Ensuring solidarity and collective identity, national and religious holidays, celebrations, feasts, commemorations are of great significance as regards to social values. The providers, the distribution and the consumption of the food are strictly determined on these special days. Traditional ceremonial keşkek is one of the social practices which sustain its significance from the past to our present day. Keşkek tradition is practiced at circumcisions, wedding ceremonies, religious holidays such as, Ramadans, sacrifice Aid, Muharram Month (first month of the Islamic calendar), charities, pilgrimage feast, prayers for the rain, Mevlid (Islamic poetry reading), Hıdrellez (a kind of seasonal celebration) and similar practices. Preparation and consumption process of keşkek bears a collective character. Particularly in village communities, preparation of ingredients and cooking process of keşkek are actualized through collective work. The villagers contribute to keşkek ceremony by providing the ingredients and participate in cooking process. Wheat and meat are the basic ingredients of keşkek. The main ingredients are provided by the household on special days for the family and the dwellers of the village provide the work force if needed. The wheat for keşkek, of an amount proportional with the number of participants, is washed with prayers a day before the wedding ceremony. Accompanied by davul-zurna (traditional Turkish musical instruments) the wheat is carried carefully to a large stone mortar. The wheat is hulled on the large stone mortars by two or four persons using gavels in a fixed rhythm. The rhythmic sound is a sign for the start of wedding ceremony. The hulled wheat is one of the main ingredients of keşkek to be prepared on the wedding morning. Meat is the other main ingredient for keşkek. Cooking keşkek requires specialized knowledge therefore it is carried out by experienced persons called ""keşkekçi"" (keşkek maker). Keşkekçis are trained in a master-apprentice tradition. Cooks and his assistants in charge of keşkek cooking start the preparations at early hours in the morning of the day before the ceremony. As weddings - the primary occasions for ceremonial keşkek tradition – are usually held during summer or early autumn, keşkek is usually cooked outdoors. Requiring a long-lasting source of heat, keşkek is cooked in large copper cauldrons, the bottom of which is smeared with ash to protect it before being put on a big open fire. Hulled wheat, chunks of meat on the bone, onions, spices, water and oil are all put together in the cauldron. It is important to maintain the heat at a certain temperature while cooking. Therefore, cook and the assistants take turns to maintain the cooking process as desired until morning. Watching the heat and preparation of the side dishes to be served with keşkek last all night long. This night spent around the keşkek is full of stories, friendly talks and jokes. The cook checks the keşkek cauldron in the morning of the wedding day. Towards noon, the most important phase of the keşkek tradition takes place. The strongest of the village youth, who were previously chosen for ‘keşkek dövme (keşkek beating)’, are called in to ‘beat’the keşkek with a wooden tool which can be named as ağaç kepçe (wooden ladle) tokmak (gavel), çomça or şişe. This is in a way a mashing process. The rhythm while hulling the wheat goes on during the beating process as well. The wooden tools are used in a rhythmic order. The beating process of keşkek attracts great interest among the crowds. To motivate the beating youth, the crowd cheers and sings folk songs. During the beating, one or two persons apart from the beating youth take the bones out with a special kind of tongs. The neighboring towns and villages are invited and keşkek is collectively consumed in the ceremony premises (courtyard of mosque for religious holidays, bride’s or groom’s house on wedding days, a sacred venue for charities and hıdrellez). Prayers are uttered before and after the feast. The pots and pans used during ceremony are collectively washed. A special set of equipments are necessary for the preparation of keşkek. The stone mortar, a collectively owned product of particular craftsmanship, a copper cauldron made especially for such ceremonies and tinned regularly. Hand made ladles and gavels made of wood are among the most important tangible elements of the keşkek tradition. The most significant aspect of the tradition is unifying all people in this ceremony regardless of age, ethnic origin, gender and culture even being invited or not. The hosts of the ceremony check whether all the guests are at the dining table for keşkek. Each person attending to keşkek ceremony is considered as an element of this cultural environment. All individuals within the community through participating in such a ceremonial event have a sense of belonging. This ‘sense of belonging’ reflects itself with the common expression ‘our keşkek is better’, which is a bare evidence of considering keşkek as an important element of cultural heritage. Keşkek ceremony should be practiced with all the components of the tradition or else it loses its traditional aspect for the bearers. In Zonguldak-Ereğli on the west coast of Black sea Region, there is a village named ‘Keşkek’. People from the neighboring villages go to this village, which is a developed locality among the surrounding places, in order to worship on Holy Friday and the visitors are served keşkek there. This clearly explains why the village is called ‘Keşkek’. The villagers see keşkek as a major part of their cultural identity and they are glad to have the name keşkek for their village. Today, this ceremonial tradition, through organizing keşkek festivals and festivities has been preserved by the intimate efforts of city and district municipalities and the hemşeri (locality fellowship) associations, founded by fellow citizens for creating a kind of solidarity. It is observed in these occasions unifying aspects of ceremonial keşkek tradition continues in the cities as well. Preservation of this tradition in the cities is particularly important in terms of how much this tradition is embraced by the communities concerned.

