Then a ritual practice indispensable in Tày, Nùng and Thái ethnic groups' spiritual life, reflects concepts about human beings, natural world and the universe (the Earth realm, the 3-layer Heaven realm). Then ceremonies describe a journey in which Then Master (Male/Female) controls ghost soldiers travelling from the Earth realm to the Heaven realm, the residing place of the gods, to offer worshipping items and show their praying requests for peace, bad luck relief, illness treatment, good crops, new house inauguration, initiation/title-conferring ritual (cấp sắc), blessings and happy new year. Then Masters start the journey by singing and plucking the tính lute (two or three-string lute). Depending on worshipping purposes, Then Masters will arrange worshipping trays to pray different native Gods, among whom Ngoc Hoang is the highest God. Then Masters often use a summoning tablet, a seal, a demon-expelling sword, a yin and yang rod, a bell, a fan and items such as pork, chicken, wine, rice, fruits and votive papers to perform Then ceremonies in the believer’s house, outdoor or at Then altar of the Master’s house. While practising, Then Master wears ceremonial dress, sings the language of his ethnic group and plays the tính lute, shakes the chùm xóc nhạc (rattle-bells), waves a fan. In some ceremonies, a female dancing group will accompany. Then rituals performances express Tày, Nùng and Thái’s cultural identities, from customs to musical instruments, dance and music. Then is always transmitted orally while its rituals are being conducted, reflecting the succession between generations.

Viet Nam 2019

‘Chuko atmay’ is played with ‘alchiks’ (dices). Participants draw a circle with a diameter of 3-5 meters. Alchiks are placed in the middle of the circle. Order of the game is determined by throwing of ‘saka’. Two shot lines are drawn one meter away from the circle from two sides. If an alchik is beaten out of the line after the first successful shot, other shots are carried out from the circle’s line. In case of unsuccessful shot, other player takes a turn. The player, which shots out the largest number of alchiks, wins. ‘Ordo’ is one of the most spread games of the Kyrgyz. The word ‘ordo’ itself means ‘khan’s bid’. The game reproduces a battle for the capture of bid and represents some kind of a military map. A circle drawn on the ground means the enemy territory, and opponents frame a plan of the battle. Skills of leading the right interior policy are in the basis of this game as well. Ordo is played by two teams (6-10 people at each team). Playing order of the game goes in the round or by using elimination principle. Duration of the game is about two hours. The essence of the game is to strike the khan’s ordo placed in the center of a circle (16 meters in diameter) with the abalak (bat), as well as to push khan himself and voivodes (generals) out of the circle. The team, which strikes the largest number of voivodes out of the circle, wins. ‘Kan talamay, Upai’ is a traditional game with dices of ovine knee joints ‘chuko’. Players are divided into two teams consisting of 2, 4 or more. The number of dices needed for the game vary from 13-37 or more. The purpose of the game is to collect as much upais as possible. The largest dice is determined as ‘khan’ and dyed into a vivid color. Starting player takes all dices in his joint palms, placing khan in the center, and scatters them all onto the carpet. The first player tries to strike the khan. If the target is hit, the player continues to play, and in case of a failure – the next player enters into the game. Shots are done by the dices with equal position. There are also special regulations

