The Babadok is a traditional percussion instrument of Timor-Leste, central to the soundscape of communal dance, ritual, and celebration. With its deep, resonant rhythm, the babadok doesn’t just keep time—it sets the emotional pulse of an event, weaving together the steps of dancers, the cadence of songs, and the energy of the gathered community.\n\nTypically made from a hollowed-out log or wooden tube covered at both ends with animal skin—often goat or cowhide—the babadok is lightweight and portable. Struck with the hands or sometimes with short wooden sticks, it produces a sharp, dry beat that is both grounding and expressive. The drumheads are stretched tightly and tied securely with natural fiber ropes, sometimes decorated with paint or carved patterns. Over time, each instrument develops its own distinct tone, shaped by use, climate, and craftsmanship.\n\nIn traditional ceremonies, particularly dances like tebe-tebe or tebe-lilin, the babadok is the heartbeat of the performance. It provides tempo, signals changes in movement, and helps dancers synchronize their steps. More than a musical tool, the babadok becomes a channel through which emotions—joy, sorrow, gratitude—are communicated and shared. During ritual gatherings, it may accompany singing, recitation of oral histories, or moments of spiritual invocation.\n\nThe instrument is most often played by women, though in some regions both men and women participate. Its accessibility is part of its charm—anyone with rhythm, respect, and a sense of the tradition can learn to play. Children often grow up hearing the babadok played at family ceremonies or village festivals, absorbing its patterns and rhythms before they ever try it themselves.\n\nCrafting a babadok is itself an act of cultural care. The choice of wood, the drying and stretching of the skins, and the tying of the drum all follow methods passed down through generations. Elders often guide young artisans in this process, emphasizing not just the technique but the responsibility that comes with creating something used in sacred and social spaces.\n\nDespite its enduring importance, the babadok—like many traditional instruments—faces challenges in modern times. Mass-produced drums and changing musical preferences mean that fewer young people are learning to make or play it. Still, efforts are being made to preserve the tradition, with community performances, school programs, and cultural events placing the instrument back at the center of public life.\n\nIn the rhythm of the babadok, one can hear more than music: it is the sound of continuity, of people moving together, of ancestors remembered and futures imagined. Whether echoing across a dusty dance circle or softly beating in a sacred house, the babadok remains a powerful symbol of Timor-Leste’s living heritage.

