The term Lha means God and Soel means Offering or prayer. The tradition is considered a Bon tradition because the ritual involves only Bon practices. \nAccording to Sam Van Schaik, the Bon tradition, also referred to as the Bonpo religion, probably originated in the eleventh century, as there is no evidence of systematic religion in Tibetan before the arrival of Buddhism, and it was in the eleventh century that the Bon tradition formulated its scriptures, mainly from Termas (hidden treasures) and visions of Tertons (treasure discoverers) such as Loden Nyingpo. Although the Bon Terma contain myths that Bon existed before the introduction of Buddhism to Tibet, "the 'old religion' was in fact a new religion." Some scholars consider Bon to be a distinct sub-school or religious order within Tibetan Buddhism.\n\nBon flourished in Tibet before Buddhism. Over time, Buddhism became more popular and Bon became less popular. The Bon tradition also existed in Bhutan before Buddhism took hold. Although the Bon tradition was not strongly recognized by the people of Bhutan, it still existed in every corner of the country, making this tradition one of the oldest in Bhutan.\n\nThe Bon practitioners in Wangdiphodrang Dzongkhag (district), such as the communities of Gaseng Tshogom, Khatoekha and Lhashing Tsawa, performed a common ritual known as Lhab-soel every three years. The ritual is organized by one of the Pawo (male shaman) and Neljorm/Pamo (female shaman) of each village. They alternate hosting the program every three years. The organizer of each year prepares the Lhasoel rituals. The tents are pitched near the organizer's house. The Lha-soel ritual takes two whole days.\n\nThe Bon tradition is based entirely on the belief that the earth, rocks, cliffs, trees, sun, moon, stars, etc. are the protectors, and therefore they take refuge and offer animals as sacrifices.\n\nIn an interview with 68-year-old shaman Aum (elderly woman) Kencho Om from Nakey-kha village in Sangbekha gewog, Haa Dzongkhag, who has been a Pamo for 25 years, it is said that the Pamos are identical to the Nyeljoms and are common throughout central and eastern Bhutan. They are the female mediums who are possessed by local deities. Their job is to diagnose and cure diseases through divination and rituals.\n\nIt is believed that Pamo continuously persists through the family line. When the practitioner mother dies, the spirit passes to her daughter. However, it depends on the decision of the deity or god to choose the legitimate wife among the daughters or granddaughters. Aum Kencho has no formal education, but they have somehow learned all the chanting that has been transmitted to them through their heredity. \n\nAccording to her, Pamo plays an important psychological and healing role in a rural society where the supernatural is a part of life (which normal people cannot do, such as mediate through the mind). The Bhutanese believe that illnesses are due to an imbalance in the various elements that make up the body, and that they are often caused by one of the numerous vengeful spirits associated with certain symptoms that consist of energy channels (Tsa), the wind channel (Lung), and the seed channel (Thig-le) in the human body. When these channels unbalance each other, it causes illness in people. \n\nThe Lha-soel is held at the beginning of the 6th month (July) and another in the 12th month (January) according to the Bhutanese calendar. It is performed twice a year (summer and winter). In summer, they perform a shortened ritual (Due-pa) in the evening, while in winter they perform a grand ritual (Gye-pa) that usually lasts from evening to the next morning. Although there is no specific time, the ritual is performed either on the 8th, 10th, 15th, 25th and 30th of the month.

