Ulytau is the geographic and historical center of Kazakhstan where the Kazakh Khanate appeared. Central Kazakhstan is rich in historical monuments. The history and traditions of Kazakh horse breeders have been maintained since the Paleolithic times. The traditions include: biye baylau, separating dairy mares from the shoal or the feast of the first milking; ayghyr kosu, joining a stallion to the herd or the stallion’s wedding; and kymyz muryndyk, beginning to make and drink kymyz or festive of the first kymyz. Inextricably linked with one another, these traditions mark the beginning of a new horse-breeding cycle and form an integral part of Kazakh intangible cultural heritage.

Ulytau is the geographic and historical center of Kazakhstan where the Kazakh Khanate appeared. Central Kazakhstan is rich in historical monuments. The history and traditions of Kazakh horse breeders have been maintained since the Paleolithic times. The traditions include: biye baylau, separating dairy mares from the shoal or the feast of the first milking; ayghyr kosu, joining a stallion to the herd or the stallion’s wedding; and kymyz muryndyk, beginning to make and drink kymyz or festive of the first kymyz. Inextricably linked with one another, these traditions mark the beginning of a new horse-breeding cycle and form an integral part of Kazakh intangible cultural heritage.

Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.

There are many forms of weaving and many items which can be woven on Kosrae. These include the weave mat (kiaka otwot), fan (pal), basket (fotoh), thatch on the ridge of the roof of a house using coconut fronds (sraho), fahsuh (weaving thatch roof using Nypa palm used only), among others. Kosraean warp-striping weaving may be considered unique among weaving cultures due to its complexity. \n\nThe Kosraean word for weaving depends on the item being woven. There exists a variety of woven items which served as currency, reinforced family ties and other relationships, as well as honor. In some cases, a chant may be shared to ensure a girl’s future in weaving. In the past and on contemporary Kosrae, weaving can be found in the preparation of food baskets for funerals, fishing baskets worn on waist of women fishing in the lagoons, loom-weaving for belts (tol), thatch roofing, hats, and cordage for example. \n\nThere can be at least three known types of baskets important in food preparation: fusanie, in the form of a star and used in storing fafa, (2) usanie kapiel or fusanie sa nu which is a larger form of the previous one and woven from young coconut leaves, and (3) kuumpäl which is a kind of basket with handles made of coconut fronds and named after the woven plate. Weaving served not only a function but can be considered a marker of the past. One particular kind of cord can be called nosunap, named after the god Nosunap (also spelled Nasrunsiap or Nazuenziap). \n\nKosrae used to be one of the largest consumers of sinnet cord, suggesting significant movement. This is consistent with oral histories collected in the recent past which connected Kosraeans all the way to Satawal and Puluwat. Among the most common materials for weaving, banal fiber, hibiscus, and pandanaus stand out as the materials of choice. The preparation for each material depends on the item to be woven. While banana fibers may be most common, the hibiscus fiber is easier to dye. Dyes for strands of weaving materials may come from terminal leaves, certain types of mud, and mangrove calyx (black), turmeric (yellow), banana suckers (blue), or marinade citrijolia (red). Of these colors, red was the most prized. The preparation of weaving materials can be lengthy, depending on the plant. The hibiscus fiber needs soaking in sea water for several days while the banana fibers need to dry in the sun and then each fiber is separated into thinner strands. Elders on contemporary Kosrae continue to practice weaving for it serves many uses.\n\nCarving : Carving in Kosraean culture is carried out by the mukul (men). They carve many items, including tok yot (stone fafa pounder), tok sak (wooden pounder for taro and banana for a dish called ainpat), tah (an axe for cutting breadfruit), fuhfak (for wooden handle of an axe used for firewood), oak (canoes), tuhp in fafa (wooden tray shaped like a boat used for presenting fafa), and mwe ahryahr (wooden spoons of many types including long or short or flat ones). The laklak (outrigger of a canoe) is another item which needs to be carved. Carving of toys and wooden sculptures. Oars that are carved along with the canoes.\nBuilding Local House : There are many kinds of houses which can be built using Kosraean methods, including in um (a cooking house), imun oak (canoe house), and iwen monglac (local resting house). Building a local house has always been a community effort, even today; although, of the heavier work is done by the mukul (men) and the weaving for the thatch on the roof is carried out by the muhtacn (women). The mukul will go into the forest to obtain materials from the forest and sometimes from mangroves, depending the type of wood needed for a particular type of house. There are five main sizes of wood needed to build a house and ten parts of the house requiring these five sizes of wood. The sru (posts) are the largest size and heavy. Moving them may be accompanied with a work chant which serves as motivation in lifting, moving, or pulling of the heavy objects. The next size includes kaclacp, lala, and ohl. The kaclacp and lala supports the ohl, which sets the height of the house. The next size wood is used for pokwuhsr (trusses). The next size smaller is used for sahkpahsr (rafters) and folo (beams). The smallest size are for the kwesrihk which is only for thatch roofing (it is where the thatch can be attached) and sukunum which is placed to support the thatch from the bottom. Cutting down the trees is according to the Kosraean moon calendar as is moving the logs from one part of the island to another to use the logs. Paksak (literally, floating of objects) refers to the right time to move the log from one place to another using rivers or channels. This is dependent on the tide. This practice existed because transportation was not available during that time so they usually cut down these big logs and used the chant to get the log to the shoreline and then move the log in the process of paksak to its new location.

