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This film is about rituals related to children. Included are kyrkyn chygaruu, a ritual celebrating the fortieth day after a child’s birth; beshike saluu, a ritual of placing baby in the cradle; tushoo kesuu, a ritual of cutting rope tied around a baby’s ankles; and bata, a blessing ritual. Knowledge holders talk about the significance of each ritual in a child’s life cycle. The film shows how these rituals are conducted now and how they have evolved over time.

I am Alina Tamrakar. I am an architect currently working in documentation and restoration of heritage structures affected by the massive earthquake of 2015. I belong to Newa community who are the indigenous people of Kathmandu valley. Kathmandu is the capital of Nepal. Born and raised in a typical Newa family who has always put rituals and tradition in the first place, I was always very connected to the cultural heritage of Kathmandu. As I grew up being part of the festivals and rituals, there were always numbers of questions running inside: why do we celebrate these festivals, what is the story behind it, who initiated the traditions and so on. After the devastating earthquake took down so many monuments, some of which carried centuries-old history, it gave me time to reflect on the rich knowledge and skills that our ancestors held and handed it down to our generation. It also explained how tangible and intangible heritage are interlinked with each other. Also, a realization that there is still so much to learn from our heritage and to pass on to the next generation.\nAmong the Newa community, Tamrakars are one of such communities, who follow Buddhism. Gunla is one of many festivals celebrated in Kathmandu valley. It is the tenth month in Nepal Sambat lunar calendar, in which devotees from all around Kathmandu valley visit Swayambhu Stupa that is also one of UNESCO’s World Heritage Sites. The festival of Gunla last for one whole month. In addition to this, devotees also take a visit to different Buddhist courtyards called Baha-bahi and other stupas and chaityas. The devotees in the process recite Holy Scriptures and play devotional gunla music. Music groups from different communities take part in the procession. Like other numerous communities, Tamrakar community also has the musical group named “Tamrakar Gunla Baajan Khala” who have been taking part in playing gunla music and reciting Holy Scriptures from time immemorial. The procession starts from a traditional courtyard called “Piganani” in Maru, near Kathmandu Durbar Square. Piganani is the centre point of the location where Tamrakars initially settled in Kathmandu. Every day for the month of gunla, the community of around 20- 25 (on Saturdays and holidays the number increased to around 50 attendees) start the procession from Piganani at 5:30 am and visit the Swayambhu stupa and come back to Piganani and end the tour at around 8:00 am. On holidays, the team takes a longer route covering other major Buddhist monasteries, chaityas and stupas on the way. During the procession, the devotees and practitioners cover a distance of 6 kilometres.\nUntil three years back, I used to take part in the procession just as an audience listening to people reciting the scriptures and watching the team of young members playing the drums and cymbals to play devotional gunla music. Three years back, I enrolled as one of the practitioners and started taking part in the procession. I came to know that earlier, women were not allowed to play musical instruments in the gunla procession, but only take part as devotees. However, as time passed on, the society opened the doors for women as well. In today’s time, there are a huge number of women practitioners who have taken the initiative to be a part of the team.\nThe tradition of playing gunla music, according to local experts is thousands of years old practice. As much as this musical tour is interesting, it is equally full of knowledge regarding our culture and tradition. Such practices of cultural heritage are not only a matter of pride that an individual or the whole nation takes in but also a major affirmation that such huge collection of knowledge, skill and accomplishment that our ancestors have developed are being transferred to the next generation. Apart from carrying on the tradition, it is also very necessary that we understand the depth of each of these practices in order to keep the tradition alive in the long run. It is equally necessary that we know where our roots lie while we soar up to reach the sky. This is only possible when youths take the initiative to participate in these practices and talk about the “why”, “what” and “how” while they do so.\nDuring Gunla procession different traditional musical instruments are played. “Dhā” and “Nayo khin:” are drums played on one side by bare palm and with a wooden stick on the other are the main musical instruments played during the procession. The small cymbals called “tā” give the beat to the drums and big cymbals and trumpets are played along. For the first time, starting this year, flutes have also been added to the band. The music performance begins with “Dyo lhayegu”, which is a small introductory piece played in order to invoke the “Nāsa dya”, a deity of performing arts. There are separate pieces especially played depending upon the time and place in the procession. For example, the piece played while revolving a chaitya or stupa is different from a one played while beginning the procession.\nThe practice session for each year, begin one or two months prior to gunla month. Anyone who is capable of learning to play the instruments is eligible to participate. The members of Tamrakar community enrol their younger ones once they are ready to take part, while people from other communities are also welcomed to participate in learning and later take part in the procession. The practice sessions take place each evening in the courtyard of Piganani where a guru, a teacher takes a lead in taking music classes. In addition to a regular teacher, the elders in the Tamrakar Gunla Baajan community also offer their presence as well as their knowledge so that the learners get all the support they need. The sessions are one of such encouraging steps that the elder generation in the Tamrakar Gunla Baajan Khala take that make sure that the centuries-old tradition of playing gunla music is safely being transferred to the next generation.