Turkey 2011

Karagöz is a form of shadow theatre where human, animal or object figures, known as “tasvir”s, are held in front of a light source and cast their shadows on a camel or ox-hide screen using horizontal rods. Karagöz is a mosaic of various art forms including poetry, narration, music and dance. All the elements of oral literature (tekerlemes (tongue-twister), bilmeces (riddles), supernatural stories, kılıklamas, repartees, exaggerations, puns, and so on) continue throughout the performance. The rhythm in which both dialogue and action proceed creating a form of expression that even those who do not know Turkish can appreciate. Once the play begins, an introductory figure, called “göstermelik” is placed on the screen in order to give the audience an idea as to the major themes of the play. The “göstermelik” can be either related to the play or not. “Scenery göstermelik” is shown till the end of play whereas “main göstermelik” removed just before the prologue. When the play begins, the göstermelik vanishes to the shrill sound of a whistle called “narake”. The characters in Karagöz are played by means of the tasvirs. The main characters are common for each play, yet the new characters are added by cutting new tasvirs. The main characters are Karagöz and Hacivat along with the others as Zenne, Çelebi, Tiryaki, Beberuhi, Laz, Kayserili, Kastamonulu, Rumelili Arap, Kürt, Arnavut, Frenk/Rum, Ermeni, Yahudi, Matiz, Külhanbeyi and some other entertaining characters (çengi –dancer-, köçek –dancer in woman’s garment, kantocu- fin-de-siècle cabaret chanteuse-,hokkabaz –illusionist- and cambaz- acrobat). “Hayali” is the person who actually runs the performance. He is the creative artist who directs and animates the whole proceeding, regulating the entire show on his own. During the play, he may make changes in the play depending on the audience atmosphere, such as updating topics, shortening or prolonging the scenes, adjusting the order of the scenes or completely taking them out. Karagöz artist can have one or more assistants, who are also called “hayali” or “hayalbaz”. “Sandıkkâr” is in charge of the instruments, while “yardak” sings and “dayrezen” plays the tef (tambourine). Karagöz artists come from a master-apprentice discipline. Apprenticeship begins with the actual attachment of rods to tasvirs and lasts until reaching the maturity to run a whole play. “The one who falls behind to be a good “yardak” cannot be a master Karagöz artist” clearly expresses the importance of master-apprentice relation in Karagöz. The comic elements are emphasized in Karagöz plays involving exaggerations, puns, and imitations of the regional accents.