Hat boi Folk Opera in Binh Dinh Province, listed in the National ICH List in 2014 \nThe Art of Tuong in Quang Nam, listed in the National ICH List in 2015 \nTuong is a traditional classical play based on Vietnamese folk songs, dances, and music, and is also called hat bo, or hat boi. The central themes of Tuong include individual sacrifice for a greater cause, imparting lessons about human behavior, and featuring heroic characters. These themes are portrayed aesthetically throughout the performances. It was performed as entertainment for the king and his \nmen at royal banquets or court ceremonies. Today, state-run theater groups perform in established theaters, and folk theater groups perform for village communities during festivals. In Tuong, the face of each character is painted carefully before the performance. The colors used are mainly white, red, blue or green, and black. The colors and patterns used on the faces have symbolic meanings and representations: a white face symbolizes gentleness and quietness; red stands for wisdom, courage, and staunchness; a striped face signifies an ugly person with a hot temper. Decorating the corners of the nose with a cloud-shaped line is necessary for the role of a king.\n\nMiniature statue of tướng male character Tạ Ôn Đình\nTướng motif\nTướng motif is the character type that inherit some traits on manners, actions, and choreography of kép that is brawny in type: Assertive, swift, powerful singing-dialogues delivery.\nHowever, the significant detail to pay attention to is their makeup being made as mask-like, which they are diverse with various stylised expressions. Depends on their role in the play,\nwe have protagonist tướng (the tướng that belongs in the good side and loyal) such as Trịnh Ân, Hoàng Phi Hổ, etc; and villain tướng (the tướng that are evil and vindictive), Ô Lợi Hắc.\nThe motif can also be deeper understood in its level 2 of formation- major tướng and minor tướng. Major tướng includes the traits that are mentioned above,\nwith social standing and hold a crucial role in the plot. Minor tướng, on the contrary, are characters that don't hold crucial position in the script like Châu Thương,) Tiết Quỳ, etc.\n\nMiniature statue of đào female character Phàn Phụng Cơ\nĐào văn\nIntellectual đào: Has the general traits of đào motif, elegant and graceful manners; innocent singing and dialogues. In which there is “royal đào" being the type of character that participates in official royal affairs. Example: Tạ Nguyệt Kiều. And then “simple đào/hairpin đào” is a peasant character type, or the character that has a prestige origin but fallen into peasantry; she wouldn't have any fancy headwear but only a simple hair pin. Example: Điều Huê Nữ.\n\nMiniature statue of lão elderly male character Vương Doãn\n“Lão” is a term to describe male characters (kép) that are elderly. With their brows and hair are white and gray; unhurried in movements; and a raspy singing-dialogue delivery. Additionally, there are also different techniques to portray their raspy voice delivery that can be categorised as follow:\nINTELLECTUAL LÃO\nInclude full characteristics of lão motif: white face, gray beard with three/five long smooth branches; educated and sophisticated.\nExample: Vương Doãn (the play “Phụng Nghi pavillon”); Kiều Quốc cựu (the play “The Beauty from Giang Đông region”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of mụ female character Đồng Mẫu\nMỤ MOTIF\n“Mụ” is the type of female character (đào) that is elderly, their makeup tends to be light, with white eyebrows, silver hair, slow in movement; raspy singing-dialogues delivery. The majority of mụ motif are intellectual type, with a gentle and considerate manner. Example: Đổng mẫu (the play “San Hậu”); Dương linh bà (the play “Mộc Quế Anh offers the wood”) despite her origin as a fiery general but often expressed as a prestige and sophisticated woman.\n\nMiniature statue of tướng male character Đổng Trác\nĐổng Trác is a villain, portraited in nịnh motif. \n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Lữ Bố\n“Kép” is a term to describe male characters. Their appearances tend to be young or middle aged male, with a light makeup face (using beard to distinguish). This is a simple makeup style, reserved for characters that are handsome, or ordinary; they tend to be the psychological character that doesn’t need dramatic makeup to express their personality. Following the kép motif is the type of singing technique- with graceful and sophisticated dialogues. The common characters from kép motif (or can be called “kép in white”) are Tiết Đinh San, Tiết Ứng Luông (the play “The Goddess that offers Ngũ Linh flag”) Bá Ấp Khảo (the play “Bá Ấp Khảo”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of đào female character Chung Vô Diệm\nĐÀO motif\n“Đào" is a term to describe female characters. Their appearances tend to be young or middle-aged females, where their makeup tends to be light and their presences are elegant, with innocent singing-dialogue delivery. In đào motif, only the character Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Tam Xuân, and Ngọc Kỳ Lân have their makeup as mask-like, the rest of them all have light makeup face. \nĐào võ\nBrawny đào: Possess full traits of đào motif, however she is assertive and stern; powerful singing-dialogue delivery. Example: Thần Nữ; Đoàn Hồng Ngọc; etc. Additionally, the mentioned characters that have mask-like makeup (Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Tam Xuân, Ngọc Kỳ Lân) are a part of brawny đào motif. They are portrayed in a dramatic style to reflect their strong personality and extraordinary talent.