Held from the 10th through the 15th days of the second lunar month, main foci of this festival are paying tribute to Guru Rinpoche and the performance of ritual prayers dedicated to Tshepamed (Buddha of Long Life) and local protective deities on the 10th and the 11th days. Events take place in community temples and are presided over by lamas and monks, and/or locally-based gomchens (Leymen). On the 12th to 15th days, games and sports are organized, especially archery and Khuru (Traditional dart) are played. At night, the Blessing Round or Changkor (Wandering) takes place as a presiding lama or monk leads a group to visit every household in their respective villages and bless them with auspiciousness. The community members drink, sing and dance, and relish good foods during the period. The festival is not only meant to pay tribute to Guru Rinpoche and the protective deities but is also an occasion for community members to get together to relax away from the usual toils of agrarian life. During Tala Chodpa, most of the villages conduct certain ritual prayers. Often the dagkey, or main ritual prayer, is either the Lama Norbu Jamtsho of Pema Lingpa or dedicated to Tshepamed, the Buddha of Long Life. These are often followed by ritual prayers conducted on the individual household level or at the community’s choesung, and include Guru Soeldeb, prayers to Guru Rinpoche. Groups of seven or eight monks from Nyimalung Dratshang preside over the Chodpa ritual prayers and rituals in different villages. The monks of Buli Gonpa also preside over Chodpa ritual prayers in upper Chume. It is said that previously monks from Tharpaling Monastery also presided over the Chodpa rituals in the upper villages of Chume like Uruk and Gaytsa, but now they are no longer available due to activities in their home monastery. Wherever monks are not available, local gomchens take their places. It is said that gomchens are playing an increasingly prominent role as monks are busy with their monastic activities as well as due to other disciplinary issues. In all the community Lhakhangs (Temple), the ritual prayers take place on the 10th and 11th days, followed by associated programming that continues through the 15th day. Between the 12th and 15th days, different villages organize traditional games, including archery, Doegor (stone-throwing) and khuru (darts), as well as singing and dancing by almost all the local residents. At night, they organize the Changkor, during which they bring Torma or sacrificial cakes from their respective community temples and carry them from house to house, spreading blessings.

In Ney, a village in Lhuentse, northeast Bhutan, Chotpa gathers villagers together to make offerings to protective deities, dakinis, great teachers, and the protectors of Buddhist practitioners for the prosperous year. The ritual has a literal name that evokes the yearly celebration of a community gathering to make offerings. On 15th day of eleventh lunar month according to the Bhutanese calendar, Ney villagers gather at the local Lhakhang, temple, in the middle of the village. The Chotpa ritual is mainly to thank for the protection and blessing they received during entire year without any problem in their communities. They appease their guardian deities for ensuring well-being, health, and blessing good fortune for entire communities. They also seek protection on agricultural farm from natural disaster, wild animal, and pest in the forthcoming year as well. Chotpa is thus both a religious and social celebration for the year. On the day of Chotpa, people all gather at the lhakhang. Throughout the day, they chant mantras to make amends for wrong doings and to offer gratitude for the blessing and to request for enhanced wealth and peace. While a lack of definitive sources makes it hard to trace the history of this occasion, the community believe that this ritual dates to early human settlement of the region. Community members consider it an important occasion, and it is a tradition which has continued for potentially centuries.

Just like any other communities, the livelihood of Lhops also started with hunting and gathering activities. In the past, Lhops gathered wild edible plants like Burr (Kochu or Colocasia) or Lohbol (Tapoica), and hunted as well as fished. With the recent developments in the community, Lhops have adopted agriculture as their source of food and nutrition, and with the passage of time, agriculture has become a way of life for subsistence and commercial means.

There are many countries in the world that craft bow and arrow. But the tradition of technique of making a bow with bamboo or birch medial part, outer back part made of sinew of camel, bovince and equine animals, with inner part made of horn of wild buffalo or ibex is being kept only in Mongolia. Currently in Mongolia, there are 5-6 different forms of archeries practiced including Khalkh, Buriad, Uriankhai, Morin and Sarampai archery. As a consequence, the need to revitalize and develop the adequate craftsmanship of bow and arrow has risen for each of the above archeries.

