Then a ritual practice indispensable in Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups' spiritual life, reflects concepts about human beings, natural world and the universe (the Earth realm, the 3-layer Heaven realm). Then ceremonies describe a journey in which Then Master (Male/Female) controls ghost soldiers travelling from the Earth realm to the Heaven realm, the residing place of the gods, to offer worshipping items and show their praying requests for peace, bad luck relief, illness treatment, good crops, new house inauguration, initiation/title-conferring ritual (cấp sắc), blessings and happy new year. Then Masters start the journey by singing and plucking the tính lute (two or three-string lute). Depending on worshipping purposes, Then Masters will arrange worshipping trays to pray different native Gods, among whom Ngoc Hoang is the highest God. Then Masters often use a summoning tablet, a seal, a demon-expelling sword, a yin and yang rod, a bell, a fan and items such as pork, chicken, wine, rice, fruits and votive papers to perform Then ceremonies in the believer’s house, outdoor or at Then altar of the Master’s house. While practising, Then Master wears ceremonial dress, sings the language of his ethnic group and plays the tính lute, shakes the chùm xóc nhạc (rattle-bells), waves a fan. In some ceremonies, a female dancing group will accompany. Then rituals performances express Tày, Nùng and Thái’s cultural identities, from customs to musical instruments, dance and music. Then is always transmitted orally while its rituals are being conducted, reflecting the succession between generations.

Viet Nam 2019

The Bamboo Cord Tugging Rituals and Games are one of three important rituals of the Vua Bà Temple festival, which takes place on January 4. The bamboo used to make the mine is carefully selected and is 7-8m long. After cutting bamboo, you must report it to the Holy Lady and ask permission to make scissors. The mine is made from two Bánh tẻ bamboo trees, long internodes, no decay, no truncated ends, about 8m long, the bamboo segments are calculated to enter the letters Prosperous or Peace according to the cycle of Prosperous - Decline - Stuck - Peace, must count the 9th segment and 3 more segments to bend the beak back. Two long bamboo trees are connected by crushing a bamboo segment (burn number 10), then bending it into a beak and hooking it together. The lattice tied on the hook between two bamboo trees (3 lattices on each side) has great flexibility. There are 2 teams: the inside team (standing in the South) and the outside team (standing in the North). Each team has 5, 7, or 9 members depending on the year, shirtless and a captain, a technical instructor. After reporting to Thanh, the two teams stood at opposite ends of the mine. There are 3 lines: 1 center line and 2 win or lose lines, 50cm from one side to the other is a loss. The first round is called "clearing the crowd", the next two rounds are the winners and losers. The organizing committee does not declare victory or defeat, only announces the same prize, people can see and judge for themselves (if the inside team wins, they will get a rice crop; if the outside team wins, they will get a crop of white beans and a small amount of other things).

Viet Nam 2015

Ải Lao Dancing and Singing in Hội Xá village, Phúc Lợi ward, Long Biên district, Hà Nội city. The existence of Ải Lao troupe is closely linked to the Gióng festival in Phù Đổng village. According to folk legend, Thánh Gióng went to fight the enemy across the Thiên Đức river (Đuống river). He invited the buffalo herders and fishermen on the riverbank to go with him. After defeating the An invaders, Thánh Gióng ascended to heaven. Thánh Gióng's mother was sad because her son did not return. The king promised to reward anyone who could make her smile again, but no one could. When the buffalo herders of Hội Xá village came to dance and sing, she felt that it was in her mood and burst out laughing. From then on, the king ordered Phù Đổng village to invite the Ải Lao troupe to perform when organizing the Gióng festival. Ải Lao dance is an ancient dance with two main movements: ceremonial dance and ritual dance. The lyrics are available poems, both expressing respect and creating a joyful atmosphere in a festival. Ải Lao singing and dancing has high artistic value, deeply expressing the community's identity.