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Phàn Diệm\nKÉP WITH ANGRY EYES\nIs a kép motif that has more than just the general traits, but also a more extravagant styling in costuming. They have a red face makeup base; with a white eyes and dramatic eyebrows that are high up to the temple. This dramatic appearance only reflects their extraordinary characters for a teenage boy. Namely characters like Phàn Diệm (the play “San Hậu”); or the character Trịnh n (the play “Sentencing Trịnh n”) that is also a part of kép with angry eyes, but he would have a face makeup colour base in ashy gray or black. This genre of kép with angry eyes, or can be called as “young kép” is often paired with an older character (could be their father- like the characters Phàn Định Công, Trịnh n), their extraordinary appearance foreshadowing the talents that would emerge once they are matured.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Đổng Kim Lân\nKÉP IN RED\nIs a character motif that is based on the characteristics of kép motif (kép in white), however, the base makeup colour of the character tends to be in bright red or reddish pink. This is the character type that is loyal and determined in hát bội aesthetic. Example: Quan Vũ (the play “Battle at Phàn fortress”); Đổng Kim Lân (the play “San Hậu”); Cao Hoài Đức (the play “Sentencing Trịnh Ân”), etc.\n\nMiniature statue of yêu đạo turtle master character Dư Hồng\nYêu đạo motif\nSimilar like tướng motif, yêu đạo motif has a distinctive dramatic element of hát bội. However, yêu đạo tends to be portrayed as villain characters, in which they possess opposite traits from the protagonist, power abuser, with a sense of justice according to feudal law. Moreover, these characters tend to start off with non-human origins, they’ve honed their magical ability to become human so it made their manners appear animalistic. The character makeups are also suggestive of the manners and symbolism of their background. Examples such as Dư Hồng is originally a red bird that trained itself into human form so the eye makeup mimics a bird motif, with a red face makeup base. The design of yêu đạo/ turtle master tends to use weirdly big eyes to express an eerie manner, big tummy to indicate magic (or it could be called bụng phép), with costume similar to the Taoist monks.\n\nMiniature statue of lão elderly male character Phàn Định Công\nBRAWNY LÃO\nIn appearance, they also shared similarities like the lão motif. If there’s a difference, then it’d be their face makeup base coloured in red. The difference between intellectual lão and brawny lão- their performance manners. Brawny lão would have more decisive and assertive movements, and a more powerful singing-dialogue delivery.\nSAGGY LÃO\nSimilar to kép with angry eyes motif in kép motif, saggy lão motif is a lão motif that exceeds the usual characteristics and is portrayed in a dramatic styling. With a red face, a white under eye that extends to the cheeks, white beard; hot-headed and decisive. Example: Phàn Định Công (the play “San Hậu”); Trình Giảo Kim (the play “Phàn Lê Huê conquer the Hồng Thủy battle”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Khương Linh Tá\nKÉP IN GREEN / FOREST KÉP / MOUNTAIN KÉP\nTheir face makeup tends to be in faded gray or green; with high eyes and brows (depends on the traditional character design of the region and the troup). This character type tends to have a peasantry manner, down-to-earth, with the colour palette of faded gray and green to indicate a humbling origin as a farming man. Example: Khương Linh Tá (the play “San Hậu”); Châu Sáng (the play “Losing Nam Dương fortress”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of nịnh male character Tạ Lôi Nhược\nThe motif can also be deeper understood in its level 2 of formation- major tướng and minor tướng. Major tướng includes the traits that are mentioned above, with social standing and hold a crucial role in the plot. Minor tướng, on the contrary, are characters that don’t hold crucial position in the script like Châu Thương (the play “Battle at Phàn fortress”) Tiết Quỳ (The play “Tiết Giao steals the pearl”), etc.\nTạ Lôi Nhược is a minor tướng character, in combination of feeble nịnh character.