Rickshaw is considered one of the most popular transport vehicles in Bangladesh. Millions of rickshaws can be seen all over the country. It is one of the most easy-to-get and traditional vehicles in this region. Basically, this is a three-wheeled pedicab driven by a person who is generally called 'rickshaw-wala'. It is required to put hard physical labor to drive this vehicle. Most of the Asian nations have their own form of this primitive transportation. But, in Bangladesh, the vibrant, colorful designs on rickshaw has taken it to another level of aesthetics and craftsmanship. The painted rectangular metal board at the backside, between the two wheels of the vehicle is the main attraction of the whole artwork. This is what you generally refer to as rickshaw painting- a genre of art that is unique to the Bengali culture. Sometimes it resembles rural life, sometimes historic incidents or movie stars or surreal thoughts, essentially to attract the passengers. This is a traditional Bangladeshi urban folk art form that represents the culture, history, and livelihood of common people. In reality, every rickshaw is a single mobile piece of art.\n\nThe themes of rickshaw painting are a bit different in different cities. In Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh, the paintings are more vibrant than the paintings Chittagong region, and you can also notice the difference in Rajshahi or other regions. But most of the time It includes the colorful paint of birds, flowers, village scenery, liberation war, cinema poster, cities, mythology, animals, human beings, national monuments, etc. Even sometimes global incidents inspire the artisans. There were rickshaw paintings in Dhaka based on the incidence of the collapse of twin towers in the United States of America.\nThe rickshaw painters are considered as traditional folk artists. Their arts are sometimes considered as people's art. There are different types of rickshaw painters. Mostly they are less educated. They are the people who have been working in rickshaw garages. If you visit the rickshaw garages you may find elderly people who have been painting for decades. This is somehow a pearl of local wisdom. Most of the early artisans self-taught. They have no institutional training or knowledge of painting. However, their colorful vibrant paintings on rickshaw show their craftsmanship, skill, and level of imagination and observation power. These paintings on the body of the rickshaw can easily catch someone's eye which is the main reason behind rickshaw painting- to attract passengers. nThe painters reflect their own likings and desires in their paint as well as the desires of the people who are ordering the painting. They also consider the likings of the passengers whom we call rickshaw-jatri. The decoration and painting attract the general riders. They enjoy watching this piece of art.\n\nWe can see some challenges nowadays, in terms of keep going on with this traditional form of art because of mechanization, modernization, and urbanization. Rickshaws are gradually being withdrawn from selected streets of the larger cities. There is a doubt that this will eventually affect the traditional art form. If this continues to happen, the big cities will have no more rickshaws which is really a big threat to the art form. Some people also oppose rickshaw pulling because this is a very hard physical labor-oriented occupation. But if rickshaw gets withdrawn from the big cities there will be a risk to lose the tradition and it will affect the economy and living of the people related to this. nThe traditional artisans of rickshaw painting are somehow facing some problems to keep going on with their traditional livelihood. They complain that they are not getting enough earing from rickshaw painting these days. They paint rickshaws with their hands. But nowadays there are other available digital paint forms like screen printing which costs three or four times less than the hand paintings. So the rickshaw owners are preferring to buy these screen printings. nRickshaw painting is one of the most tangible forms of intangible cultural practice. This art is considered 'peoples art. The painted rectangular metal board at the backside, between the two wheels, leaves a trail of passion that the Rickshaw artist puts in his creations. This craftsmanship requires knowledge and skills which is transmitted from the early rickshaw painters themselves. nSome young students of Charukola, Dhaka University; one of the most influential fine arts institutes of the country, have expressed their thoughts on the safeguarding of this unique art form. They are also trying to revitalize this traditional form of art. They are trying to make it popular among the urban upper and middle-class society. They suggested using this form of art on other products like dresses, mobile phones, and other accessories. nAs the genre of the rickshaw paint is dying down due to digital printing and other such technologies, some young Bangladeshi artists are trying to bring back rickshaw art and promote it by hand painting on modern, innovative products. They are trying to convert the traditional form of rickshaw art into a modern form of art. \n\nThe youth of Bangladesh is very much connected to this intangible cultural heritage and they are finding their way to safeguard and promote it in this era of digital printing. While we can feel the risk of diminishing this art form, It is a light that young people who are parts of institutional or formal fine arts are trying to safeguard and promote the knowledge and tradition of the painting. They are also taking steps to preserve and protect the form of art .

Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.

▶ Play 3. A Pact for Peace A Journey to Kalinga\nThis episode was first aired on Filipino television on April 18, 1996. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nAn animal was offered in the context of the Kalinga cultural ritual.\nHistorically, the Kalinga is a mixed group (Calinga, Kalingga, Kalina’), but it is now considered as a more or less homogenous group in the province of Kalinga. Subgroups of the Kalinga may also be found in the adjoining provinces of Apayao, Abra, Ilocos Sur, and Cagayan. There is a small group of people in the province of Ifugao also called Kalinga but who are not related to the central Kalinga population. The core area of the group is in the drainage areas of the Chico River and its tributaries in northern Cordillera. One of the ways in which this culture has been subgrouped is as follows: Balbalan (northern), Lubuagan (southern), and Maducayan (eastern). Another suggested subgrouping is: (1) Giad’an Balbalasang, (2) Sumadel, (3) Lubuagan, (4) Nabayugan, (5) Ablig Saligsig, (6) Kalagua, and (7) Mangali Lubo. In addition, there is a little-known highly mobile group in the Kalakad-Tupac area in east Tanudan.\n\nThe members form a mixed group of people thought to be descendants of migrants into the area from the Cagayan Valley to the east and the province of Abra to the west. There is a marked difference between the northern and southern populations due to the introduction of wet rice terracing in the south from Bontoc. An eastern grouping caused by eographic circumscription is also recognized. The society is organized into endogamous groups stemming from budong (peace pact) alliances. Because of their dress and personal ornamentations, the Kalinga have been dubbed the “Peacocks of the North.” Two distinctive features are the octagonal house in southern Kalinga, and the peace pacts that they enter into to preserve relationships between neighboring groups. Settlement areas are denser in the south.\n\nAgriculture is also carried on in terraces, though on a smaller scale than the Ifugao and Bontoc, and field preparation is done with the use of draft animals. Rice is the principal crop. Swidden crops include beans, sweet potato, corn, sugar cane, and taro. Coffee is a popular cash crop. The Kalinga are also known for their pottery, baskets, and metal craft.\n\nAlthough in the past, peace pacts had been common among the numerous ethno-linguistic groups, the budong of the Kalinga has caught the country’s imagination. Warring groups enter peace-enhancing arrangements through an elaborate procedure and the holders of each party keep token symbols from the other holders. These symbols ensure that the communities adhere to the terms of the pagta, the rules dictated by the pact.