Noken is a knotted net bag or woven bag made from wood fibre or leaves, sometimes coloured and decorated. Noken is a traditional handcraft of all communities of Papua and West Papua Provinces, Indonesia. The day-to-day function of large size noken is for carrying plantation produce, catch from the sea or lake, wood, babies, small animals, shopping, etc., and for hanging at home to store things. Small size noken is for carrying personal effects such as betel nut, food, books, etc. Noken may be used to cover the head or body. For nearly all (275/311) respondents, noken is an accessory to their traditional dress, and according to most (290/311) is used in traditional ceremonies or celebrations, such as marriage proposals, marriage ceremonies, initiation of children, appointment of community leaders, welcoming guests and for keeping sacred heirlooms.. Among mountain communities, noken had been given along with other presentations to make peace between disputing parties. Drs. H. Rahimin Katjong, Deputy Governor of West Papua, recalled wearing a small noken containing betel nut etc at the time of his appointment as a traditional community leader at Fak Fak, West Papua. Nearly all (276/311) respondents explained that noken is used by all age groups, and most (282/311) observed that noken is used by both sexes. As soon as babies learn to walk, their mothers give them a small noken containing food such as sweet potatoes, thus instilling the habit of carrying one’s own needs, which may also be used to help others, inside a noken which is always close at hand. Three quarters of respondents (235/311) said that noken is generally made by women-- ”the Mamas of Papua”--usually adults according to most respondents (250/311). Women thus play a special role in safeguarding noken culture. At Epouto village in Paniai District, we found male orchid-noken craftsmen. Asmat community men also make noken. Most craftspersons make noken in their spare time from agriculture, fishing, and household duties, though some make noken full time. Noken making goes on yearround, but will increase in times leading up to traditional festivals. The method of making noken varies between communities. A basic outline is as follows. Branches or stems or bark of certain small trees or shrubs are cut, sometimes heated over a fire, and soaked in water for some days. After soaking, only wood fibre remains. The Dani/Hugula in Wamena peel bark from sticks of certain trees and then beat the sticks till only fibres remain. The wood fibre is dried, and then spun with the palm of the hand on the thigh of the craftsperson to make a strong thread or string, which is sometimes coloured using natural dyes. This string is knotted by hand to make net bags with various patterns and sizes. The same technique is used to make vests, hats, belts, etc.. In Paniai District we find noken interwoven with special decoration made from fibres from yellow, brown and black. orchid stems. Besides knotting, there are communities which make noken by weaving tree bark, wood fibre, pandan leaf, young sago leaf, or grass from swamps. Some select grasses with contrasting colours (Inanwatan, Metemani, Kais and Kokoda (Imeko) communities). Maybrat community craftspersons colour the fibres with natural colours. The fibres, leaves or grass are woven in various attractive patterns with symbolic meanings. To make noken requires great manual skill, care, artistic sense and inner satisfaction. Craftspersons often make noken while singing traditional songs of Papua. To become proficient in making noken takes up to several months of informal training. A skilled noken craftsperson will be much appreciated within her (or his) community. The diversity of making, wearing and use of noken continues to develop and be recreated as the response of the people of Papua to nature and their environment.

Indonesia 2012

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Tidal flats, nicknamed "sea fields" in Korea, have long provided an important source of livelihoods for local people. The traditional practice of maintaining tidal flats as communal property has been transmitted to the present in the form of village cooperatives. Korean tidal flats are a treasure trove of diverse ocean resources and have held a disproportionate influence over the formation and development of the nation’s diet. \t The practice of harvesting shellfish and other invertebrate animals in coastal wetlands enjoys a long and steady history on the Korean Peninsula. The western and southern coastal areas have produced many large shell middens dating to the New Stone, Bronze, and Iron Ages all the way to the Goryeo Dynasty. Written records on tidal flat harvesting can be found in a book on seafood from the Joseon period—Jasan eobo by the Practical Learning scholar Jeong Yak-jeon (1758–1816). Tidal flat harvesting involves a number of performative rites, enriching Korean culture and traditions. The most well-known community tradition associated with it is the gaet je, a seasonal festival praying for a good harvest. In addition, there are separate community rituals for predicting the quantity of the catch or to celebrate a good harvest. Tidal flat harvesting has been designated as National Intangible Cultural Heritage for the following reasons: It possesses a time-honored history with many active transmission communities over an extensive area; This history is supported by written records from at least the Joseon period; The diverse skills and techniques manifested in tidal flat harvesting hold great potential for academic research; There are many unique rites and festivals associated with tidal flat harvesting; The practice shows great local diversity through, for example, the different tools applied; and It continues to serve as an important source of livelihoods in Korean communities. As tidal flat harvesting is being transmitted across the western and southern coastal areas in many villages, no particular individuals or organizations have been recognized as official holders of this element.