Vat-gine or crescent-shaped gong is one of the Mon traditional musical instruments that has been used since the ancient time. The original crescent-shaped gong was consisted of 14 gongs and used to be played only in Nat (Spirit) propitiation ceremony. But, an additional gong tuned to Nga Pauk (Fifth Note) is added to play since the late 1962. The Crescent-shaped gong consists of 14 gongs which are arranged in ascending order from right to left. The pitch of gongs is higher from left to right and the player has to strike them with two mallets. This crescent-shaped gong is played in Mon national celebrations, Hin-tha dance, solo dance performance, Mon traditional dance and national ceremonies such as Union Day and Mon National day.\nFirstly, the two ends of fine Yamanay wood is smeared with mud. After its bark is stripped off, the log is smeared with mud again and left for six months to dry by itself so that the wood becomes well seasoned. The rattans are attached to arrange the 13 crescent-shaped gongs. It is painted with the original color of the wood and embellished in Mon traditional decorations. The left side of instrument is carved into head of Kainnayi bird and the right one its tail. The stands are carved into the two legs of this bird.\n-68 inches in length\n-46 inches in height\n-9.25 inches in the breadth of middle hollow\n-9 inches in length of Kainnayi Head\n-7.25 inches in tail

The dried gourd represents the father and the five reeds represent five sons. The first reed represents the son who lives on mountain. The second one does the son who lives in slope of mountain. The third one does the son who lives in the foot of mountain. The fourth one does the son who lives in the plain land. The fifth one does the son who lives in abroad. No matter where they live, the unity means everything for them.\nFive flutes are made of reed cut in desired measure. One hole is bored in each flute with a heated sharp iron. A reed is put in each flute to make pleasant sound. All five flutes are tied together and fixed at the hole of gourd. For the airproof, the hole of the dry gourd connected with the flutes is covered with the beeswax. It's blown by blowing at the mouth-hole of the gourd opening and shutting the holes of flutes with fingers

The dried gourd represents the father and the five reeds represent five sons. The first reed represents the son who lives on mountain. The second one does the son who lives in slope of mountain. The third one does the son who lives in the foot of mountain. The fourth one does the son who lives in the plain land. The fifth one does the son who lives in abroad. No matter where they live, the unity means everything for them.\nFive flutes are made of reed cut in desired measure. One hole is bored in each flute with a heated sharp iron. A reed is put in each flute to make pleasant sound. All five flutes are tied together and fixed at the hole of gourd. For the airproof, the hole of the dry gourd connected with the flutes is covered with the beeswax. It's blown by blowing at the mouth-hole of the gourd opening and shutting the holes of flutes with fingers

Gong Raeng is a musical instrument of the Bunoong indigenous people living in Mondulkiri province. This instrument consists of a bamboo or bamboo knot with a diameter of about 4 to 6 cm and a length of between 50 and 70 cm, connected to the bottom of a gourd, and has 9 strings. Gong Raeng has been called by the Bunoong, Tampoun, Jarai people, while the Kreung people call this instrument Cheang Rieng (Chapei Khlok) and do not know the history of this instrument and do not know which ancestor or indigenous groups was the first creator. As for the production of this musical instrument, they can do it themselves because the raw materials are convenient and available locally. To make Gong Raeng, they need a good ripe gourd, dry it in the sun, and cut the bottom of the gourd into a circle with a diameter of about 7 cm, smaller or larger depending on the size of the bamboo. Then take a bamboo knot about 50 to 70 cm long and attach it to the top of the gourd using a rattan or string tied from the bamboo to the buttocks of the gourd to prevent it from slipping off. At one end of the bamboo, nine holes are drilled to hold a string made of bamboo or hardwood to tighten the strings of the instrument.