Jaggery (Htan Nyat) is very important sweet food stuff in Myanmar which is boiled the toddy palm sap(Htan Yee) so that can be made solid jaggery.It's colour ranges from yellow to brown.Toddy palm tree(Htan Pin) are growing especially in Rural Area of Central Dry Zone of Myanmar such as Mandalay Region, Magway Region and Sagaing Region.The jaggery production can be found as the traditional production in most villages from Kyauk Pa Daung, Myin Gyan, Taung Thar, We Laung, Ye Sa Gyo, Pa Kok Ku, Meik Ti La, Poppa, Bagan and Nyaung Oo township. Other growing areas of Toddy palm tree(Htan Pin) are Lower Myanmar such as Tha Nin Thar Yi Region, Ayeyarwady Region, Dawei, Yebyu, Thaton Districts.\nHere, I would like to express about a traditional jaggery production from Zee O village. Zee O village located in Myay Thin Twin Group,Nyaung Oo Township in Mandalay Region. It locates on the south of Old Bagan and about 25km from Nyaung Oo city. For their seasonal livelihood, they pratice traditional way of jaggery making process through their ancestors for long time ago. Among 200 households of Zee O village, 100 are doing jaggery production. We can see the jaggery production as traditional food for their economic life.\nAccording to the different region, collection time of the toddy palm sap(Htan Yee) is not same. In Zee O village, the sap from male toddy palm (Htan Pho) can only be collected from February to June and the sap from female toddy palm (Htan Ma) can only be collected from April to September. nTo collect sap from the toddy tree,the toddy palm climber uses special tools such as small ladder (Yin Swee) fixed to the upper part of a toddy tree and portable ladder (Yin Htaung) used in connection with the fixed ladder and etc. The work of collecting to sap starts early in the morning. The toddy climber climbs the toddy tree via special ladder attached to its trunk and brings down the pots that have filled with the toddy palm sap overnight, replacing them with empty pots at noon.\nFirst of all,heat the pots(Myu Oe) with dry the toddy palm leaves. Afer heating,the pot are roped.And then,poured the slaked lime into the pot. The one of the important things of the toddy climber is the knife(Dar Hnee) which is needed to sharp.\nSo,the toddy climber grinds the knife before his functions. The toddy climbers of Zee O village are distinct from other places of the toddy climbers. For testing knife is sharp, he cut his hairs himself. And then,he carries about ten pots(Myu Oe) with shoulder-yoke and the sharp knife attached to his waist and goes to the toddy palm trees.\nThere are two ways of collecting toddy juice(Htan Yee) depends on male and female toddy tree. A bit of wood(Ka Laing) is wedged into the top of the toddy palm tree to provide seating while he cuts the flower clusters. When the toddy-udders(Htan Nosh) of male tree become blossom, the climber has to clip the toddy-udders toddy-udders with wooden stick or pounding soften that can get much toddy sap. After that,the toddy climber tied nine or twelve toddy-udders cutting for sap into the pots.\nToddy farmer cut female toddy palm's stalks that have fruits for sap collection. He pounds the base of toddy palm's stalk with a small iron hammer (Zauk Khauk). Toddy farmer slice a little to each fruit to collect toddy sap.\nThe sap has to be filtered leaving behind the sediment of lime(Hton Yee Kyi) is put into a stainless steel boiling pan and boiled for about 45 minutes. According to the different region,the kilns for boiling toddy palm sap are different types.In Zee O village, the kilns are made by digging into the ground so that can work for five boiling pans at the same time. While the sap are boiling, the worker has to stir with flat wooden laddle continuously and also has to be added the seeds or powder of castor oil plant so that it cannot be split into the ground. The boiling and stirring has to be continued to get the suitable condition for moulding of toddy palm syrup was obtained. After that, toddy palm syrup was cooled to make granules by hands. Then,it is also dried for about 15 minutes and jaggery is obtained. nAfter that, export jaggery to the buying centre. The buying centre has to put out to dry with the sun. And then,prepare to trade other regions. Especially, Zee O village trade with Nyaung Oo township and Yangon region.\nThere are some animals to disturb the jaggery production such as mouses,squirrels,butterflies, bats,ants,crows and so on. They suck toddy sap,bite the pot's rope and fruit clusters,throw away faeces into the pot.\nJaggery is completely organic without any chemicals.It is used for Myanmar traditional food such as Mont-lone-yay-paw, Mont-lat-saung,Mont-kywe-thae,Thar-ku-yoo,Mont-lat-kout; etc.\nThere has many nutritional values of jaggery. They are protein, fat, carbonhydrate, energy, calcium, phosphorus, iron, mineral, carotine,vitamin and so on.In medical benefits, jaggery treats cold and cough,purified blood,relieves bone and joint pain,strengthens immunity etc.So,jaggery(Htan Nyat) is very useful for snack and traditional medicine.