Indigenous Medicine of Sri Lanka (Hela Wedakama) is an ancient wisdom tradition of healthcare and healing practices inherited by cultural heritage unique to native people. Indigenous medical knowledge and practices dispersed throughout the country are culture-bound repository of ancestral wisdom prevailed through generations. HELA WEDA MAHIMA is a sector-specific ICH production that presents most of ICH elements pertaining to livelihoods and craftsmanship associated with indigenous medical sector. Therefore selection of captions and stories should be very authentic and genuine to represent the heritage of culture and traditional identities of indigenous medicine in Sri Lanka. \n\nRitual submission of medicine.\nRituals in medicinal preparations are believed to increase the potent of the medicine and will have a supra-natural effect. They perform a ritual on the night before the roots of a medicinal tree are removed to get the permission of the deity abiding in that tree. This ritual symbolizes the cultural value system that supports the conservation of natural resources through propagating the divine healing power of nature as a living entity.

"The traditional art of whistling calls for human teeth and lips to function as the music instrument and the mouth cavity to function as a sound box. Whistling is classified into the following three types: tooth whistle, lip whistle and palate whistle. The reasons Mongolians whistle is greatly dependant on the season, time, location, and context due to that from ancient times Mongols have considered whistling as a call for wind. Mongols whistle the short and long songs, and melodies in hot days of summer and autumn season while herding livestock and during the labor for relaxing. Before mentioned, Mongols believe that the whistle can bring the deity of wind, therefore they do whistle while harvesting the grain for blowing the skin of grain. Additionally, Mongols do whistling during watering their horse and animal for preventing the flies."\n

On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n

The refrain, Va va, means “Come, come.” This lullaby welcomes the baby by describing the joyous scene of forty people singing and dancing and referring to a baby coming in a golden chariot pulled by twelve horses. This may be a reference to the birth of a deity.

Sandhya Vela means “evening time” and refers to one of the most important temple ritual tayampaka performances, and the most commonly performed. It follows the sunset ritual of Deeparadhane. Only after the drumming may the idol of the deity be brought out of the Sanctum Santorum of the temple.

Sonne, daughter of Siri, and her husband Ginde or Gurumarla pray to the deity Bermeru, asking the god to grant them children. Sonne then gives birth to twin girls, Abbaga and Daraga. Caught up in the joys of family life, the couple neglects their vow to Bermeru. Bermeru appears to Sonne and Gurumarla disguised as a fortune-teller to tell them that they will suffer greatly if they continued to neglect the god. All that the god had given them would be taken back. Gurumarla, angered by the fortune-teller, tells him to leave. When the parents are out one day, Abbaga and Daraga are playing chenne – a traditional board game. They have a quarrel over the game, and Abbaga hits Daraga over the head, killing her. Overcome with sorrow at her deed, Daraga jumps into a well and dies. Another version says that after Abbaga dies, the two sisters become spirits in the other world. This story owes part of its popularity to its featuring of three generations of Siri.