Inscribed in 2009 (4.COM) on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity Korea and the rest of East Asia, engaged in rice farming for several millennia, have formed a rice culture that can be compared to the wheat culture of Europe. Ganggangsullae is one of the most representative seasonal rituals of Korea’s rice farming culture, which permeates nearly every aspect of life among Koreans. Ganggangsullae gives hints about the origins of recreational music and dance emblematic of the Korean peninsula, as it used to be widely performed in the southwestern coastal region of the peninsula and is closely linked to inland circle dances accompanying music, including Notdari Bapgi (Walking Over a Human Bridge) and Wolwoli Cheongcheong (Moon, Moon, Radiant Moon). A combination of various recreational elements based on the basic form of holding hands to form a circle while singing and dancing, Ganggangsullae has been named as such since the refrain “ganggangsullae,” whose exact meaning is unknown, is repeated with every bar. It was originally performed by unmarried youngsters aged between 15 and 20, and sometimes allowing the participation of recently married youngsters. But, when it was designated as a state cultural heritage the community members, largely women in their 40s or 50s, rendered the performance. Since then, Ganggangsullae has been handed down by middle-aged female members of the community, displaying proficient skills, rather than the creative vividness and dynamics of youngsters when they perform it. Traditionally, Ganggangsullae was performed on Korea’s representative seasonal occasions, including Seol (the lunar New Year), Daeboreum (the first full moon day of the year), Dano (the fifth day of the fifth lunar month), Baekjung (the fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month), Chuseok (the fifteenth day of the eighth lunar month), and Junggu (the ninth day of the ninth lunar month), with the one on Chuseok being the largest. As such, Ganggangsullae has been developed into a performance most commonly conducted on Chuseok (Korea’s Thanksgiving). Under the bright full moon, dozens of young village women hold hands to form a circle and sing and dance. While the sun symbolizes men, and the moon, women, and women’s physical features are represented by a round shape, Ganggangsullae assumes the characteristics of the law of imitation, one of the laws of magic, reflecting primitive aesthetics. Because the dancing is strenuous, only young women are allowed to perform, but it is also their privilege as women of child-bearing age. Ganggangsullae is a ballad dance unique to Korea. The songs are poems written by ordinary people and a lead singer set the pace. Fellow performers follow the lead with the next lines in a song. Besides folklore and folk dance, folk music is also incorporated in the performance as traditional Korean music instruments such as a drum and an hour-glass shaped drum accompany the dance, adding to the entertainment. Ganggangsullae is so exciting and dynamic that participants often lose themselves and end up performing from the early evening when the moon rises until the moon sets. Depending on the tempo set by the lead singer, the music is categorized into gin (slow) Ganggangsullae, jung (middle) Ganggangsullae, and jajeun (quick) Ganggangsullae. The tempo of the dancers’ movement also varies according to the music. During interludes, games reflecting life in farm or fishing village are played. They include imitating the Korean terrapin (one person goes into the circle to dance and the next comes in and imitates her), gathering brackens, tying herrings, treading on roof tiles, rolling and unrolling straw mats, catching a mouse (picking the tail), playing gatekeepers, riding palanquins, and looking for a handkerchief. The archetype of Ganggangsullae is found from agricultural folk customs of Mahan, a Korean state that existed 2,000 years ago, according to ancient Chinese historical texts. In the history of man, it is not common to see an intangible cultural heritage handed down for such a long time. This long transmission of Ganggangsullae implies that expectations for the role of women both in the society and in the family have continued for such a long time as well. Traditional Korean society was male centered, and young women were not allowed to sing aloud or go out at night. On Chuseok, however, women could freely sing and enjoy outdoor amusements under the full moon, venting their long-suppressed emotions through Ganggangsullae. The festival guaranteed women a chance to break away from usual restrictions and enjoy the festive mood. Throughout its history, Ganggangsullae also had other functions. It is said that in 1592, Admiral Lee Sun-sin had women perform Ganggangsullae at night around a fire. The flickering shadows fooled the invading Japanese into overestimating the size of Lee’s forces, who ultimately prevailed. Also, listening carefully to the song verses, one can notice that there are many lines criticizing the society. In particular, the words written under the Japanese colonial rule reflect the Koreans’ resistance to the occupation forces. Ganggangsullae is rarely performed in today’s rural villages since most young women have left for cities. But thanks to its national designation as an Important Intangible Cultural Heritage and state-level cultural and educational policies, Ganggangsullae has spread outside its traditional base in the southwestern region of the Korean peninsula. Today, Ganggangsullae is part of the music curriculum of elementary schools and is performed at many secondary schools and universities as well as public festivals across the country. In recent years, research has been conducted regarding the application of Ganggangsullae in the field of art therapy. Ganggangsullae is expected to help those suffering from psychological problems such as depression. Also, new possibilities are being explored as an alternative therapy to help obese women lose their weight and as a means to enhance the well-being of lonely senior citizens.