Hat boi Folk Opera in Binh Dinh Province, listed in the National ICH List in 2014 \nThe Art of Tuong in Quang Nam, listed in the National ICH List in 2015 \nTuong is a traditional classical play based on Vietnamese folk songs, dances, and music, and is also called hat bo, or hat boi. The central themes of Tuong include individual sacrifice for a greater cause, imparting lessons about human behavior, and featuring heroic characters. These themes are portrayed aesthetically throughout the performances. It was performed as entertainment for the king and his \nmen at royal banquets or court ceremonies. Today, state-run theater groups perform in established theaters, and folk theater groups perform for village communities during festivals. In Tuong, the face of each character is painted carefully before the performance. The colors used are mainly white, red, blue or green, and black. The colors and patterns used on the faces have symbolic meanings and representations: a white face symbolizes gentleness and quietness; red stands for wisdom, courage, and staunchness; a striped face signifies an ugly person with a hot temper. Decorating the corners of the nose with a cloud-shaped line is necessary for the role of a king.\n\nMiniature statue of tướng male character Tạ Ôn Đình\nTướng motif\nTướng motif is the character type that inherit some traits on manners, actions, and choreography of kép that is brawny in type: Assertive, swift, powerful singing-dialogues delivery.\nHowever, the significant detail to pay attention to is their makeup being made as mask-like, which they are diverse with various stylised expressions. Depends on their role in the play,\nwe have protagonist tướng (the tướng that belongs in the good side and loyal) such as Trịnh Ân, Hoàng Phi Hổ, etc; and villain tướng (the tướng that are evil and vindictive), Ô Lợi Hắc.\nThe motif can also be deeper understood in its level 2 of formation- major tướng and minor tướng. Major tướng includes the traits that are mentioned above,\nwith social standing and hold a crucial role in the plot. Minor tướng, on the contrary, are characters that don't hold crucial position in the script like Châu Thương,) Tiết Quỳ, etc.\n\nMiniature statue of đào female character Phàn Phụng Cơ\nĐào văn\nIntellectual đào: Has the general traits of đào motif, elegant and graceful manners; innocent singing and dialogues. In which there is “royal đào" being the type of character that participates in official royal affairs. Example: Tạ Nguyệt Kiều. And then “simple đào/hairpin đào” is a peasant character type, or the character that has a prestige origin but fallen into peasantry; she wouldn't have any fancy headwear but only a simple hair pin. Example: Điều Huê Nữ.\n\nMiniature statue of lão elderly male character Vương Doãn\n“Lão” is a term to describe male characters (kép) that are elderly. With their brows and hair are white and gray; unhurried in movements; and a raspy singing-dialogue delivery. Additionally, there are also different techniques to portray their raspy voice delivery that can be categorised as follow:\nINTELLECTUAL LÃO\nInclude full characteristics of lão motif: white face, gray beard with three/five long smooth branches; educated and sophisticated.\nExample: Vương Doãn (the play “Phụng Nghi pavillon”); Kiều Quốc cựu (the play “The Beauty from Giang Đông region”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of mụ female character Đồng Mẫu\nMỤ MOTIF\n“Mụ” is the type of female character (đào) that is elderly, their makeup tends to be light, with white eyebrows, silver hair, slow in movement; raspy singing-dialogues delivery. The majority of mụ motif are intellectual type, with a gentle and considerate manner. Example: Đổng mẫu (the play “San Hậu”); Dương linh bà (the play “Mộc Quế Anh offers the wood”) despite her origin as a fiery general but often expressed as a prestige and sophisticated woman.