Sonne, daughter of Siri, and her husband Ginde or Gurumarla pray to the deity Bermeru, asking the god to grant them children. Sonne then gives birth to twin girls, Abbaga and Daraga. Caught up in the joys of family life, the couple neglects their vow to Bermeru. Bermeru appears to Sonne and Gurumarla disguised as a fortune-teller to tell them that they will suffer greatly if they continued to neglect the god. All that the god had given them would be taken back. Gurumarla, angered by the fortune-teller, tells him to leave. When the parents are out one day, Abbaga and Daraga are playing chenne – a traditional board game. They have a quarrel over the game, and Abbaga hits Daraga over the head, killing her. Overcome with sorrow at her deed, Daraga jumps into a well and dies. Another version says that after Abbaga dies, the two sisters become spirits in the other world. This story owes part of its popularity to its featuring of three generations of Siri.

CD8_PERCUSSION AND PERFORMANCE – DRUMMING TRADITIONS\n\nPercussion and drumming traditions are found all over India. A wide variety of drums and other percussive instruments are played in a variety of contexts, and frequently have ritual implications. This album presents two very different traditions: the tayampaka temple drumming of Kerala, and the dhol-damau of Uttarakhand, a combination that is used in various contexts in this mountain region. Both percussion traditions are forms of ritual drumming. Tayampaka is a genre of temple musical instrument art performed throughout North and Central Kerala. It can be performed on a variety of instruments but is most well known as a centa (tow headed cylindrical stick drum) composition usually played by marars, a temple drummer singer caste. It is one of the forms of the chenda melam or chenda ensemble. Though tayampaka is mainly performed as part of temple rituals it is also played in other contexts. As a temple ritual, the drumming is considered an offering to the gods or goddesses. In all the tracks presented here, a vocal performance is featured with the drumming. The tayampaka tracks were recorded by Rolf Groesbeck and are part of his collection. The dhol-damau of Garhwal in Uttarakhand is a twodrum ensemble. Though the double-barrel drum may be played by itself, the damau is never played on its own. The dhol is played while standing. \n\nThe drummer uses the left hand to strike the left head of the drum while a stick is used in the right hand. A variety of strokes are used on both drum heads. The dhol is known for its power and sanctity in all parts of India, including the Garhwal region. The damau is a shallow kettle drum that is heard almost exclusively in partnership with the dhol at outdoor rituals and entertainment events. The damau is played with two thick sticks slightly curved at the playing end. The dhol is considered female and the damau male. The term baje is used for the various drumming patterns. The dhol-damau performances presented in this album are related to the Pandav Lila ritual theatre and dancing of Garhwal in Uttarakhand. Actors take the role of the Pandavas from the Mahabharata epic which is acted out in the open. As they act, the performers get possessed by the spirit of the characters they are playing and begin to dance. Drumming is known to bring in a state of possession. There are specific baje (rhythmic patterns) for the various characters of the Pandav Lila. The tracks presented in this album are demonstrations, where the various baje are elicited and not part of an ongoing Pandav Lila performance where these patterns would not be audible. The tracks presented here were recorded by Andrew Alter as part of his research on the Pandav Lila. The audio was extracted from video recordings that were digitized for this project.

CD4_NARRATIVE TRADITIONS – ORAL EPICS AND BALLADS VOL. I: THE TULU PADDANA\n\nOral epics, ballads, and narratives form a major part of the background of rituals, storytelling, and local mythologies – all an important part of the intangible cultural heritage of India. The vast range of oral epics in India, most often sung, also contain recitation and prose that explain the text. The meters vary greatly, and they all have different definitions and terms. For instance, the meter and singing of the Alha is called Alha Chhand. A wide variety of types of performances and expression of this genre exist. Some stories are narrated with scrolls that illustrate episodes. Sometimes, they are acted out, and sometimes sung, as in the case of the paddanas, which are performed while transplanting rice. Stuart Blackburn and Joyce Flueckiger distinguish three kinds of oral epics in India: martial, sacrificial, and romantic. Some epics tell a story with multiple episodes and characters, and some are “multi-story” oral epics. Oral epics in India are very closely tied to communities, with performers, audience, and participants all belonging to the same community. Most oral epics are associated to rituals, the performance of some being the ritual itself. Caste also plays an important role in the performance or patronage of the oral epic traditions in India. \n\nThe great epics of Ramayana and Mahabharata in some cases, enter the world of these local oral epics, where the performers are considered to be reincarnations of heroes and gods from these epics. According to Komal Kothari, an eminent folklorist of India, this phenomenon happens when the impact of the oral epic spreads beyond its initial local boundaries. Though we are not able to present full performances of all the oral epics, we believe that these recordings provide a good glimpse into the variety of meters, singing styles, and contexts that exist within these traditions. Three oral epics are presented in this volume. They are all part of larger collections, and each one is contributed by an expert on the genre who has done extensive research. The paddanas were contributed by Peter Claus, the Nanda Devi jagar by William Sax, and Alha by Karine Schomer.