South Korea 2009

Lượn Slương Singing, also known as Lượn Thươn, is a unique form of reciprocal singing of the Tày people. There are two types of Lượn Slương Singing: free singing (love singing) and festival singing (lồng tồng singing). Love singing for young men and women, singing in pairs. Lồng tồng singing is sung on occasions such as harvest festivals, new home celebrations, and weddings. Currently, 900 stanzas of the poem Lượn Slương Love Singing and 280 stanzas of Lượn Slương Lồng tồng Singing have been collected. In Lượn Slương, the best places to hang out are by the fire, on stilt houses, by the stream, next to the market, in the fields, and on the slash fields. There are often one to fifteen singing pairings on each Lượn Slương Singing tour. It is imperative for singing couples to guarantee that their genders, areas of residence (village, commune), and bloodlines are separate. In a duet, the local performer, assuming the character of Lord, will start the song; the visitor, Xiên Lý, participates later. When we haven't sung a verse together yet, we can only address each other as friends. In group singing sessions, there must be a pair of singers first, called a pair of Cốc Lượn. Before they may name each other Cựu, or close friends, this duo must sing the first nine Lượn forms. Only then can they join the Lượn singing session. After that, the remaining pairs get to Lượn. When singing, each stanza has 4 lines, the singer begins reciting the odd line with the word "ơ"; and even sentences with the word “nô”.

The Long Tong Festival (Going to the Fields Festival) of the Tay people in Dinh Hoa district, Thai Nguyen province is held in the early days of spring to pray for favorable weather, good crops, bountiful harvests, and a prosperous life. The festival is held in the largest and most beautiful fields. The Long Tong Festival includes a ceremony and a festival. The festival will feature many traditional rituals that have existed for a long time, such as: the Tay people's harvest praying ceremony, San Chay, Tich Dien ceremony; the Dao people's blessing praying ceremony, with traditional rituals imbued with the beliefs of the ethnic groups in Dinh Hoa district. During the ceremony, each family prepares a tray of offerings including chicken, pork, boiled eggs, Chung cake, sticky rice, various types of sticky rice cakes, Khao cakes, Lam tea... to offer to the gods. On each tray of offerings, there is a colorful flower-shaped cake and two pairs of cones made of fabric with many colorful tassels and seeds of all kinds. The offering trays of the village are carefully selected, must be larger, more numerous, more beautifully decorated than the offering trays of the families and must include a pig's head. The offering trays are arranged in a straight line, the master of ceremonies (usually a Taoist or Mo master), is called "Pú mo". "Pú mo" stands in front of the offering trays of the village to thank heaven and earth, the gods for blessing the villagers, at the same time the villagers light incense, pour wine. After the prayer of thanks, "Pú mo" continues to pray for rain, an assistant carries a basin of water standing next to it, many others hold palm leaves walking from the worship place to the end of the field. After praying, "Pú mo" sprinkles water around, implying that heaven is sending rain, the villagers gather around, everyone wants to catch those drops of water symbolizing luck. After sprinkling water, "Pú mo" takes seeds from the offering trays and sprinkles them around, the villagers mix those seeds with the seeds they choose to plant. Next, the men will plow the first furrows, while the women will show off their planting skills. After the ceremonies, the villagers will celebrate together, wishing each other good health, good luck, full barns of rice, full yards of pigs and chickens, etc. During the festival, there will be a Tich Dien ceremony, a planting competition, dry puppetry, folk games: throwing cones, lion dances, martial arts, tug of war, stilt walking, tug of war, stick pushing, singing and responding between men and women, etc. The Long Tong Festival (going to the fields) is one of the festivals held annually by the Tay ethnic group in Thai Nguyen, associated with agricultural beliefs, to express respect and gratitude to the gods of the forest, the gods of the mountains, the gods of the sky and the gods of the earth, and the wishes for a prosperous life imbued with the identity of the indigenous Tay people. Through this, the festival activities also contribute to promoting valuable landscapes and historical relics to boost local tourism development. This is a long-standing traditional festival of the Tay people in the Viet Bac region, recognized as a National Intangible Cultural Heritage by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism in 2017.