The Kaiui—also known as fui or be’u in different regions—is a traditional bamboo flute of Timor-Leste, cherished for its gentle, evocative sound that once echoed across rice fields, hilltops, and quiet village evenings. Long associated with solitude, emotional expression, and storytelling, the Kaiui is more than just a musical instrument—it is a vessel of memory and connection.\n\nTraditionally crafted from au-fafulu, a specific type of bamboo, the Kaiui features seven tone holes and is often about the length of a forearm. A key part of its design is the use of a corn cob or similar material to block part of the internal chamber, modifying the flow of air and shaping the distinctive tone. The player blows across the top opening while controlling the pitch with their fingers, producing melodies that are haunting, meditative, and subtly expressive.\n\nFor generations, the Kaiui was used by boys tending livestock in the fields, especially in the early mornings or during midday rest. It was played to pass the time, soothe animals, or simply to ease loneliness. Others used it to express feelings of longing—especially in matters of love, separation, or remembrance. In many communities, the flute is considered a deeply personal instrument, capable of giving voice to emotions that are otherwise difficult to speak.\n\nThe art of playing Kaiui is learned informally, typically by observing and mimicking older siblings, parents, or elders. There is no standard notation; the music lives through imitation, memory, and improvisation. Songs vary from region to region and even from player to player, with some tunes tied to seasonal rhythms or traditional events like sau-batar (harvest ceremonies) or rites of passage.\n\nThe Kaiui also plays a role in certain rituals and ceremonies, where its sound is believed to create a space of calm, welcome ancestral spirits, or accompany reflective moments. Its simple construction and natural materials reflect a worldview grounded in harmony with the environment—a flute made entirely from what the land provides, played under the open sky.\n\nToday, however, the practice of making and playing the Kaiui is increasingly rare. As younger generations turn to electronic music and imported instruments, the quiet music of the bamboo flute is fading from everyday life. In some communities, it survives primarily as a cultural demonstration during festivals or heritage programs.\n\nEfforts to preserve the Kaiui are now underway through workshops, school projects, and intergenerational exchanges. In these spaces, the flute is not only played but celebrated—as a living symbol of Timor-Leste’s musical heritage and a gentle reminder of how sound, memory, and identity are woven together in the simplest of forms.

Deep in the remote taiga forests of northern Mongolia, the Tsaatan people—known as the reindeer herders—live a nomadic life deeply intertwined with nature and tradition. Residing in Tsagaan Nuur Sum of Khuvsgul Province, over 1,000 kilometers from Ulaanbaatar, the Tsaatans are among the last remaining communities in the world who herd and ride reindeer as part of their daily life.\n\nNumbering around 40 families and herding over 2,000 reindeer, the Tsaatans live in urts—portable teepees made for life on the move. Constantly in search of favorable weather and rich moss pastures for their reindeer, they migrate frequently, far more than other Mongolian herders. Their connection to the reindeer is both spiritual and practical: the animals are used for transport, milk, meat, and even as hunting companions.\n\nThis video explores the fascinating world of the Tsaatan people—their traditions, reindeer-herding practices, and harmonious relationship with the environment. From milking reindeer in the summer to celebrating milestones like the “1000” and “2000 Reindeer Festivals,” the Tsaatans continue to preserve their way of life while attracting visitors interested in their unique culture.\n\nWith reindeer numbers soon reaching 3,000, the Tsaatans plan to hold another major celebration, honoring their heritage and the growing recognition of their role in preserving one of Mongolia’s most remarkable nomadic traditions.

