Highly traditional nomadic rites, such as the tusau kesu, have been preserved among the Kazakhs, but the people’s understanding of the rites has been transformed. For Kazakh forbearers, rituals like tusau kesu (cutting the rope) or ashamayga mingyzu (landing on a horse) were rituals for beginning a journey, the journey through life and the exploration of the space around them. Many Kazakh families believe that the tusau kesu rite helps accelerate the child’s physical development so that the child can walk confidently, but if the child walks weakly, the rite can be repeated. The rite also symbolizes the discovery of a life path. The rite transfers spiritual and physical qualities to the child from a respected person elected by the parents. A grandmother, for example, shows the techniques of fetter weaving to her granddaughter.

This is the ceremony of labor, which happened when the baby foal grown well and enough milk comes as a result of the good weather. In other words, this is the ceremony that symbolize the growing of horse and animals and having much more airag (fermented mare’s milk). There is a custom to celebrate the occasion of fermenting mare’s milk with a feast, which is held within three days of the tethering. The ceremony is celebrated for the means of summoning prosperity to receive plenty of growth of horse herd, the abundance of airag (fermented mare’s milk) and other dairy products and blessing the newborn animals. During the ceremony the proceedings of tethering the foals, milking the mares, ritual of milk libation, recitation of milk libation and anointment, and sharing the ceremonial mutton and mare milking feast are carried out alternately.

Chewing bua-malus—a combination of areca nut (bua) and betel pepper leaf (malus)—is a widespread and deeply symbolic cultural practice throughout Timor-Leste. While it is often seen as a daily habit, its role goes far beyond oral tradition and personal enjoyment. Bua-malus is inseparable from the fabric of Timorese life, marking every major social, spiritual, and ceremonial moment with its presence.\n\nAt its simplest, the practice involves chewing pieces of areca nut wrapped in a fresh green betel leaf, often accompanied by a pinch of slaked lime (ahu) to release the active compounds and deepen the flavor. The mixture produces a distinctive red juice and is known for its mildly stimulating effects. But in cultural terms, bua-malus acts as a form of communication—an offering, a blessing, a welcome, and a bridge between generations.\n\nIn marriage ceremonies (barlake), bua-malus plays a key ritual role in exchanges between families. During funerals, it may be offered to the deceased or distributed among mourners as a sign of shared respect and continuity. When sacred houses (uma lulik) are built or restored, or when a newborn baby undergoes a fase-matan (eye-opening) ritual, elders may gently rub a paste of bua-malus onto the baby’s eyelids and forehead to protect them and spiritually anchor their life.\n\nElders and ritual leaders (lia-nain) often carry small pouches filled with the ingredients and use them to open or conclude negotiations, calm disputes, or honor guests. Offering bua-malus is a profound gesture of hospitality and peace—it signals trust, respect, and the intention to share one’s truth openly. Refusing it, in some contexts, may even be considered a subtle social offense.\n\nThe act of chewing is often done communally, accompanied by conversation, storytelling, or silence. The red-stained lips and relaxed posture of those gathered in a shaded courtyard or under a tree reflect a rhythm of life tied to land, time, and relationship. Many communities regard bua-malus not just as a habit but as a living heritage—something that must be handed down with care and intention.\n\nDespite its enduring presence, the practice is evolving. Urbanization, health concerns, and shifting social norms have altered how and where people chew bua-malus. Younger generations may engage with it more selectively, and some of the ritual meanings risk being diluted or forgotten.\n\nNonetheless, the cultural power of bua-malus remains strong. Whether offered to welcome a guest, seal an agreement, or bless a new life, this humble bundle of nut, leaf, and lime carries the weight of centuries of wisdom. It connects people not only to each other but to their ancestors, their land, and the values that continue to guide communal life in Timor-Leste.

This film is about rituals related to children. Included are kyrkyn chygaruu, a ritual celebrating the fortieth day after a child’s birth; beshike saluu, a ritual of placing baby in the cradle; tushoo kesuu, a ritual of cutting rope tied around a baby’s ankles; and bata, a blessing ritual. Knowledge holders talk about the significance of each ritual in a child’s life cycle. The film shows how these rituals are conducted now and how they have evolved over time.

"\nMelodies associated with herding of animals, coaxing rituals for baby animals and hunting are the common representatives of this element. Such intonations and melodies derived from the nomadic people’s mode of life are classified as melodies for animals such as gurii gurii for horses, oov oov for cows, toor toor for camels, and melodies for coaxing animals, melodies for milking the mother animals such as toig toigoo for coaxing baby sheep, for baby goat as cheeg cheeg, and for baby camel saying melody khoos khoos. There are also other melodies for hunting (melodies to call games, melodies to amuse games), melodies for uukhai or cheering up (uukhai for archery, uukhai for anklebone shooting, melodies for wrestler or race-horse title recitations, giingoo or zeengoo melodies of the horse-jockeys) are used for daily life of Mongolians. This the specific rite of psychological connection between herder and animals. \n"\n

Intangible Cultural Heritage Elements of Ferghana Valley_Collection on Intangible Cultural Heritage Elements of Ferghana Valley\n\n1. Yalla\nYalla, a widespread folklore song genre, is made up of words that come from poems by classic and modern poets. The songs are accompanied by dancing. Yalla is sung by one, two, or more people with the accompaniment of doira music or a musical ensemble. Most yalla songs are about love and affection, and they possess an attractive, charming, and jolly character.\n\n2. Alla\nAlla (lullaby) is an oral form of ICH sung by one person, usually a mother who is putting her baby to sleep. Alla, popular among Uzbek, Uyghur, and Tajik people, is important in raising a child. Alla is highly emotive in that it allows a child to perceive not only motherly affection but also her spiritual sufferings.\n\n3. O‘lan\nO‘lan is a genre of people’s oral creation. Mainly, it is performed by women with or without doira accompaniment. At Uzbek parties and celebrations, the o‘lan is sung by a girls’ team on one side and a boys’ team on the other side, or it is sung by two people who take sides opposing each so they may perform as though they are having a dialogue. Through the o‘lan genre, people express their hopes, dreams, sorrows, and joy, and the theme of love is at the core of its content.\n\n4. Yor-Yor\nYor-yor is a folk song performed at wedding celebrations. In ancient times, it was widely spread among Uzbek, Tajik, Uyghur, and Turkmen people. Yor-yor consists of two or four lines, at the end or in the middle of each line are the words yor-yor, aylanaman (my beloved one, I am enchanted). Usually, yor-yor is accompanied by doira music performed by women. The high effect of yor-yor is that it simultaneously harmonises sadness with a merry melody and tone and the mood of holiday joys. In yor-yor songs, the bride is congratulated and is praised for her features, wishes, and cherished dreams.