The music of the sound of paddy pestle is the second oldest arts performance in the state of Perlis. According to history, this arts form originated from Indo-Chinese travelers. To reach the Malay Peninsula they used boats that sail near the beaches, and they lived in the villages. They planted paddy and played the paddy pestles as entertainment during free time. This attracted the interest of the Malay paddy planters to learn it. This arts form is popular and originated from among the paddy planters. They use agricultural equipments to produce unique entertaining sounds. One of the equipments is the mortar and pestle used to pound paddy. The beating of the pestle on the mortar produces a beat nearly the same as that of the gamelan musical instrument. The mortar and pestle are usually made from hard wood. An ensemble of Alu Bunyi has 12 members. They are trained and expert in playing musical instruments. They beat the centre and side parts of the mortar using the pestle accompanied by the sound of clarinet, and this produces a harmonic rythmn. Alu Bunyi is usually performed during harvesting and harvest festivals. Other activities are also held during the festivals like making culinary dishes out of rice. According to some people’s belief, apart from as entertainment this festival is a form of appeasing the spirit of the paddy to go to the farmers’ village and stay in the paddy fields. It is also believed that the paddy spirit will obstruct paddy pests such rats and birds from destroying the farmers’ crop.

Chhau is a major dance tradition of eastern India. It enacts episodes from epics Mahabharata, Ramayana, Puranas, traditional folklore,local legends and abstract themes through the idiom of dance and a music ensembles that consists primarily of indigenous drums. It is seen in its distinct styles in Seraikella, Mayurbhanj and Purulia that are neighbouring areas of the states of Jharkhand, Orissa and West Bengal respectively. Chhau of Seraikella uses masks. Its technique and its repertoire was developed by the erstwhile nobility who were both performers and choreographers. Mayurbhanj Chhau is performed without masks and has a technique similar to Seraikella. The Chhau of Purulia retains the spontaneity of folk art. It is also performed with masks. The population is largely agricultural, though with urbanization and an increasing pressure on land, people have come to depend on other means of livelihood, mainly as unskilled labour in small towns. Predominantly Hindus, their religious beliefs, festivals and rituals have been influenced by the pre-existing tribal customs. The Chhau Dance in its traditional context is intimately connected to the festivals and rituals of this region. Important among these is the Chaitra Parva held in the month of April. The month of Chaitra in the Hindu calendar celebrates the advent of spring and the beginning of the harvesting season. Thirteen days of dance-like rituals of Jatra Ghat, Mangla Ghat, Kalika Ghat and Brindabani are dedicated to Shiva and Shakti as the source of all cosmic creation. These culminate in a vibrant festival of dance. Support of the erstwhile rulers made it an important event. In present times, the festival is supported by funding provided by the provincial government. Any paucity in funds is fulfilled by garnering support from local sponsors. All the arrangements for this festival are done by an organizing committee that is constituted by the people themselves and has representation from all sections of the society. Various communities, according to their occupations were responsible for different aspects of the dance. This division, though blurred with time is still to be seen in activities like instrumentmaking, music, mask and headgear-making. While royal patronage was extended to the Chhau of Seraikella and Mayurbhanj, the Chhau of Purulia was sustained and developed by the people themselves. This whole exercise promoted popular participation and fostered a sense of commitment to the art that is still palpable among the people of these regions. Chhau traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Important among these was the Paika tradition. Paikas were soldiers brought up by the native rulers of Orissa. The Parikhand khela (play of the sword and shield) in Seraikella Chhau and the ruk-mar-naach (meaning the dance of attack and defence) in Mayurbhanj Chhau clearly point to these martial moorings. The basic stances of Chowk and Dharan are common and have an inherent strong martial character. Some of the dancers that excelled in these techniques, for example the Parikhars in the Seraikella tradition were invited to perform at social/religious ceremonies. It is a people’s art as it involves the entire community. Performed by male dancers of families of traditional artists, or those trained under Gurus or Ustads (masters). It traces its origin to indigenous forms of dance and martial practices. Khel (mock combat techniques), chalis and topkas (stylized gaits of birds and animals) and uflis (movements modeled on the daily chores of a village housewife) constitute the fundamental vocabulary of Chhau dance. It is performed in an open space called akhada or asar and lasts through the night. The dancers perform a repertoire that explores a variety of subjects: local legends, folklore and episodes from the epics Ramayana/ Mahabharata and abstract themes. The vibrant music is characterized by the rhythm of indigenous drums like the dhol, dhumsa and kharka and the melody of the mohuri and shehnai. Rhythm is vital to the rendering of Chhau. Some of the rhythms of Chhau are from the repertory of drummers playing at births, deaths and other life-cycle ceremonies in households of this region. The composition of the rhythm is so structured that it is independently capable of expressing the emotive content of the dance.