\n\nMiniature statue of tướng male character Đổng Trác\nĐổng Trác is a villain, portraited in nịnh motif. \n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Lữ Bố\n“Kép” is a term to describe male characters. Their appearances tend to be young or middle aged male, with a light makeup face (using beard to distinguish). This is a simple makeup style, reserved for characters that are handsome, or ordinary; they tend to be the psychological character that doesn’t need dramatic makeup to express their personality. Following the kép motif is the type of singing technique- with graceful and sophisticated dialogues. The common characters from kép motif (or can be called “kép in white”) are Tiết Đinh San, Tiết Ứng Luông (the play “The Goddess that offers Ngũ Linh flag”) Bá Ấp Khảo (the play “Bá Ấp Khảo”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of đào female character Chung Vô Diệm\nĐÀO motif\n“Đào" is a term to describe female characters. Their appearances tend to be young or middle-aged females, where their makeup tends to be light and their presences are elegant, with innocent singing-dialogue delivery. In đào motif, only the character Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Tam Xuân, and Ngọc Kỳ Lân have their makeup as mask-like, the rest of them all have light makeup face. \nĐào võ\nBrawny đào: Possess full traits of đào motif, however she is assertive and stern; powerful singing-dialogue delivery. Example: Thần Nữ; Đoàn Hồng Ngọc; etc. Additionally, the mentioned characters that have mask-like makeup (Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Tam Xuân, Ngọc Kỳ Lân) are a part of brawny đào motif. They are portrayed in a dramatic style to reflect their strong personality and extraordinary talent.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Phàn Diệm\nKÉP WITH ANGRY EYES\nIs a kép motif that has more than just the general traits, but also a more extravagant styling in costuming. They have a red face makeup base; with a white eyes and dramatic eyebrows that are high up to the temple. This dramatic appearance only reflects their extraordinary characters for a teenage boy. Namely characters like Phàn Diệm (the play “San Hậu”); or the character Trịnh n (the play “Sentencing Trịnh n”) that is also a part of kép with angry eyes, but he would have a face makeup colour base in ashy gray or black. This genre of kép with angry eyes, or can be called as “young kép” is often paired with an older character (could be their father- like the characters Phàn Định Công, Trịnh n), their extraordinary appearance foreshadowing the talents that would emerge once they are matured.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Đổng Kim Lân\nKÉP IN RED\nIs a character motif that is based on the characteristics of kép motif (kép in white), however, the base makeup colour of the character tends to be in bright red or reddish pink. This is the character type that is loyal and determined in hát bội aesthetic. Example: Quan Vũ (the play “Battle at Phàn fortress”); Đổng Kim Lân (the play “San Hậu”); Cao Hoài Đức (the play “Sentencing Trịnh Ân”), etc.\n\nMiniature statue of yêu đạo turtle master character Dư Hồng\nYêu đạo motif\nSimilar like tướng motif, yêu đạo motif has a distinctive dramatic element of hát bội. However, yêu đạo tends to be portrayed as villain characters, in which they possess opposite traits from the protagonist, power abuser, with a sense of justice according to feudal law. Moreover, these characters tend to start off with non-human origins, they’ve honed their magical ability to become human so it made their manners appear animalistic. The character makeups are also suggestive of the manners and symbolism of their background. Examples such as Dư Hồng is originally a red bird that trained itself into human form so the eye makeup mimics a bird motif, with a red face makeup base. The design of yêu đạo/ turtle master tends to use weirdly big eyes to express an eerie manner, big tummy to indicate magic (or it could be called bụng phép), with costume similar to the Taoist monks.\n\nMiniature statue of lão elderly male character Phàn Định Công\nBRAWNY LÃO\nIn appearance, they also shared similarities like the lão motif. If there’s a difference, then it’d be their face makeup base coloured in red. The difference between intellectual lão and brawny lão- their performance manners. Brawny lão would have more decisive and assertive movements, and a more powerful singing-dialogue delivery.