CD5_SACRED CHANTS OF NEPAL\n\nIt is believed that all spiritual chants are addressed to Hindu and Buddhist gods and goddesses. Chanting helps people to be aware that the past is gone, that the future has yet to come, and that one can only be sure of the present moment and should act accordingly. People chant to wish for goodness for all beings and to ask God to lead them from darkness to light, from mortal life to immortality, from falsehood to truth, and towards universal brother and sisterhood. One’s life should be dedicated to God's service, offering kindness to all creatures, and always to putting others' needs before one’s own aspirations, hoping to one day attain anandam.

CD1_HISTORICAL RECORDINGS FROM THE 1930S OF ARNOLD BAKE VOL 1: LULLABIES\n\nThe recordings by Dutch ethnomusicologist Arnold Adrian Bake in India in the 1930s and later are one of the earliest examples of what may be called “ethnographic” recordings. Arnold Bake and his wife Corrie spent a long time in Bengal but travelled all over India, recording the music, sounds, and other forms of intangible culture of the people. These recordings cover an immense range of music and recitations that are part of people’s everyday lives, such as work songs, devotional pieces, and ritualistic performances, and include a high number of women’s songs and cultural expressions. Bake’s first field trip was in 1925 and his last in 1955. During that time, he travelled not only to India but also to Nepal and Sri Lanka. Collections of Bake’s recordings are held in archives in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States. Recordings from 1925 to 1929 were on cylinders, and those from 1938 to 1939 were recorded on a machine called\n\nTefifon. The collection that has been digitized for this project consists of the recordings made in 1938 and 1939. The Tefi recordings were transferred to spools and deposited in ARCE in 1982. During those two years, Bake travelled from Sindh, the Gujarat coast, to Kerala, and thus the recordings are from Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Kerala. There are also recordings made in the Maldives and Sri Lanka. Thus, the selections presented on these albums are largely from the Southwest Coast of India. These recordings were chosen because they carry great historical value yet were not easily accessible until now.\n\nAn Album of Lullabies and Cradle Songs - Lullabies exist in every culture, as singing or making sounds to help children fall asleep is a universal phenomenon. In India, lullabies are also part of the life cycle ceremonies associated with the birth of a child. Thus, they tend to have an added ritualistic purpose. The themes sometimes include aspects of devotional music and might invoke the blessings of gods or refer to the childhoods of deities. Rituals that celebrate the births of gods such as Krishna often make use of songs composed in lullaby form and that may be sung to babies. The concept of an album of lullabies and cradle songs recorded in a part of India in the late 1930s may seem narrow. However, the recurrence of lullabies in Bake’s recordings raises some interesting questions. Did Bake consider them life-cycle songs? Were they everyday songs that people considered traditional? Many – if not all – the lullabies have meaningless syllables, which are perhaps intended to soothe the child. For example, the syllables jo jo seem to occur in Kannada and Marathi lullabies, and perhaps in other Indian languages.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 28 is 'ICH and Sacred Cultural Spaces.'

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 42 is 'ICH FESTIVALS ON THE SILK ROAD.'

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 9 is 'ICH AND CIRCLE DANCES.'

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 26 is 'HEALING RITUALS AND INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE.'