This is the ceremony of labor, which happened when the baby foal grown well and enough milk comes as a result of the good weather. In other words, this is the ceremony that symbolize the growing of horse and animals and having much more airag (fermented mare’s milk). There is a custom to celebrate the occasion of fermenting mare’s milk with a feast, which is held within three days of the tethering. The ceremony is celebrated for the means of summoning prosperity to receive plenty of growth of horse herd, the abundance of airag (fermented mare’s milk) and other dairy products and blessing the newborn animals. During the ceremony the proceedings of tethering the foals, milking the mares, ritual of milk libation, recitation of milk libation and anointment, and sharing the ceremonial mutton and mare milking feast are carried out alternately.

Elegant, joyful, and rooted in everyday village life, Bidu Lensu-Mutin—the White Handkerchief Dance—is one of the most beloved traditional dances in the Suai Loro community of Covalima, Timor-Leste. Performed by young girls with white scarves in hand, the dance is a celebration of welcome, harmony, and feminine grace, passed from mother to daughter over generations.\n\nThe name lensu-mutin comes from the Tetun words for “white handkerchief,” which the dancers carry as they move in coordinated steps and gestures. The origin story, widely shared in oral tradition, speaks of seven girls who danced with white scarves to welcome their community members back from a corn harvest. Their spontaneous joy and coordinated movements captured the spirit of unity and gratitude, and the dance has been cherished ever since.\n\nPerformed during weddings, religious celebrations, community gatherings, and rituals involving sacred houses (uma lulik), Bidu Lensu-Mutin carries layers of meaning. The white scarf symbolizes purity, blessing, and good intentions. Dancers use it to wave, twirl, and gesture in graceful arcs, often moving in circular or serpentine formations that reflect the flowing rhythm of traditional life.\n\nAccompanied by soft babadok drumming and gentle singing in the Tetun-Terik language, the dance creates an atmosphere of warmth and welcome. The songs, often metaphorical, may include blessings for the couple in a wedding, prayers for peace in a community, or expressions of joy and connection. In some versions of the performance, older women sing while the younger girls dance, creating a multigenerational moment of transmission.\n\nLearning the dance happens organically within families and the community. Young girls imitate their older sisters, mothers, and aunts at ceremonies or home gatherings. In recent years, schools have also incorporated the dance into cultural programs and performances, ensuring its continued presence in the lives of younger generations.\n\nWhat sets Bidu Lensu-Mutin apart is its gentle spirit and universal appeal. It does not require elaborate costumes or formal training—just the willingness to move together with grace and intention. The dance represents a form of cultural continuity that is deeply tied to everyday experiences and shared values: welcoming guests, honoring ancestors, and expressing collective joy.\n\nThough still widely practiced in Suai Loro and surrounding communities, cultural leaders recognize the importance of continued teaching and celebration. As modern influences shape young people’s interests and identities, Bidu Lensu-Mutin offers a graceful reminder of the beauty found in tradition and the strength found in unity.

Folk Dances of Nepal_Deuda Naach\n\nPerformer: Unknown \nDate of Recording: 1995 \nCaste: Damai \nCollector: Dan Bahadur Nepali\n\nNepalese communities express their emotions through the rhythms of various folk dances. Folk dances, in fact, are an inseparable part of rural life. On the other hand, the religious influence can easily be observed in the songs and dances, which are often performed to please deities responsible for the well-being of humans and cattle, favorable climate, and good harvest. As the country has widely differing topographical features, so does it have vast variances in cultural aspects. Folk songs and dances depend on cultures, cas-tes, seasons, and geographical features. For example, a sherpa living in the Himalayan region sings and dances differently from a Tharu living in the Terai region. Similarly, songs and dances performed in the spring season express joyous emotions, whereas those performed in the winter season express sadness. This collection includes the most famous folk dances of the different indigenous communities of Nepal dwelling in various environments. These dances are a part of their daily life.\n\nThis folk dance was performed by artists from the Kalikot district in the mid-western region of Nepal. The deuda dance is usually performed in a group of either a single gender or both. This dance is performed on special occasions, such as rice transplanting, rice harvesting, at festivals, wedding ceremonies, and many others. The leader of this dance starts songs and the others repeat and dance in a circle.