\nSAGGY LÃO\nSimilar to kép with angry eyes motif in kép motif, saggy lão motif is a lão motif that exceeds the usual characteristics and is portrayed in a dramatic styling. With a red face, a white under eye that extends to the cheeks, white beard; hot-headed and decisive. Example: Phàn Định Công (the play “San Hậu”); Trình Giảo Kim (the play “Phàn Lê Huê conquer the Hồng Thủy battle”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of kép male character Khương Linh Tá\nKÉP IN GREEN / FOREST KÉP / MOUNTAIN KÉP\nTheir face makeup tends to be in faded gray or green; with high eyes and brows (depends on the traditional character design of the region and the troup). This character type tends to have a peasantry manner, down-to-earth, with the colour palette of faded gray and green to indicate a humbling origin as a farming man. Example: Khương Linh Tá (the play “San Hậu”); Châu Sáng (the play “Losing Nam Dương fortress”); etc.\n\nMiniature statue of nịnh male character Tạ Lôi Nhược\nThe motif can also be deeper understood in its level 2 of formation- major tướng and minor tướng. Major tướng includes the traits that are mentioned above, with social standing and hold a crucial role in the plot. Minor tướng, on the contrary, are characters that don’t hold crucial position in the script like Châu Thương (the play “Battle at Phàn fortress”) Tiết Quỳ (The play “Tiết Giao steals the pearl”), etc.\nTạ Lôi Nhược is a minor tướng character, in combination of feeble nịnh character.

Tara-Bandu is one of Timor-Leste’s most enduring systems of customary law—an ancestral method for maintaining harmony between humans, nature, and the spirit world. Practiced across many municipalities, this tradition involves the collective setting of social and environmental rules by the community, enforced not by police or government, but by deep-rooted respect for customary authority and ancestral belief.\n\nThe term “tara-bandu” itself means “to suspend” or “to declare a prohibition.” At its core, it is a communal agreement to protect certain aspects of life—be it sacred forests, clean water sources, agricultural land, or interpersonal relationships. Violating a tara-bandu is believed to bring not just social disapproval, but also spiritual misfortune, such as illness, crop failure, or even death.\n\nThe process of establishing a tara-bandu involves an elaborate ceremonial act led by lia-nain (customary custodians), elders, spiritual leaders, and village chiefs. At the heart of the ritual is the symbolic installation of the prohibition. This may take the form of hanging a tree branch, an animal skull, or even a bound bundle of leaves at the boundary of a protected area. These symbols serve as visible markers that the space or behavior they refer to is off-limits.\n\nEach tara-bandu is tailored to local needs. In some communities, it may prohibit cutting down trees from a specific forest. In others, it may regulate marriage customs, resolve conflicts, or prevent theft and violence. The process is highly participatory: villagers gather in large open-air meetings to discuss the rules, agree on penalties, and publicly reaffirm their commitment to uphold the communal values.\n\nThe ceremony itself often includes the sacrifice of an animal—commonly a pig, goat, or chicken—as an offering to the ancestral spirits. A traditional oath is spoken, and traditional liquor (tua sabu) is sometimes poured on the earth as a gesture of sealing the agreement. These rituals symbolize not only human consensus but a spiritual pact between the living and the unseen world.\n\nBeyond its legal implications, tara-bandu has an environmental and ethical function. It teaches respect for natural resources, encourages collective responsibility, and reinforces peaceful coexistence. It also represents an indigenous system of governance, reminding the Timorese people that long before modern institutions, their ancestors had mechanisms to resolve disputes and protect what mattered most.\n\nIn the years following independence, tara-bandu experienced a significant revival. Communities, NGOs, and government bodies alike have recognized its value—not as a relic of the past, but as a living, adaptable tool for building resilient societies. It is now being integrated into conservation projects, natural resource management plans, and even civic education programs in schools.\n\nStill, its continued vitality depends on intergenerational transmission. Elders must be supported in sharing their knowledge, and younger generations must be empowered to see the relevance of tara-bandu in today’s context. As both law and ritual, tara-bandu is a shining example of how intangible cultural heritage can guide communities in shaping a sustainable, respectful, and united future.