A Bonkar (refined Bon religion that doesn’t involve animal sacrificial offering) traditional rite, Yak-lai is performed in some villages in Ura and Tang Gewogs (blocks) who owns la-nor (highland cattle) esp. Yaks. Colloquially, Yak-lai means ‘yak deity’ and if translated in Dzongkha (national tongue) it is called Yak Lha. However, the ritual is not strictly practiced by the Yak owners but, those households who owns tha-nor (normal cattle) also propitiate the god for prosperity of their livestock. The rite specifically invokes the yak deity Lha Wodue Gongjan, who is considered one of the principal deities of Bon who is believed the ultimate source of any blessings possesses supreme ability to fulfill the desires of worldly beings. Residents of Bumthang who have highland cattle, or otherwise practice animal husbandry take part in the three-day Yak-lai ritual every year. According to Bon tradition, Lha Wodue Gongjan is one of the nine principal deities; (sid pa chag pai lha gu) 1. Yabchen Wodue Gunggyal 2. Yarla Shambu 3. Nyenchen Thanglha 4. Gatod Jowo Chogchen 5. Machen Pomra 6. Jowo Yugyal 7. Kishod Zhoglha Chugpo 8. Shekar Jowo Tagoe 9. Tshanggi Noechin Gangwa Zangpo who are the creators of the world. Wodue Gongjan is known by several names: Ode Gungyal, Ode Pugyal, Pude Gungyal and Lhachen Gungyal. Amongst these deities, Ode Gungyal is described as the ancestor of all mountain deities and even he is regarded as the father of all gods and spirits dwelling in the world according to Samten Karmay, 1998. Culturally, residents of the Himalayas have long believed that the lofty snowcapped mountains that surround them are the dwellings of deities. In fact, the names of these gigantic peaks often reflect the name of the deity and thus mark these sites as sacred places. The designated holy peaks are called Lhachen Gangri Gu (Nine Majestic Mountains). In Bhutan, from the time immemorial, many elderly village residents who believes and practices shamanism rituals and rites share the traditional perspective that Lha Chenpo Wodue Gongjan is the principal god placed at the highest seat, and is highly respected by both the shaman and the yak herders as well as normal cattle herders on the day of Yak-lai. If he is invoked and propitiated, he will bless us with domestic animals, yaks, wealth, long life, cloth, favourable weather, and many other essential things that we want in life. Elders further shared that the most productive female yaks have the suffix jan (e.g. Kar-jan or Mar-jan) added to their names, the suffix being derived from the last syllable of Wodue Gongjan, which marks the animals as having been blessed by the deity, as manifested in their abundant milk. Yak-lai used to be widely practiced for three days within a range of dates; specifically, on the three most auspicious consecutive days between the 15th and 30th days of the seventh lunar month by the highlanders of Ura and Tang Gewogs, however, it is now at risk due to several factors including economic development, modern education, rural-urban migration, Buddhist influences, and prohibition on the usage of Tsam-dro (pasture or grazing land). With the advent of wider-scale development, nomadic people are increasingly attracted to the greater income potential of modern life, rather than rearing animals in the wilderness and living in a smoky hut. Over the last two decades, semi-nomadic communities started selling off their yaks in hordes, in part due to the pressures of migration and enrolling of children in schools. The cultural propensity towards Buddhism also influenced and discouraged Bon practices such as Yak-lai. Another factor in the reduced number of yak herders could be that the ownership of tsamdro and Sok-shing (woodlot) were taken away by the government. While the government claimed that tsam-dro had always belonged to the state given that Thram (land ownership) holders did not have to pay tax for it, the highlanders claimed ownership as inherited property. Without tsam-dros, most highlanders face a shortage of grazing land and are forced to either sell their livestock or set them free (tshethar) in the wild, thus affecting Yak-lai and other practices. Yak rearing culture among herders in Tang Gewog has diminished markedly in the last decade due to a gradual shift from yak rearing to dairy farming. The dairy breeds provide more advantages in terms of earning income and management aspects, but as a result of this shift, Tang highlanders have gone nearly a decade without performing the Yak-lai ritual. Similar trends have also invaded the highlanders of Ura Gewog. Elderly locals say that, until 2000 there were 3 households in Somthrang, 8 in Pangkhar, 3 in Ura and finally 12 households in Shingkhar community having highland cattle i.e. Yaks and performance of Yak-lai ritual was so vibrant at that time. At present, only one man, Meme (grandfather) Kungla 74 (Dragon) from Pangkhar village, owns yak while others have disappeared gradually in recent years but, some few households from Ura community are also the last standing practitioners of the tradition.