The Eagle Dance is a Mongolian folk dance expressing the movements of a white eagle flying across the sky. Dancers raise one leg and flap their arms, imitating eagles flapping their wings. They also perform powerful movements to dynamic music. The basic move of raising both arms while moving the shoulders up and down originates from the Mongolian Biyelgee dance.\n\nThe white eagle is known to be the totem bird of Genghis Khan, founder of the Mongol Empire. The Eagle Dance represents the bravery of 13th century Mongolian warriors, and is a permanent fixture in the repertoire performed at major national events.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙Dance mimicking the movements of animals\n\nPerformed by Mongolian National Song and Dance Academic Ensemble\nDirected by Tseden-Ish Altangerel\nChoreopraphed by Davaakhuu Altangerel

This dance is a reconstruction of the masked dance performed in the Drametse region, rearranged for a solo performance. ‘Nga’ means drum, and ‘Cham’ means ‘masked ritual dance’. The Drametse Nga Cham is a dance performed during the Drametse festival to commemorate the great teacher ‘Padmasambhava’, who brought Tibetan Buddhism to Bhutan in the 8th century.\n\nIt is said that Drametse Nga Cham originated from a dance performed by legendary male and female heroes living in the celestial world. Traditionally, it was performed by 10 musicians and 16 male dancers. The dancers wear monk’s robes and wooden masks depicting real or legendary animals, and dance in the temple yard.\n\nDrametse Nga Cham has an important place in the Bhutanese society, with religious and cultural significance. The Bhutanese see this dance as the source of their spiritual strength and a symbol of their national identity. However, there have been challenges in its transmission in recent years, with a decline in the number of practitioners and students.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙Inscribed to the UNESCO Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2008\n∙Cham, a type of masked ritual dance\n\nPerformed by Ngawang Tencin\nDirected by Ngawang Tencin

Felt making is one of the oldest traditions, bearing an artistic and aesthetic value and symbolism closely associated with folk customs and rituals. The process of collecting wool is twice a year—in autumn and in spring. A story about the historical value and ubiquitous use of rams’ skins. The process and the staged technique of felting. One way to preserve traditional felt making. It is a question of the ecological value of felt, the methods of extraction from natural materials (plants and stones), and the use of certain ornaments associated with nature and animals.

Khovd Province, located in western Mongolia, is a vibrant tapestry of majestic landscapes, diverse ethnic communities, and deep-rooted cultural traditions. Home to more than ten ethnic groups—including the Kazakhs, Torguud, Durvud, Zakhchin, Uriankhai, and Myangad—Khovd is a cradle of intangible cultural heritage passed down for generations.\n\nSurrounded by sacred snow-capped peaks and vast river valleys, Khovd is rich in biodiversity, with over 1,300 plant species and hundreds of rare and endangered animals, including snow leopards and Altai argali. Its historical landscape is just as abundant, featuring ancient rock carvings, deer stones, and the renowned Gurvan Tsenkher Cave with 40,000-year-old petroglyphs.\n\nThe province is a living museum of nomadic knowledge and craftsmanship. Locals uphold centuries-old traditions of herding, long-distance camel caravans, and skilled artisanal work—everything from intricate ethnic costumes and woodcraft to leather and felt production. Unique musical and dance traditions, such as bielgee (expressive dance), Tsuur flute playing, and the haunting throat singing khoomii, echo across the region, preserving the voices of the past.\n\nAnnual festivals celebrate horse racing, wrestling, and the famed Kazakh Eagle Festival, showcasing the enduring bond between eagle hunters and their majestic birds. Epic poetry, the melodies of the horsehead fiddle, and region-specific tea customs further enrich Khovd’s living cultural heritage.\n\nThis documentary journeys through the soul of Khovd Province—where every mountain, melody, and movement tells a story. It’s a place where Mongolia’s ancestral spirit is not only remembered but proudly lived every day.

Traditional Technique of Making Airag\nThe occasion of fermenting a mare’s milk is celebrated with a feast that is held within three days of tethering foals. The ceremony is held to summon prosperity, to encourage horse herds to multiply, to wish for an abundance of airag (fermented mare’s milk) and other dairy products, and to bless newborn animals. During the ceremony, the proceedings (tethering foals, milking mares, holding a milk libation ritual, reciting milk libation and anointment, and sharing the ceremonial mutton and mare milking feast) are carried out alternately.