Folk Dances of Nepal_Kami Nach\n\nPerformer: Unknown \nDate of Recording: 1991 \nCaste: Kami \nCollector: Dan Bahadur Nepali\n\nNepalese communities express their emotions through the rhythms of various folk dances. Folk dances, in fact, are an inseparable part of rural life. On the other hand, the religious influence can easily be observed in the songs and dances, which are often performed to please deities responsible for the well-being of humans and cattle, favorable climate, and good harvest. As the country has widely differing topographical features, so does it have vast variances in cultural aspects. Folk songs and dances depend on cultures, cas-tes, seasons, and geographical features. For example, a sherpa living in the Himalayan region sings and dances differently from a Tharu living in the Terai region. Similarly, songs and dances performed in the spring season express joyous emotions, whereas those performed in the winter season express sadness. This collection includes the most famous folk dances of the different indigenous communities of Nepal dwelling in various environments. These dances are a part of their daily life.\n\nThe Kami Naach is a traditional sword and shield dance from Jumla. It is performed in memory of Purichandra Tiruwa Kami, a famous Kami who was the military chief of King Bali (crowned in 1461) of Jumla. The dance is performed for various important life event ceremonies, including those of birth and marriage, but not death. Kami, people also known as bishwokarma, make weapons and tools for a living. In ancient times, this dance was performed by warriors as a rehearsal for war. Performers exhibit various positions of a soldier fighting in battle in this dance.

This documentary explores the cultural and spiritual significance of Uma Lulik (Sacred Houses) in Timor-Leste, which serve as powerful symbols of Timorese identity passed down through generations. These sacred houses are often located in high, remote areas—both for protection and to maintain spiritual connection—and are key centers for preserving tangible and intangible cultural heritage, such as sacred water sources, stones, tombs, and rituals.\n\nThe film highlights the distinct architectural features of Uma Lulik, such as the male and female wooden pillars (Ai-rin Mane and Ai-rin Feto), which carry profound cultural meanings. It explains the differences between Uma Lulik and Uma Fukun—supporting clan houses—and Uma To’os, sacred houses used by Timorese communities living in urban areas like Dili.\n\nThrough interviews with cultural custodians like Tiu Eugénio J. Sarmento and Tiu João dos Santos Hohulu, viewers gain insights into construction rituals, traditional ceremonies, and the symbolic meanings embedded in the sacred architecture. These include elaborate community efforts to transport and erect wooden pillars, sacrificial offerings, and spiritual dances that mark the creation of Uma Lulik.\n\nThe video also features the Knua Lulik Hohulu in Fatubessi, a living example of cultural continuity, where traditions are upheld by local leaders through collective roles and ancestral knowledge.\n\nFinally, the documentary emphasizes the efforts of the Government of Timor-Leste, particularly through the Secretary of State for Arts and Culture, to safeguard and promote sacred cultural sites. Through active community engagement and support for traditional practices, these initiatives aim to ensure the intergenerational transmission of cultural memory and identity, while also encouraging cultural tourism.