The crocodile-shaped zither was one of musical instruments that Pyu delegation performed in China in AD 802 as part of cultural exchange programme. Michael Sign, one of members of Eastern India Company delegation visited King Bodaw Phaya in 1795, wrote about this musical instrument in his book. There are two types of crocodile zithers, of which one must be played with fingers and other with plectrum. The 3-stringed Crocodile Zither must be played with plectrum by strumming with the right hand, and fretting and plucking the strings with left hand. The first and third strings are tuned to LayPauk (Fourth Note), while the second string to ThanHman Tapauk (First Note).\nThe fine wood must be smeared with mud and left dry by itself. After it becomes well seasoned, it is curved into the shape of crocodile. The body must be made hollow. There is a sound hole underneath in which the sound is resonated. The three strings are stretched from its head to tail. There are two tuning pegs on the jaw of crocodile. The sound hole and the tuning pegs lie in different position. The strings are made of silk or nylon or alloy. Thirteen wooden frets are placed with the use of beeswax under the strings.\n-68 inches in length\n-7.5 inches in breadth\n-10.5 inches in height\n-17.5 inches in circumference

The Babadok is a traditional percussion instrument of Timor-Leste, central to the soundscape of communal dance, ritual, and celebration. With its deep, resonant rhythm, the babadok doesn’t just keep time—it sets the emotional pulse of an event, weaving together the steps of dancers, the cadence of songs, and the energy of the gathered community.\n\nTypically made from a hollowed-out log or wooden tube covered at both ends with animal skin—often goat or cowhide—the babadok is lightweight and portable. Struck with the hands or sometimes with short wooden sticks, it produces a sharp, dry beat that is both grounding and expressive. The drumheads are stretched tightly and tied securely with natural fiber ropes, sometimes decorated with paint or carved patterns. Over time, each instrument develops its own distinct tone, shaped by use, climate, and craftsmanship.\n\nIn traditional ceremonies, particularly dances like tebe-tebe or tebe-lilin, the babadok is the heartbeat of the performance. It provides tempo, signals changes in movement, and helps dancers synchronize their steps. More than a musical tool, the babadok becomes a channel through which emotions—joy, sorrow, gratitude—are communicated and shared. During ritual gatherings, it may accompany singing, recitation of oral histories, or moments of spiritual invocation.\n\nThe instrument is most often played by women, though in some regions both men and women participate. Its accessibility is part of its charm—anyone with rhythm, respect, and a sense of the tradition can learn to play. Children often grow up hearing the babadok played at family ceremonies or village festivals, absorbing its patterns and rhythms before they ever try it themselves.\n\nCrafting a babadok is itself an act of cultural care. The choice of wood, the drying and stretching of the skins, and the tying of the drum all follow methods passed down through generations. Elders often guide young artisans in this process, emphasizing not just the technique but the responsibility that comes with creating something used in sacred and social spaces.\n\nDespite its enduring importance, the babadok—like many traditional instruments—faces challenges in modern times. Mass-produced drums and changing musical preferences mean that fewer young people are learning to make or play it. Still, efforts are being made to preserve the tradition, with community performances, school programs, and cultural events placing the instrument back at the center of public life.\n\nIn the rhythm of the babadok, one can hear more than music: it is the sound of continuity, of people moving together, of ancestors remembered and futures imagined. Whether echoing across a dusty dance circle or softly beating in a sacred house, the babadok remains a powerful symbol of Timor-Leste’s living heritage.

In ancient time, the ancestors of Lashi/Lachik people lived in China and blew it on the bare mountains. It was blown in higher pitch in the ancient time. But now it is just blown in soft melodies.\nThe dry piece of Htri bamboo cut at the desirable measure is bored the finger holes with the heated iron. There is a bamboo joint at one end where the mouth-hole is made to blow it. Blow the traditional melodies and other melodies with it by pressing the thumb hole with the thumb and moving the fingers on other finger holes. In the Lashi/Lachik traditional Manau festival, it's blown in group.\n-13 inches in length\n-11.5 inches in without sheath\n-4.5 inches in length from the mouth-hole to the first finger hole\n-4.5 inches in length from the first finger hole to the sixth finger hole\n-3 inches in length from the mouth-hole to the thumbhole

It is made of the hard bamboo which can be got from a long distance. Kayans cut the grain of bamboo into a thin layers and dry it in the air for making the sound string. There are eight bamboo strings in the instrument. This instrument is made by themselves. The player holds the bamboo harp by his hands and plays by his right and left fingers. In playing, the player plays and sings the lyrics and words of the song. When they go courting, they sing and play music to each other, composing their feeling and how they love. There are group songs. Since yore, this harp has been preserved and handed down from generation to generation as a traditional heritage. There is no exact record in what year and era it appeared.\n-30.5 cm in the length of the first string\n-33.4 cm in the length of the second string\n-37.1 cm in the length of the third string\n-39.6 cm in the length of the fourth string\n-42.2 cm in the length of the fifth string\n-43.5 cm in the length of the sixth string\n-49 cm in the length of the seventh string\n-52 cm in the length of the eighth string\n-2 cm in The distance of the string\n-The length of the bamboo harp is 72.5 cm\n-The circumference of the harp is 44 cm