Turkey 2009

Seemingly regarded as a leisure time activity today, “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” tradition with its historical background and institutional structure has a crucial role in social life. In some regions of Turkey, since the tradition is at the risk of disappearing practiced solely among the elderly, though it is preserved in some other parts of Turkey in accordance with the changing conditions of life. As seen in Çankırı case, the element has a significant role within the local culture, therefore Çankırı is defined as “Land of Yâran” by the residents of Çankırı. Although “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” meetings have different names in different regions of Turkey, they all have the same function. In a discipline of teach and delight, the primary aim is to have conversations and talks in leisure times. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” talks, through the concepts of love, fellowship, brotherhood and respect for each other, ensure safeguarding and conservation of traditions as well as creating a sense of neighborhood. The participants admitted to “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” communities vary from region to region. While in some regions only single men are admitted to the community, in some other regions, participants of the community are from different age groups and professions. For example, the groups in Manisa-Soma and Balıkesir-Dursunbey are classified as the youth, the middle aged and the elderly. Hence, in Soma, the meeting place of the young men is named as “Delikanlı Odası”, as “Köşe Odası” for the middle aged and “Koca Oda” for the aged. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” are characterized as patriarchal meetings; however the mothers and wives encourage those male members who take the advantage of those meetings in respect to its social and cultural benefits. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings” communities gather at regular periods particularly in winter. For instance, “Sıra Gezmeleri” in Şanlıurfa, is held once a week preferably in Saturday evenings. The beginning and ending month as well as the time schedule concerning the dates and hours of the meeting are decided jointly. Non-participation except for the excuses such as death, illness etc. is subjected to penalty and the non- participant members not obeying the rules of procedures are also fined. The penalization practiced today has mainly turned into punishing with a fine. The total sum is allocated for organizing the following meetings, for the people in need as well as building fountains and roads. These communities usually compose of 5-30 persons and those members are guided by 3-5 community leaders, whose names vary from region to region. The community leaders are appointed via election or through proposals made by the elderly who are highly respected and designated by the consensus of all Yârans. The duty of community leader is to arrange in-group relations and to control the flow of the meetings. In this context, he has sanction power and the members are expected to obey the decisions made by the community leader. The titles of the community leaders can be summarized as follows: “Bayraktar” in Soma, Manisa; “Büyük Baranabaşı, Küçük Baranabaşı, Sohbet Çavuşu” in Balıkesir; “Büyük Yâranbaşı, Küçük Yâranbaşı, Köşe İhtiyarı” in Kütahya; “Delikanlıbaşı” in Ankara; “Efe, Saki” in Kırşehir; “Yiğitbaşı, Gönüller Ağası, Bayraktar” in Niğde; “Efrad” in Isparta, and “Büyük Başağa, Küçük Başağa, Çavuş” in Çankırı and ""Başkan"" in Şanlıurfa. Admission to Traditional Sohbet Meetings is of high dignity; nevertheless dismissal from the community is concerned as indignity. Certain procedures, which differ in each locality, are followed for the admission to or dismissal from or becoming a regular member or quitting the membership of the community. Being honest and modest, keeping secrets, not gambling, not wandering drunken around are accepted as the basic virtues and common rules in every locality. The members of the community have equal rights and commitments. There is no difference in social status among the members. The members of the community are taught and controlled by the leaders and by the other elder members in their daily lives. They also take the advantages of being a member of the community in physical and emotional support, if needed. The characteristics aforementioned contribute greatly to the members, the locality and to the society as well. The meetings are open to guests. The members sometimes bring their children along with them, which ensure the transmission of the tradition to future generations. Learns laying the table by her mother Learns joining in Sohbet by his father Traditional Sohbet Meetings are indoor activities. Those places can be the houses of the community members, be commonly-shared places called “köy odaları”, which has traditional features in Turkey, or rented places called “oda” for which expenses are shared as in Şanlıurfa case. Today, the meetings are held in the places allocated by local authorities. Interior design and setting differ in some regions yet generally sofa and floor cushion is used at the meetings. Traditional Sohbet Meetings consist of many elements but the main element is ""Talk"". This ""Talk"" has a wide range of topics, anything relevant to social life. Other elements of these meetings are folk music, folk dances, indoor plays, village spectacle plays and dining. There is not a certain order for practicing the elements; nonetheless, in each meeting there can be a specifically drawn order. List of dishes can show differences from region to region; nevertheless, not creating a difference in social status as well as not being costly for the host is carefully taken into consideration when preparing the dishes. For instance, the dish list is composed of çiğ köfte, deserts (künefe, şıllık, etc.) and strong coffee, known as mırra, in Şanlıurfa. In Çankırı, soup, güveç (casserole), rice and baklava are main dishes served in Yâran meetings. One of the most important elements of this tradition is music. Şanlıurfa Sıra Gecesi and Elazığ Kürsübaşı meetings, in a master-apprentice discipline, function as a conservatory for the traditionally trained performers. The musical performance begins with the pieces in rast and divan maqams; continues by other maqams if requested; and finalizes by kürdi and rast maqams. The instruments used in these meetings vary from region to region, but the main instruments are the bağlama, cümbüş (mandolin with a metal body), def (tambourine), violin, ud, kanun (zither) and kaval (end-blown flute). The local tunes are performed by the master bearers. Listening to music is also as important as performing the music. “Traditional Sohbet Meetings”, including music, dining, plays and talks, last until the early morning. Therefore, Traditional Sohbet Meetings compose all elements of life and culture. Owing to changing living conditions and migration from rural to urban area, Traditional Sohbet Meetings tradition is transmitted by its bearers to other cities.