Chewing bua-malus—a combination of areca nut (bua) and betel pepper leaf (malus)—is a widespread and deeply symbolic cultural practice throughout Timor-Leste. While it is often seen as a daily habit, its role goes far beyond oral tradition and personal enjoyment. Bua-malus is inseparable from the fabric of Timorese life, marking every major social, spiritual, and ceremonial moment with its presence.\n\nAt its simplest, the practice involves chewing pieces of areca nut wrapped in a fresh green betel leaf, often accompanied by a pinch of slaked lime (ahu) to release the active compounds and deepen the flavor. The mixture produces a distinctive red juice and is known for its mildly stimulating effects. But in cultural terms, bua-malus acts as a form of communication—an offering, a blessing, a welcome, and a bridge between generations.\n\nIn marriage ceremonies (barlake), bua-malus plays a key ritual role in exchanges between families. During funerals, it may be offered to the deceased or distributed among mourners as a sign of shared respect and continuity. When sacred houses (uma lulik) are built or restored, or when a newborn baby undergoes a fase-matan (eye-opening) ritual, elders may gently rub a paste of bua-malus onto the baby’s eyelids and forehead to protect them and spiritually anchor their life.\n\nElders and ritual leaders (lia-nain) often carry small pouches filled with the ingredients and use them to open or conclude negotiations, calm disputes, or honor guests. Offering bua-malus is a profound gesture of hospitality and peace—it signals trust, respect, and the intention to share one’s truth openly. Refusing it, in some contexts, may even be considered a subtle social offense.\n\nThe act of chewing is often done communally, accompanied by conversation, storytelling, or silence. The red-stained lips and relaxed posture of those gathered in a shaded courtyard or under a tree reflect a rhythm of life tied to land, time, and relationship. Many communities regard bua-malus not just as a habit but as a living heritage—something that must be handed down with care and intention.\n\nDespite its enduring presence, the practice is evolving. Urbanization, health concerns, and shifting social norms have altered how and where people chew bua-malus. Younger generations may engage with it more selectively, and some of the ritual meanings risk being diluted or forgotten.\n\nNonetheless, the cultural power of bua-malus remains strong. Whether offered to welcome a guest, seal an agreement, or bless a new life, this humble bundle of nut, leaf, and lime carries the weight of centuries of wisdom. It connects people not only to each other but to their ancestors, their land, and the values that continue to guide communal life in Timor-Leste.

Throughout the Pacific, kava is synonymous as the elixir or drink of the gods. Known in various words ranging from kau, sakau, kava, ava and yaqona, the ritual commonality is similar. \nThis video revisits the sacred kava ritual from a retelling of the indigenous spirituality and worldview as far as yaqona, chiefs, mana, power and the people are involved. \n\nYaqona or kava is the best known traditional drink of the Fijians today. You cannot have a meeting or social gathering without it. For all gatherings where traditional customs are observed, one will see a yaqona ceremony. It is used to welcome visitors, install chiefs at initiations and at the completion of communal work; celebrations of births, marriages, at deaths and in almost all phases of life in villages. Not only it is consumed in social gatherings and traditional ceremonies, it has also been used in after-church gatherings by members to express customary respect and consideration for one another. \n\nIn pre Christian Era, the way yaqona was used was totally different. It was for chiefs only, as they represented the gods. The yaqona or wainivanua was presented to the chiefs in temples early in the morning before any work could begin. The yaqona represented all that belonged to the land. Once the chief accepted it by drinking it in the temple, everyone was free to touch and use everything in the land (vanua). When the ceremony was going on in the temple, total silence was observed all over the land. As the people went to work, the king and chiefs continued to sit around the yaqona bowl discussing the affairs of the vanua. \n\nThomson Basil wrote in his book "The Fijians. A study of the Decay of Custom." 1968, that yaqona serves as a catalyst for social activities and still continues to be so. \n....The chief's yaqona circle supplied the want of newspapers; the news and gossip of the day were related and discussed; the chief's advisers seized upon the convivial moment as the most favourable opportunity for making known their view; matters of high policy were often decided; the chief's will, gathered from a few careless words spoken at the yaqona ring, was carried from mouth to mouth throughout his dominions.