India 2010

Ngu Doi Temple Festival, also known as Doi Temple, is located on the left bank of the Red River in Duy Binh village, Vinh Ninh commune, Vinh Tuong district, Vinh Phuc province. Ngu Doi Temple Festival is held on the full moon day of the first lunar month every year to commemorate Saint Tan Vien, the hero who contributed to the land clearing and flood control since the Hung King founded the country. According to tradition, Ngu Doi Temple Festival is held every 3 years in the years: Ty, Ngo, Mao, Dau, which are the five great festivals taking place in 8 villages of Trung Hung commune; Vien Son commune (Son Tay - Hanoi) and Vinh Ninh commune. On the festival day, the villages organize together: carrying the Saint's palanquin from Va temple in Trung Hung commune to Ngu Doi temple, escorted by bamboo boats, with cheers, gongs, drums and singing. The palanquin procession and ceremony rituals are very typical and unique, such as: The "thu thuy" ceremony in the middle of the Red River. The procession of the “kiệu chóe” with hundreds of pedestrians, accompanied by the sound of drums and gongs, goes to the bank of the Red River, gets on a boat, circles up and down the Red River 3 times, then takes 9 ladles of water from a point where the coolest water source converges, puts them in an ancient jar, and offers them to Ngu Doi Temple, to respectfully perform the “moc duc” ritual - a very important ritual that is reenacted in every main festival day. When the procession of the Three Saints’ palanquin from Va Temple (Son Tay) arrives at the ferry, in Vinh Ninh Commune (Vinh Tuong), the rituals: “Yen vi ritual”, “moc duc ritual”, “Đốn ritual”, “Khai hoan ritual”... are solemnly held at Ngu Doi Temple. In addition, the “Tiến Đốn” ceremony also has a very typical and unique feature of the culture of the Doai region. The offering in the “Tiến Đốn” ceremony is a pig with its hair shaved, its intestines and liver removed, but a tuft of hair on its neck is left, respectfully offered to the Saint. After the "sacrificial" rituals were concluded, the procession of the palanquin back to the palace to be placed at Va Temple (Son Tay) took place very solemnly and respectfully. Besides, there were also folk games, parties... The festival is a convergence of community strength and conveys the aspirations for peace and prosperity of the people in the riverside alluvial land. This is a long-standing, typical, unique and famous festival of the Doai region. Through the festival, the relationship between the communities, especially the communities on both sides of the Left and Right banks of the Red River: Vinh Tuong - Son Tay, is increasingly close. The Ngu Doi Temple Festival was recognized by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism as a national intangible cultural heritage in 2018.

Bay Batabor is one of the most important offerings among other offerings, as the old people in the fields often do when preparing offerings for various festivals, large or small, for example, birthday celebrations, funerals, Tes moha cheadok festival, and rainmaking ritual. How to make Bay Batabor may be slightly different from one to the next, it depends on the festival, community, or area. What we are sharing here is how to make rice cakes for cremation in Daun Ov village, Leang Dai commune, Angkor Thom district, Siem Reap province. First, they place ripe bananas and palm sugar which are wrapped in conical banana leaves in a bowl. Then take another bowl and place it on top of the bowl. On top of that bowl, there are 12 pieces of sticky rice and some spread sticky rice. Then, fold 12 banana leaves into a conical shape and put them around the 12 pieces of sticky rice. The top of the sticky rice bowl is called the middle part of Bay Batabor. It is where they place a banana corm right in the middle and they cover it with banana leaves in a conical shape. With that, they also put 12 areca palm nuts on it. On the top of the cone, there are 12 folded betel leave, 12 candles, champa flowers, yellow flowers, a paper bag of the dried areca palm, red and white paper flags, and riel banknotes. According to the elders who make Bay Batabor, they made the rice offering to put on the ceremony’s donation table. However, during the rain-making ritual at Neak Porn temple, the rice offerings are placed on the altar in front of other offerings. Before it can be placed on the table of the ceremony, those female elders, sit around the circle, make three rounds of Batabor bowls to dedicate to the Preah Shak muni stupa, and chanting for 3 times, “Tong Teng Kroleng Bopha Tok Moung Vey Bay Moung Va we are offering candle, incense, betel leaf and areca palm nut to Preah Shak muni stupa. The elders also mentioned that The Batabor rice bowl represents the mother’s body, and the 12 betel leave and the 12 candles represent the mother's breast, which has six holes in each side.