The Traditional Coaxing ritual expresses the peculiar relationship between a man and animal. The ritual comes under the domain of “social practices, rituals and festive events” and in cases where there is participation in the ritual by a singer and musician, or by a few musicians, it might also come under the domain of “performing art”. While elsewhere spring is a pleasant season for peasants, it isn’t convenient for Mongolian herdsmen. The mother animals give birth to their young in a harsh and dusty spring, so there is a big risk of losing a mother or a baby animal. Mongols have a variety of rituals relating to husbandry in traditional Mongolian society. One of them is a chanting ritual for a new-born baby animal and its mother. To chant is to stimulate, through the use of special words and melody, the adopting of a baby animal to a mother. There are different gestures, melodies and chanting techniques for the five types of livestock in Mongolia. Coaxing (khuuslukh) a camel is a ritual for a mother who rejects her baby; or for adopting an orphan baby to another female who has lost her baby, because only a suckling mother will have milk in harsh spring time. For the nomadic Mongols the camel milk has been not only the source of food and drinks in the severe Gobi Desert conditions, but also the basic means of preventing illness or for healing diseases. Therefore, the coaxing rituals originated from the everyday occurrence of the herdsmen and became one of the important elements of Mongolian folk knowledge and ritual. The performance of the ritual continues for a few hours at early morning or at twilight and requires a high skill of handling camels and a singing talent or skill for playing on a musical instrument such as the horse head fiddle or flute. Most herdswomen engage in techniques and methods of coaxing, but these techniques and methods aren’t enough sometimes, for performing the ritual successfully. If there isn’t a singer or musician in the family, the owner of the camels will invite a coaxer or a few masters in coaxing and players of a musical instrument, from another place. In this case, the coaxing ritual will compose of a small performance by several actors: a singer along with a horse head fiddle, flute or mouth-orlgan players. A mother is tied close to the calf, nearby to a yurt. A singer will begin gently their monotone song ""khuus"", ""khuus"" with a horse head fiddle or without any musical instrument. A mother will bite, savage or spit and show her ignorance to a calf at the beginning of the ritual. The coaxer can change their melody, depending on the mother’s behavioural reaction. Most musicians will perform the ritual traditional Mongolian -sad stories about camels- songs such as “Unchin tsagaan botgo”, “Goviin undur” etc. The musician performs his play with different sounds of walking, running and bellowing of a camel and absorbs words into poems, songs and epochs. When a mother camel is being coaxed into accepting a rejected or an orphan calf, it is said to break into tears at the gentle sound of ""khuus"" and the enchanting melody of the horse head fiddle sung and played by someone skilled in the art of casting spells on animals. In some cases, to perform the ritual more effectively herdsmen use additional techniques such as skinning a dead calf and covering the orphan camel calf with the hide, tying a mother together with a baby quite a far distance from the ger camp for the whole night, or soaking the calf in salt, saltpetre or in the mother’s milk. Also it was common to place the ankle bone of a wild sheep (there is a myth that wild ewes never reject their babies) around the neck of a mother or a calf. But nowadays it is very hard to find these anklebones, as wild sheep are enlisted to the endangered-species list. There is also an exotic remedy in the coaxing ritual where the mother is led to a ger at twilight and shown the fire inside. (A camel can’t enter a ger, because of its size.) All participants in the ritual wear good clothes, remain attentive and focused, using their own psychic vision and imagination in the coaxing process, because the participants express their gratitude to gods of the camels, mountains and waters within the ritual. After finishing the ritual a coaxer or small group of masters will be honoured guests of the family. A person, who had performed coaxing rituals prosperously, will be invited again and again by the families in need of the ritual. When, where, how many times they have been invited - is the main criteria for evaluating the talent of a cultural bearer of this ritual. The evaluation is a prerequisite to their popularity in a society. The coaxing ritual has been transmitted from generations to generations and been enriched by the exchange of camel herding knowledge between the herders of Umnugovi, Bayankhongor, Dundgovi provinces, which are the main territories of Mongolia’s Bactrian camel population. “We should not forget this ritual while we are herding camels, because in both the animal and the human - it transcends genre to become a deeply affecting allegory about the importance of patience and acceptance in so many relationships” that is the conception of elders, the cultural bearers’ communities and camel herders. The knowledge and skills relating to the ritual’s transmission occurs from parents and elders to youth, in home tutoring: Elders with long experience of herding, herdswomen with singing talent and the talented musicians, who can influence the camel’s behaviour, are the main actors of the coaxing ritual. The ritual acts as a symbolic medium for creating and maintaining the social ties of individual nomadic families and dependencies to the community, because it is one part of the traditional intangible cultural heritage of the relationship between man and livestock.