Turkey 2010

The Kirgiz People has a long history. There were historical records about this ethnic group in the Western Han Dynasty (206 B.C.–23 A.D.). In the Tang Dynasty (618-907), Dudufu, or governor headquarters were set up on the upper reaches of the Yenisey River to administrate the Kirgizes’ inhabiting area (648). Throughout history, the Kirgizes withstood lots of hardship to move southwards from the upriver of Yenisey to the Tianshan Mountains and Pamir area in pursuit of an ideal community life amidst frequent tribal wars, which provided a deep cultural and historical basis for the evolution of the epic Manas. Manas is an epic verse sung and transmitted in oral forms. It is the general term for all different variations of the same theme in the Kirgiz community across Xinjiang. Manas is by tradition performed by one Manaschi without musical accompaniment, but in recent years there are also performances by more than one singer, or those accompanied by the traditional musical instrument of Komuz. Primary cultural spaces of this element include social gatherings, celebrations, life rituals, traditional festivals and special “Manas Concerts”. With a long-standing nomadic tradition, the Kirgiz people take the performance of Manas as their most important cultural expression for public entertainment, the remembrance of history, inheritance of culture, transmission of knowledge to younger generations and the prayer for fortune as well as guard against evil. Therefore, Manas is recognized as a key symbol of the cultural identity of the Kirgiz people, and the most important and integral part of the Kirghizian cultural heritage. Today, the Kirghizes are still proud of being the descendants of their hero Manas. The most important people for the transmission and development of Manas are Manachis who obtain their special knowledge through family inheritance or by learning from masters, and their skills are constantly improved during their entire career by constantly performing to the audiences. The most outstanding epic singer of our time, Dzüsüp Mamay is an epitome of Manachis, whose repertoire of Manas altogether covers eight cantos, namely, Manas, Semetey, Seytek, Kenenim, Seyit, Asilbacha-Bekbacha, Sombilek and Chigitey, 236,000 lines in total. The entire storytelling draws a genealogical account of the legendary achievements of the ancient hero Manas and his seven generations of descendants, recording all the major historic events of great impact for the Kirgiz people. It also gives vivid descriptions of the traditional belief, ethics and morality, mode of production and life of the Kirgiz people. Up to date, over 80 different variations of Manas have been found, which vary from one canto to several cantos, from a few thousand to tens of thousands of lines, all featured with rich and pithy lyrics, beautiful melodies, lively parables and many expressions and phrases that integrated into the Kirgiz everyday language. The melody is in seven scales and verses in parallels. In real performance, different singers usually adopt different registers and melodies according to the story, scenario and characters, and often make improvisations in lyrics, descriptions, music modes and gestures, so that traditional skills and individual creativity are combined to make this traditional epic full of vitality. As one of the three major epics of China, Manas is the outstanding creation and oral encyclopedia of the Kirgiz people and still remains the inexhaustible fountainhead to nurture their cultural psychology, ethnic character, creative capacity and artistic skills.

