Tugging rituals and games can be found all around the world, constitut-ing a panhuman cultural phenomenon. Especially in Asia, tugging rituals and games are related to rice farming, with most instances located within the farming cultures of Northeast and Southeast Asia. The practice of tug-ging rituals and games is universal and widespread, held to pray for rain or a good harvest or to foretell whether the year’s harvest will be good or bad. While many sim-ilarities exist among each tugging event based on the climate or environment, there is also a distinctness, individuality, and creativity specific to each region, making tugging rituals and games worth preserving as a common element of the intangible cultural heritage of AsiaDue to rapid urbanization and industrialization, however, today the tugging rituals and games of each country are in danger of their transmission being suspended, and there is even a lack of awareness of how important it is to safeguard tugging rituals and games as a part of intangible cultural heritage that is closely linked with agri-cultural rituals. In addition, while there have been previous case studies on tugging rituals and games of Asia, they are mostly limited to specific regions or rarely provide in-depth research, making it difficult to consider the connections between each region.

The punnuk is a tugging ritual of the village folk from three communities in Hungduan, Ifugao in Northern Luzon, Philippines. It is performed at the confluence of Hapao River and a tributary as the final ritual after the rice harvest. Its consummation brings to a close an agricultural cycle and signals the beginning of a new one. \n\nThe punnuk is a ritual of pomp and revelry. Garbed in their predominantly red-col-ored attire of the Tuwali ethno-linguistic subgroup, the participants negotiate the terraced fields in a single file amidst lush greens under the blue skies. The tempo builds up as the participants reach the riverbank, each group positioned opposite the other. The excitement is sustained through the final tugging match, and the sinewy brawn of the participants is highlighted by the river’s rushing water.

Tugging rituals and games survived in Ukraine from different epochs, keeping a deep ethnological sense and didactic use. Through decades and centuries, tugging traditions, which later formed the basis of different sport competitions and educational exercises related to tugging, have been modified, reflecting changed environments and social demands. As a rule, they constituted an important part of rural street (open-air) life and entertainment as well as public festivals associated with calendar or religious holidays, like Kolodiy, Masliana, and Stritennia (Pancake Week, Shrovetide, and Candlemas Day, respec-tively) and Midsummer Day, Christmas, Easter holidays. A lot of popular customs from pre-Christian (pagan) times passed to the Christian holidays and have continued until now. Obviously, as a recognized researcher of folk life, V. Skurativsky, wrote, the ethnographic term “street” to mean the ancient traditional form of youth entertain-ment that originated from the places of young people’s meetings.

First of all, I congratulate publishing Tugging Rituals and Games: A Common Element, Diverse Approaches through the collaborative efforts of Dangjin City and ICHCAP. Intangible Cultural heritage (ICH) is the life of the human community and an important driver and asset for sustainable devel-opment. In particular, the tug-of-war as a representative folk game expresses the characteristics and spiritual values of Korean national culture as well as a common Asian heritage wishing for harmony, unity, prosperity, and fertility of the community.\n\nThe Korean government has been initiating ICH safeguarding policy efforts since 1962, starting with the enactment of the Cultural Properties Protection Act. In 2005, Korea joined the UNESCO 2003 Convention on the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, sharing the expe-rience and knowledge of safeguarding Korean ICH and strengthening cooperation for safeguarding intangible heritage in an international context. In 2015, four Asian countries (Cambodia, Philippines, Republic of Korea, and Vietnam) jointly inscribed folk tugging rituals and games on the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity.

The custom of traditional Japanese tug-of-war, or tsunahiki (綱引), can be outlined as follows:\n\n• It is practiced on different annual events, such as Ko-syogatsu (小正月), or New Year celebration around 15 January according to the lunar calendar), Obon festival (盆)celebrated around 15 August, the Boys’ Festival on 5 May (端午節句), or the fifteenth night of August of the lunar calendar (八月十五夜).\n• The tug-of-war ropes are made of either straw, kaya (kind of cogon grass often used as traditional roofing materials), or shobu (菖蒲 or sweet sedge).\n• A village is divided into two groups of farming and fishing areas, eastern and west-ern areas, and upstream and downstream areas, and in some cases, the two groups are subdivided into smaller groups such as children and young adults as well as men and women.\n• The rope is tugged by these groups, or dragged around, slammed against the ground, or sometimes cut into pieces.\n• The purpose of this traditional event is said to forecast the volume of the coming harvest, to ward off evil spirits, or to pray for a peaceful life.

