakkirako is performed on January 15th every year at the shrine, indoors or before the houses of the community in order to celebrate a happy new year and pray for a bountiful catch of fish, an abundant harvest and prosperity of each family. In Chakkirako sing five to ten women at the age from 40s to 70s while dance ten to twenty girls at the age from 5 to 12 to the songs. Some lyrics of the songs derive from popular ones of the twelfth to the fourteenth century, and others from traditional ones of the early seventeenth century. The girls are well dressed up with colourful kimono, which are worn on the New Year’s Day or other special celebration days. The girls dance face to face in two lines in the four repertoires out of six. They dance in a circle in another repertoire, and dance face to face or in a circle in the remaining one. They dance with one or two folding fans in their hands in the five repertoires. In one of the face-to-face dances they dance with a thin bamboo of twenty-five centimetre length in each hand, making light sounds by clapping these two bamboos. This performing art was named Chakkirako after the sound of this clapping; it sounds to the people chakkirako, and became popular in the mid-twentieth century. No musical instruments are used in Chakkirako except for these bamboos. Chakkirako is regarded as one of local distinctive cultures transmitted for a long time as a celebration of a happy new year or as an entertainment by the local people. Chakkirako derives from dances and songs performed in other local communities of Japan. Designated as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property in 1976 by the National Government, it is currently recognized as such an element of important cultural heritage as widely indicates the transition of Japanese life style. Found in Chakkirako are some essence of songs and dances popular in the twelfth to fourteenth centuries or in the early seventeenth century. It became girls’ dance by the mid-eighteenth century at latest. Chakkirako has been performed as dances to celebrate a happy new year. Because it is colourful and brilliant dances by girls, it has been also performed at the celebration of a new construction of houses or a bountiful catch of fish. Chakkirako is one of entertainments to the people of the community accompanied with celebration. Only in the early twentieth century its aspect of praying to a deity was emphasized while dancing. Girls wore a shrine-style kimono at that time. Back to the basics later, they resumed to wear a colourful kimono to-day. Until the late twentieth century, Chakkirako was performed by the limited people of the small community. Then, people in the surrounding communities have also participated in its transmission and open performance. Today, Chakkirako is certainly performed to the public on January 15th every year. Therefore, the performers concentrate on practices and rehearsals from one week before the day. Elderly women instructed girls, and thus it is transmitted from generations to generations. The transmitters’, or practitioners’, groups of the performance and the people living in those communities are proud of it before other communities’ groups or societies, and they consider it to be one of their own distinctive cultures. The transmission and the performance of Chakkirako before the public would reconfirm the identity of the transmitting groups and communities, and thus contribute to the continuity of those groups and communities. Chakkirako is a folk performing art transmitted by ordinary local people for a long time and still performed to-day. Its music and dances retain old performing arts which were once popular in local communities. Through this performance can been found the Japanese sentiment on performing arts which was gradually formed up for a long time. The background of the transmission and the performance of Chakkirako indicate the interaction between a local community and performing arts. As mentioned above, Chakkirako has a significant meaning in today’s Japanese society and culture. The transmitters as well as practitioners of the performance are eager to transmit what they have inherited to the future generation.
Japan 2009