China 2009

The craft of mounding and bronze casting has been present in Đại Bái since the 10th century, under the Lý Dynasty, associated with the name and merit of the craft's ancestor Nguyễn Công Truyền. To create a bronze casting product, the craftsman must perform many complex and complex technical operations. The first step is to build the furnace (floating furnace and submerged furnace; the structure of the furnace includes the furnace body, a lid - cyclone, and an annular iron ring - rotating; the raw materials for making the furnace are pond mud and rice husks). Next is the product creation process including shaping to create a product model; creating molds to cast into bronze; preparing, cooking and pouring copper; engraving and arranging patterns on the surface of the product; polishing and coloring the product. When smelting copper, combine the appropriate ratio of copper, zinc, and a very small amount of lead; molding: creating a mold according to the shape of the item to be manufactured; inlaid: create an additional round inlaid sheet, hammer the product with a specialized hammer (awl - inlaid awl, mounding awl, barrier awl, parasol awl, patting awl), touch with a tick (brake tick, cupped tick, sharp tick), round, circle, pat the gums, roast, flatten, and cure. The finished product will be husked, washed to create shine, and burned with ironwood charcoal. The final step to create the finished product is flowering (which professionals call this). Techniques such as inlaid molding, copper manipulation, engraving embossed patterns, engraving sunken patterns, inlaying green copper, black copper on red copper, inlaying gold and silver on copper, etc are very good techniques, high in their bronze mounds. Products of Đại Bái bronze mound craft village are very diverse, such as household items (pots, trays, bowls, pots, urns), worship items, fine arts items, and musical instruments. Page themes are often chrysanthemums, clouds, patterns, string flowers, seal lines, stylized flowers and leaves, stylized animals, geometric shapes, bold lines, and thin lines. Products mainly serve religious and decorative needs. Dai Bai people always avoid "offending" the profession's ancestors.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Yeonjukjang refers to the skill of making a long smoking pipe, or to an artisan with such a skill. It is said that yeonjuk (a long smoking pipe) was first made after the Japanese Invasion of Korea (1592 – 1598), when tobacco was introduced to Korea through Japan. Dongnae, Busan, which used to be the country’s center for trade with Japan, was a leading place for production of yeonjuk. Yeonjuk consists of the mouthpiece, the bowl, and the long, thin stem. The bowl that contains the tobacco has to withstand heat. It is made of copper, tin, nickel-copper or very rarely, china. The mouthpiece is made of jade, ivory or ox horn. When making the nickel-copper used in the production of a smoking pipe, an alloy of copper (58%), nickel (37%) and zinc (5%) is made. If the nickel content is high, it appears to be white. The alloy is beaten to make a very thin piece, and the parts are soldered. The work requires an exquisite level of workmanship. Pipes with blue embellishments made in Dongnae and those made in Gyeongju, Gimcheon, Yeonghae, Ulsan, and Yecheon are famous. The workmanship is still handed down in Namwon, Jeollabuk-do and Anseong, Gyeonggi-do.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Yugijang refers to a brassware making skill, or to an artisan with such a skill. On the Korean Peninsula, brassware was first made during the Bronze Age. During the Silla Period (57 BC – AD 935), there was a government agency in charge of production of brassware. The skill continued to develop, and thin brassware with beautiful luster came to be made during the Goryeo Period (877 – 1394). Then, there was a lull in development, but brassware enjoyed popularity again by the 18th Century. Anseong, Gyeonggi-do was known for the production of good-quality brassware items, and noble class people placed orders for custom-made brassware goods with producers there. Brass may be any one of a broad range of copper alloys, usually with zinc as the main additive. Brassware displays a yellowish color with subdued luster. Cupronickel ware displays a white color. There are three types of yugi (brassware), depending on the production technique used. To make bangjja yugi, ingots are first made with melted brass and then people strike them with hammers. Examples of articles made with this method are jing (large gong), kkwaenggwari (small gong), food bowls and wash basins. Jumul yugi (forged brassware) is made by using molds. The term Anseong Machum was coined to refer to an object or item that was custom-made for a particular situation, as brassware made in Anseong satisfied specific needs of customers. Semi bangjja yugi refers to brassware made using both bangjja and forging methods. Yugijang is the country’s leading traditional metal artifact-making skill with wide practical applications.

National Intangible Cultural Heritage, Republic of Korea Jogakjang refers to the skill of metal engraving or to the artisan who does it. Unearthed artifacts lead us to guess that metal engraving was first attempted during the Bronze Age. Diverse engraving techniques were used during the Three Kingdoms Period (57 BC – 668 AD), and they made noticeable developments during the Goryeo Period (877 – 1394). During the Joseon Period (1392 – 1910), metal handicrafts started to develop as an independent sector. Techniques used in metal engraving include depressed engraving, bratticing, relief engraving, 3D engraving, and inlaying. Materials used are gold, silver, iron, lead, zinc, and tin. Silver is the most commonly used. Favorite designs used are scenery, flowers, birds, clouds, dragons and vines. Esthetic quality or propitiousness became the criteria for selection of the patterns of metal engraving in the later Joseon Period and thereafter.

The element consists of the traditional craftsmanship of a community called Thatheras of Jandiala Guru, Punjab, India. The Thatheras craft utensils are of both utilitarian and ritualistic value made of copper, brass and kansa (an alloy of copper, zinc and tin). The metals used are recommended by the ancient Indian school of medicine, Ayurveda. In Ayurvedic texts, copper is regarded as an ideal metal for making cooking utensils and possessing medicinal properties. On the other hand, kansa is the prescribed metal for retaining the nutritive values of food. The settlement of the craftspeople in Jandiala Guru is laid out along a series of narrow lanes, lined on both sides by small home-cum-worksheds with families living and working on their hereditary profession. Both male and female members participate in the processing and creation of the artefacts. The process begins with procuring cooled cakes of metal which are flattened into thin plates, and are then hammered into curved shapes, creating the required pots, urns, plates and bowls and other artefacts. Heating the plates while hammering and curving them into different shapes requires careful temperature control, which is done by using tiny wood-fired stoves (aided by hand-held bellows) buried in the earth. The utensils are manually finished by polishing with acid, sand and tamarind juice. Designs are carved by skilfully hammering a series of tiny dents on the surface of the heated metal. Using basic tools that are handmade, the craftspeople create ritualistic, ceremonial and utilitarian vessels for both individual and community use.

India 2014