Mongolia 2015

In the past, single men in Bhutan would sneak into the rooms of single ladies at night and engage in sexual activity. The practice Bomena (moving toward a female), or Pchiru Shelni (Pchiru- Night, Shelni- Wander around), was practiced throughout the country; mostly common in Eastern Bhutan. Males in the villages would slip away stealthily from their homes when dusk fell and would not come back until the early hours. Using a wooden ladder, the guys would climb the windows of the women's homes. If the girl does not like the man peering through her window, she will make noise to alert the rest of the family and have them chase the man away. The couple would meet at night and, it is a traditional and rural interpretation of romance or a date, where the male would facilitate admission into the girl's home with or without her consent. Some boys would form groups and split up when they got closer to their destination. In general, nocturnal courtship was a tradition that gave young people the opportunity to meet their potential spouses in the past. It was a difficult practice where the guys had to travel great miles at night, despite dangerous wild animals, in order to find their life partners.

The Neypo ritual is a seasonal offering performed across Bhutan to appease local deities, Ney village in Lhuentse to the northeast is one of many villages to perform this ritual. Neypo literally means "Zhidag", a category of deity who protects the area under their control or certain parts of the valley. The identity of the protector figure varies from region to region, as does the ritual. In Ney village, the Neypo ritual is performed every year on the 15th day of the third lunar month of the Bhutanese calendar. The ritual is performed in their Lhakhang, temple, in order to appease the local deity Zhidag Drakpa Gyalpo with offerings. In return, the community asks for his protection of their farms from wild animals. The Zhidag is believed to dwell below the village in a dense forest on the left side of Kurichu. Zhidag Drakpa Gyalpo has a grim appearance with a black face, dark clothes, and a reindeer mount with ten horns. He has one face and two hands; in his right hand he holds a flaming sword and in his left hand he holds a robe or Zhagpa sling. Within a single second he could cover the distance between any two places. Eighth century tantric master Guru Rinpoche (Skt. Padmasambhava) bound Drakpa Gyalpo by oath and made him the protector of the East Gate of the hidden land Baeyul Khempajong, and sworn to be the Dharma protector in the region. During the Neypo ritual, the entrance to the dense forest is sealed off for people which will last for a whole season, which is called Rigya lungya dam or Ridam. Ridam is a common practice of mountain closure in which the path to the Zhidag Phodrang, deity’s abode, and the surrounding dense forest are closed to human access from spring to autumn until the rice harvest. During this period, people are generally not allowed to enter the area to collect natural resources or visit any place in the area. After performing rituals, no one is allowed to go there unless except for exceptional occasions. This restriction applies to outsiders as well as people from the village.

Gulazyk is an ancient meal of the Kyrgyz people. It is meat made into powder. Preparation of gulazyk: salted meat was boiled and then dried in a cool, well-ventilated and dark place. Then, the meat was grinded several times with millstones until it turned into a very fine powder. Sometimes, the dried and grinded intestines of wild animals are added into gulazyk.

Death is often considered as a great loss but not more than the fear incurred from the unnatural deaths; such as accidents from falling off a tree or death caused due to an encounter with wild animals as they strongly believe that death has been caused from dishonoring the deities or by evil spirits or by bad spells from somebody. They conduct very elaborate ceremonies to appease the spirit of the deceased and deities, especially the deceased with food and drinks so as to prevent misfortune to the surviving people. Lhops believe in the dual existence; that when death occurs, the soul, Se-hok, leaves the body and dwells in the emptiness for certain period and later joins the world of Sim-pu (death).