Among nomadic Mongols, there are abundant customs associated with airag (fermented mare’s milk) and it is made in the cowhide vessel - bag or wooden keg for airag, by stirring it with Bülüür. The traditional home brewed milk-vodka (airag, khoormog and other beverages) is made by distillation of milk of different animals. The basic traditional technique of making mare’s airag consists of milking mares and cooling freshly milked milk, and repeatedly churning milk in a khokhuur with starter left inside to assist its fermentation. The liquid must be churned 2000 to 4000 and more times to make good fermented blend of airag. In the historic facts, it is stated that Mongols are people who enjoy the mare milk. Airag is consumed as an honored beverage during special occasions such as weddings, feasts and ceremonies, customs of worshipping the mountains and waters, or as an everyday consumption.\n

Vat-gine or crescent-shaped gong is one of the Mon traditional musical instruments that has been used since the ancient time. The original crescent-shaped gong was consisted of 14 gongs and used to be played only in Nat (Spirit) propitiation ceremony. But, an additional gong tuned to Nga Pauk (Fifth Note) is added to play since the late 1962. The Crescent-shaped gong consists of 14 gongs which are arranged in ascending order from right to left. The pitch of gongs is higher from left to right and the player has to strike them with two mallets. This crescent-shaped gong is played in Mon national celebrations, Hin-tha dance, solo dance performance, Mon traditional dance and national ceremonies such as Union Day and Mon National day.\nFirstly, the two ends of fine Yamanay wood is smeared with mud. After its bark is stripped off, the log is smeared with mud again and left for six months to dry by itself so that the wood becomes well seasoned. The rattans are attached to arrange the 13 crescent-shaped gongs. It is painted with the original color of the wood and embellished in Mon traditional decorations. The left side of instrument is carved into head of Kainnayi bird and the right one its tail. The stands are carved into the two legs of this bird.\n-68 inches in length\n-46 inches in height\n-9.25 inches in the breadth of middle hollow\n-9 inches in length of Kainnayi Head\n-7.25 inches in tail

Neal refers to a cake-making tool called NomNeal (Neal Cake). In some parts of Cambodia, this cake is an annual tradition associated with the ascension (Neak Ta) of the villagers near the Sambor Prei Kuk temple complex in Kampong Thom province. Every month, the locals prepare to make offerings to their Neak Ta, which is associated with the entire archeological site. There are two Neak Ta who are closely related to each other, the "gatekeeper or Neak Ta Tvear" and another one is “Neak Ta” who looks over the entire temples’ complex. In every house, the locals make cakes to donate for any ritual ceremonies.\n To make this cake, they need to mix white rice with some sticky rice and pound it together until it turns into powder. Then add a little bit of sugar and salt to make it taste salty and sweet. Before they start cooking, they boil water in a clay pot and put a coconut shell with a hole on the bottom on top of it. They put the rice flour around the edge of the clay pot so that no steam can come out of the mouth of the pot. They take two long banana leaves and put them on the bottom of the pot before pouring the flour into it. For this powder, they mix them with water to make it sticks together and becomes a paste and then cover it with two or three banana leaves before putting the lid on the pot and pressing it on for about 5 to 10 minutes. When the cake is ready, they remove the cover and touch the leaves. Peel a squash, grate it and squeeze the cake out of the Neal.\n

Benediction is a powerful expression of the miraculous capacity of words. It is one of the genres of Mongolian oral poetry that uses melodies. Benedictions propitiate people’s future happiness and well-being through skillfully composed and recited poems. It is unique in a way that minstrels sing the benediction completely from memory, and also by adding their own versions of words or improvising totally new verses to fit particular situations or events. By the invitation of people, a person who knows the order of feast and ceremonies well and mastered in the benediction and its melody says the benediction with use of the holly silk scarf, milk in the silver bowl, and Airag in bowl. The benediction is oral poetry which contains a beginning, main part and ending part.

Likay is one of Thailand’s oldest performing arts and is characterized by a high degree of audience participation. The roots of the name Likay can be traced to the Hebrew word zakhur, meaning “reciting to praise the Lord.” Stories in Likay are often inspired by classical works of literature and include stories of love, deception, and comedic episodes. \n\nIn modern times, new stories have been added to the art\u0002form as it is now performed at weddings, ordainment ceremonies, funerals, and temple events. This video shows the various essential elements of a Likay performance and the story of the members of a troupe that transmits Likay as a family business.