Papua New Guinea is one of the most culturally diverse countries in the world, with over 750 languages representing 750 ethnic groups. Papua New Guinea is made up of 24 provincial governments, and the nation is divided into four regions known as Momase, the Highlands, New Guinea Islands, and the Southern Region.

The small sun-soaked village of Molela, located approximately fifteen to twenty kilometers from the city of Udaipur in Rajasthan, is home to a vibrant community of terracotta clay artists. Over the years, Molela has emerged as a focal point in the art of making attractive votive plaques or idols of gods, with terracotta. While the early creations were originally cast as standing idols of local deities and various forms of the Hindu god Vishnu, today these figures are often mounted on tiles or plaques and are hung from the walls of homes and temples. These votive figurines can be multicolored or can have a terracotta hue, as is represented in the various temples in Rajasthan and Gujarat.

The gender diversity expressed in intangible cultural heritage (ICH) should be seen as a part of the cultural diversity now celebrated as a human rights value and should therefore be protected as such. However, this is not a simple matter since, as we know, some traditional cultural practices are incompatible with the fundamental human rights principles of equality and non-discrimination. Indeed, the question of how the requirements of gender equality can be met within the framework of UNESCO’s 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage raises some important and extremely complex issues. At the core of these rests an apparent contradiction between the human rights concept of gender equality and the multiple ways in which gender is expressed in ICH and understood by bearer communities. Since, as stated in its preamble, the 2003 Convention is explicitly placed within the broader context of human rights, this is not simply a theoretical question; any heritage recognized and safeguarded under that treaty should be compatible with human rights requirements, of which equality on the basis of sex (among other bases) is a central one. This presents important challenges to governments, the international community, and other actors interested in identifying ICH for the purposes of safeguarding; although more leeway may be possible for national safeguarding of ICH, a relatively strict test of gender equality and non-discrimination needs to be applied for the international aspects of the Convention (international inscriptions and assistance, in particular).

The Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn Anthropology Centre (SAC) is a public organization under the supervision of the Thai Ministry of Culture. Established in 1989, the Centre’s primary mission is to promote understanding among peoples through the study of human societies. SAC’s activities fall within three main program areas: documentation, research, and public education and outreach. Geographically, SAC’s program activities focus on Thailand and the Greater Mekong Sub-region, with the broad aim of fostering tolerance and cross-cultural awareness in the region through anthropological research and public education.

Since its establishment in 2007 and continuous operation since 2010, the Center for Research and Promotion of the Cultural Heritage (CCH) has been evaluated by the Vietnam Association for Cultural Heritage as one of the best units with the biggest number of effective professional activities among those units belonging to the Association. The two leaders of the Center are two respected scientists in the field of cultural heritage—Dr. Le Thị Minh Ly, member of the National Committee of Cultural Heritage and former Vice Director of Department of Cultural Heritage; and Associate Professor, Doctor Nguyen Van Huy, former Director of Vietnam Ethnology Museum. The number of staff working at the Center is limited to twelve, but this is not fixed. The Center expands its capacity through a strong network and mechanisms for collaborating with partners who have been working in the field of cultural heritage and community, especially in the field of safeguarding policy.

Newar culture has different lifecycle rituals, performed at different stages of life from birth to death. These rituals are complex and embedded in the socio-cultural environment. With every lifecycle ritual, a person gains certain rights, responsibilities, and maturity within the society.

"The Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (‘ICH Convention’ or ‘Convention’ hereafter) was adopted in 2003 and subsequently brought into force in 2006. The ICH Convention mandates signatories to use or mobilise various measures to safeguard intangible cultural heritage. \nEven though the Convention does not succinctly mention the elaborate legal measures for safeguarding intangible cultural heritage, the intellectual property rights to protect intangible cultural heritage and its holders are implied throughout provisions of the Convention. To implement the Convention’s spirit, the Operational Directives clarify legal form as safeguarding measures by stating that: State Parties shall endeavor to ensure, in particular through the application of intellectual property rights, privacy rights and any other appropriate form of legal protection, that the rights of the communities, groups, and individuals that create, bear and transmit their intangible cultural heritage are duly protected…."

It had taken a few weeks for roads to be cleared of rockfalls and to be made safe enough for vehicles carrying essential goods and supplies in the wake of the June 2013 flash floods and landslides in the western Himalayan region, in particular the mountainous state of Uttarakhand. A small team from the specialist center that I was associated with, the Centre for Environment Education Himalaya, was traveling to a few of the villages that had been affected, which were also villages in which the center had been working for some years before the natural disaster. Those in the small group were anxious. There had been no way to contact people in the villages nor even local administrators in the sub-district offices. Phone lines had yet to be restored, and mobile phone towers were being slowly replaced. Had there been casualties amongst the groups the center had trained? Were homes and school buildings still standing? No-one would know until they reached.

This paper presents UNESCO’s approaches and activities under two functions: 1) the standard‐setting function, which is mostly carried out at headquarters level through intergovernmental committees and in close collaboration with Member States; and 2) the “laboratory of ideas” function, which is implemented at the national level by UNESCO field offices. Capacity building, at both the institutional and individual levels, is a major focus that is integrated throughout all our work.

In calling for memory values to be considered anew in the escalating public debate on the World Heritage Convention’s definition of outstanding universal values, Francesco Bandarin, former director of the UNESCO World Heritage Centre, speaking as part of the Our World Heritage initiative, recently reminded his audience, “Heritage is not just beauty.” Indeed, it is so much more.

Historically, Malaysia (the Malay Peninsula) was known as the Golden Chersonese, and in the past, Malay populations lived in riverine and coastal settlements, which were some of the most important trading hubs in Southeast Asia. The Malay maritime empire was once a large kingdom, stretching from the coast of Vietnam and Cambodia to Southern Thailand, the Malay Peninsula, Singapore, Borneo, Sumatra, Riau, Sulawesi, and Southern Philippines. Across the Malay-speaking world, fabrics embellished with gold were for the rich and powerful, such as the ruler of the kingdom. Besides the golden fabric, songket, Malay embroideries were mostly used by nobility and royals. In the fifteenth century, the Melaka Sultanate instituted sumptuary laws governing the types of ornaments and colors for interior and soft furnishings, such as curtain fringes, bolster ends, cushions, prayer mats and other items. Across the Malay world, the numbers of dais, bolsters, and layers of siting mats, were associated with a certain hierarchy, varying across the regions.

Within the world of professional tattooing, Samoans are famous for the continuity of their practice despite missionaries’ efforts to ban it. A detailed study of the archives of the Marist’s fathers and the London Missionary Society revealed that in the western island of Savai‘i, some districts and their ali‘i (high ranking chiefs) where defying the church by organizing tattooing initiation rituals during the second half of the nineteenth century. This in turn, incited the Marist Fathers to ask for official permission from headquarters in Rome to let them practice tattooing.