Folk Dance of Nepal_Mushar Naach\n\nPerformers: Chandra Bahadur Mahara, Chandra Hazara, Joshu Ram, Bhajan Paswan, Mahanga Paswan \nCaste: Musahr \nDate of Recording: 1998 \nCollector: Dan Bahadur Nepali\n\nNepalese communities express their emotions through the rhythms of various folk dances. Folk dances, in fact, are an inseparable part of rural life. On the other hand, the religious influence can easily be observed in the songs and dances, which are often performed to please deities responsible for the well-being of humans and cattle, favorable climate, and good harvest. As the country has widely differing topographical features, so does it have vast variances in cultural aspects. Folk songs and dances depend on cultures, cas-tes, seasons, and geographical features. For example, a sherpa living in the Himalayan region sings and dances differently from a Tharu living in the Terai region. Similarly, songs and dances performed in the spring season express joyous emotions, whereas those performed in the winter season express sadness. This collection includes the most famous folk dances of the different indigenous communities of Nepal dwelling in various environments. These dances are a part of their daily life.\n\nMushar is a unique caste residing in various districts of the Terai region of Nepal, including Saptari, Siraha, Udaipur, Dhanusa, Janakpur, Morang, Sarlahi, Malangwa, Mahottari, Gaur, Rautahat, and Sunsari. This group has its own culture and tradition. Netwa is the most popular dance for festivals in their society. Here, dancers are seen wearing traditional attire. This dance is performed during special festivals, at birth ceremonies, wedding ceremonies, on the ninth day of Dashain, and other occasions. Five male artists take part in this dance. The rhythms are initiated by the guru (the master). Epics, stories about gods, the origin of earth, and life and family issues are the main topics of the song. It is performed either as a solo or in a duet. This dance is in vulnerable condition.\n

The people of Drangmaling-Nangar village in Tsamang Gewog, Mongar Dzongkhag in the eastern district gather every two years to perform Khar-phued. Literally, dairy product; milk, curd, cheese, butter, etc. were used as offerings. In other words, Kar means "wheat", Phued means "offering" - it is the offering of the first wheat harvest. \n\nKharphu is a Bon ritual festival used to pay homage to local deities and ensure the well-being of the community, its households, livestock and crops. Kharphu is celebrated from the 26th day of the fourth month to the 2nd day of the fifth month according to the Bhutanese calendar. \n\nThe village elders trace the origin of this ancient festival to the days of the creation of earth and sky (sachag namchag), as they do not know the exact century of origin or when it was held. The program and its components have been entirely preserved and passed down through oral tradition. This includes the ritual nightly exchange of songs that extends throughout the week. Apparently, this festival is in great danger of being lost in the modern cultural landscape.

At the end of the year, the color of the festival takes place on the hillside. Zoom crops are grown around the house to indigenous peoples' and they take part in many ritualistic conduct. From the depths of the mountains, there is a tune of joy. Chakma, Marma, Tripura remember God as their yearbook festival. nThe festive begin the day before the Chaitra songkranti, goes on to1st Baisakh. Chakma girls go out to collect flowers at night for Ful Biju. Silently steal flowers for puja offerings.\nThe next morning, get started flower immersion and worship of the god Ista. At dawn, at Khomong Koria, everyone comes to the group in the morning to worship.For the contentment of the god, they float the flowers that collected last night.\nOn the day of Vaisu Sankri, the Tripuras worship God Shiva.They believe He come down to earth on this day. In his contentment, goodness and wrath came down, in His anger, shortages and pestilences. The bamboo scissors are cut and made to symbolize the god Goria,hang yarn, pant, zoom crop, cotton wrap. The culture of Tripura is evolving on the life of the zoom crop. Therefore, the life of the hill region can be seen in Garia dance.\nThe Sangrai goddess brings good luck and welfare to the people from heaven to the earth. The Sangrai festival started at the moment of her come down. The main attraction of Sangrai is Jolkheli. Marma's belief that the water thrown in the Jolkheli washed away the past year's misery, sin. The New Year is accepted in a holy way. If a young woman likes each other, then the couple express their love throwing water on each other. Through this, their social bond is strengthened.\nBuddha bath is done in water mixed with coconut water and sandalwood. Then starts puja. The yearbook festival of the inhabitants ends with a wish for the good and peace of the world.