Chak-ka-yer is a Thai word similar in meaning to tug-of-war in western countries. It is one of the oldest folk team games in Thailand. Thai people across the country know chak-ka-yer, and many may have had some direct and indirect experience with this game, either as participants or observ-ers. Chak-ka-yer benefits Thai society in several ways. People use chak-ka-yer for fun, pleasure, recreation, and relaxation from their routine work. Chak-ka-yer is played between teams, groups, or communities to test their physical strength. The game does not focus on competition, team preparation, contest regulations, and championship, but rather on unity, friendship, morale, and incentive of communities. Chak-ka-yer as a game is related to thoughts, beliefs, customs, traditions, rituals, and values of the people in different areas. Chak-ka-yer is a high-level game of development and doesn’t focus on systematic contests; it has specific agency to respond to and has the team seriously trained and practiced to win the championship. Chak-ka-yer as a sport is left unmentioned in this article since it has become an international sport.

"The Cultural Heritage Administration plans to designate tteok making (떡만들기), Korean rice cake making, as National Intangible Cultural Heritage. The designation will recognize the making and sharing of Korean rice cakes as a traditional culture and way of life.\n\nKoreans have made tteok by steaming grain flour in siru, a traditional steamer, or by boiling or baking, depending on the type of the rice cake being made. From a long time ago, Koreans have enjoyed making and sharing different kinds of tteok for major milestones in their lives as well as for important national holidays.\n\nHistorically, rice cakes have been a key offering for various rituals. They include rites held for village gods wishing for peace and prosperity as well as similar rites held for house gods like sangdalgosa. Rice cakes are also offered at gut rituals held by traditional shamans. In modern-day Korea, people distribute tteok to others in their community when they open a business or move into a new place.\n\nIn many ways, tteok is more than just a delicacy—given that Koreans distribute rice cakes to others for special moments of their lives, it can be considered an embodiment of sharing and generosity as well as a symbol of the unique Korean concept of jeong or a deep connection and harmony.\n\nIt is also notable how different types of rice cake are made for different occasions and how they have a story of their own. This makes tteok intangible cultural heritage that people need to learn to fully understand Korean culture.\n\nIt is unclear when Koreans started making rice cakes. However, archaeological findings show that Koreans have been eating rice cake since ancient times. Siru has been unearthed in historic sites of the bronze age and iron age. Siru can also be seen in the mural of fourth-century Anak Tomb No. 3 in South Hwanghae, North Korea."\n\nPhoto : Two women shaping tteok CCBYSA World to Table / Wikimedia

Tug-of-war is a universal game that pits two teams against each other in a test of strength. Although the sport is prac-ticed in different forms depending on the environment and culture of each country, it has promoted community solidarity and unity around the world. Dangjin has a unique folk tradition called Gijisi tug-of-war. It is believed that the tug-of-war was first held about five hundred years ago to overcome a devastating disaster by encouraging harmony and cooperation among the residents. Later, it reflected the local rope-mak-ing methods of fishing villages, and the city has supported large-scale tugging war events for the community. The local tradition has been well preserved and passed on to the present day.

The tug-of-war is one of the most well-known intangible cultural heritage elements that represent the Republic of Korea. Tug-of-war games were widely enjoyed by people across the country before the 1930s and 1940s. During the 1960s, the tug-of-war came under the protection of the Cultural Heritage Conservation Policy and has been appointed and is being managed by local and national governments. Locally, eight tug-of-war traditions have been inscribed on the national inventory list. Moreover, compared to other ICH element studies, of the element has been significantly researched.\n\nTug-of-war is a cultural heritage element of many East Asian nations, and these nations are preparing to nominate the element to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. In this context, the goal of this paper is to discover universal traits in tug-of-war traditions in East Asia. However, besides the Republic of Korea and Japan, there is insufficient research on tug-of-war traditions in the region, which limits the scope of this presentation. In case of China, despite the existence of various records on tug-of-war in literature, the tradition as it exists in China today seems to be more of a sports match than a ritual event. I would also like to mention that this paper is a draft based on document records, the Internet, and the academic symposium hosted by Gijisi Tug-of-War Conservation Institute.

Gijisi tug‐of‐war is one among many traditional Korean tug‐of‐war games. \nPlaying Gijisi tug‐of‐war forms a temporary community as well as a trans-mission community. In exploring the formed community, this article will discuss how the communities are formed, the features they have, and the meaning such temporary communities have. In addition, this article will examine how continuous and conventional communities enable the Gijisi tug‐of‐war event to take place. While doing so, different features of the tug‐of‐war communities will be discussed by comparing the characteristics of the Gijisi tug‐of‐war community with the Jul Nanjang, a special market held for the tug-of-war. Although different and both have changed, the characteristics of contemporary traditional transmission commu-nity will be clarified. Such comparative research might give Gijisi tug‐of‐war to find its unique position among traditional tug‐of‐war games.\nBased on the name, Gijisi tug‐of‐war, one may assume that the people who create such a spectacular would be residents in Gijisi‐ri or even residents of Dangjin, which includes Gijisi‐ri. However, participation in the tug‐of‐war is not restricted and is open to visitors from the whole country as well as foreigners. As such, a community for playing tug‐of‐war is temporarily formed. In other words, it is a temporary com-munity that is formed in a specific time and space.

UNESCO’s Intangible Heritage Convention, which was adopted in 2003 and entered into force in April 2006, highlighted “Recognizing that com-munities, in particular indigenous communities, groups and, in some case, individuals, play an important role in the production, safeguarding, mainte-nance and re-creation of the intangible cultural heritage, thus helping to enrich cultural diversity and human creativity.” Articles 1 and 15 on purposes of the Convention make further references to issues relating to the participation of communities, groups, and individuals. By respecting and empowering practicing communities to define, desig-nate their intangible heritage, and engage in protecting ICH, many states have come to acknowledge community as one of the central goals of the convention. In fact, the interrelationship between community and heritage seems to be inseparable. Valdirmar Tr. Hasfstein pointed out that “At closer inspection, intangible cultural heritage is practically synonymous with community” and therefore “the purpose of the conven-tion is not only to safeguard traditional practice and expressions, but also, and just as importantly, to safeguard communities” (Valdirmar Tr. Hasfstein 2004, p.212)

"The Cultural Heritage Administration has a new listing on the national intangible heritage list: the traditional Korean alcoholic beverage makgeolli and its associated culture. It incorporates the skill of making this milky and lightly effervescent rice wine and the cultural practices associated with sharing it. Makgeolli is conventionally brewed by cooking rice, mixing it with water and nuruk (a fermentation starter that contains sacchrogenic enzymes and natural yeast), and running the mash through a sieve after a few days of fermentation. Mak in makgeolli means ‘right now’ or ‘just then’ and geolli mean ‘to filter.’ Not only is the word pure Korean, but the name itself reveals the method of making the beverage and its characteristics.\n\nMakgeolli is an alcoholic beverage made from rice or other grains that is purported to date back to the introduction of farming on the Korean Peninsula. Histories on the Three Kingdoms period, such as Samguk Sagi (History of the Three Kingdoms) and Samguk Yusa (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) include terms such as mion, jiju, and ryoye that presumably refer to what is known as makgeolli today. Baekju and other terms purported to denote makgeolli appear in Dongguk Isanggukjip (Collected Work by Minister Yi of the Eastern State) and other literary compilations from the Goryeo Dynasty. Books from the Joseon period, such as the novel Chunhyangjeon (The Story of Chunhyang) and the encyclopedia Gwangjaemulbo (Information on Comprehensive Things) contain mentions of mok-geolli or mak-geolli. Joseon-era cookbooks, such as Gyuhap Chongseo and Eumsik Dimibang, contain recipes for alcoholic beverages that would have been enjoyed as a cloudy makgeolli.\n\nMakgeolli can be made easily and at low cost simply with rice and nuruk. As a result, it was easily affordable, and it became the alcohol to sooth the sorrows of ordinary people. Makgeolli quenched the thirst of farmers throughout the working season. Korean farm laborers used to say, “If it all pays the same, I’d rather offer a hand to the farmhouse serving the most delicious makgeolli.”\n\nMakgeolli was also an indispensable element in ritual ceremonies and celebrations or mourning. Many traditions featuring makgeolli as a ritual drink have been transmitted to the present. The milky rice wine is still presented as an offering in many modern ceremonies commemorating, for example, the completion of a building, purchase of a new car, or opening of shops.\n\nIn a nutshell, the tradition of making and sharing makgeolli has been evaluated as a worth entry onto the national intangible heritage list for the following reasons: its transmission across the Korean Peninsula for ages; its historicity is supported by documents; it serves as an interesting subject of study in diverse academic fields such as history, food sciences, and folklore studies; and its association with a wide range of farmers’ songs, folkloric sayings, and literary work; among other reasons."\n\nPhoto : Makgeolli in a bowl. Public domain image.