Nepalese communities express their emotions through the rhythms of various folk dances. Folk dances, in fact, are an inseparable part of rural life. On the other hand, the religious influence can easily be observed in the songs and dances, which are often performed to please deities responsible for the well-being of humans and cattle, favorable climate, and good harvest. As the country has widely differing topographical features, so does it have vast variances in cultural aspects. Folk songs and dances depend on cultures, cas-tes, seasons, and geographical features. For example, a sherpa living in the Himalayan region sings and dances differently from a Tharu living in the Terai region. Similarly, songs and dances performed in the spring season express joyous emotions, whereas those performed in the winter season express sadness. This collection includes the most famous folk dances of the different indigenous communities of Nepal dwelling in various environments. These dances are a part of their daily life.

On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n

Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is transnational in nature. It is necessary to spread the perception that ICH transcends geographical spaces and national borders, creating dynamic relations, connectedness, and continuity, which is why it is a timeless bearer of cultural diversity, the foundation of the heritage of humanity. However, as the modern structure of nation-state determines the boundaries of culture with national borders, forming the concept of “culture within the country”, subsequently led to the perception that the ownership of culture belongs to the state.\n\nThe concept of exclusive ownership of culture is often controversial in the UNESCO listing process, particularly in instances where cultural heritage and cultural domains have been shared for a long time by two or more nation-states. Such conflicts lead to excessive competition for nomination, overshadowing UNESCO’s fundamental purpose of contributing to peace and security in the world by promoting collaboration among nations, as well as the very spirit of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage that promotes international cooperation and assistance in the safeguarding of ICH as a matter of general interest to humanity.\n\nConsequently, UNESCO encourages multinational inscriptions of shared intangible cultural heritage to promote regional cooperation and international safeguarding activities, preventing conflicts among countries and coping with already existing ones. By emphasizing joint nominations of shared ICH, UNESCO revised its implementation guidelines three times to deal with conflicts between countries due to the cultural property rights. In addition, States Parties are encouraged to develop networks among relevant communities, experts, professional centres, and research institutes, particularly with regard to their ICH, to cooperate at the sub-regional and regional levels.\n\nAt the 13th Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage held in the Republic of Mauritius in November 2018, Traditional Korean Wrestling was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity as the first joint designation by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea. This milestone in the life of the Convention demonstrates that ICH contributes to the peace-building, reconciliation, mutual understanding, and solidarity among peoples. Indeed, only when acknowledging that shared cultural values are empowering characteristics of ICH, the true perspective of the unifying agent of the cultural diversity can be achieved, and that it is the cornerstone of reaching peace among nations.\n\nCountries in the Asia Pacific region are deeply connected by a long history of interactions, exchanges, flows of people, goods, and ideas that have shaped shared values, practices, and traditions. Having a balanced view, advocating for cultural diversity, and recognizing the commonalities among individuals, communities, and countries as a strength are virtuous tenets in the present time.\n\nIn this regard, APHEN-ICH Secretariat, ICHCAP, and UNESCO Bangkok Office are inviting the APHEN-ICH member institutes and public to this seminar under the theme of Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into the Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific, to re-assess that while fragile, intangible cultural heritage is an important factor in maintaining cultural diversity, connecting bounds, and enhancing international dialogue and peace.

DVD2_NEPAL'S HEREDITARY MUSICIAN CASTES\n\nThe four hereditary musician castes of Nepal are Damai, Gandharba, Kapali, and Badi. The most visible of these are the Damai and the Gandharba musicians. The Kapali are temple musicians and the Badi are drum makers. Damai are required to play for the goddess of the ruling class and also to play at all types of ceremonies and rites of passage, such as weddings and Bratabhandha. They perform in a group known as a panchai baajaa, which is composed of nine musicians playing seven different musical instruments representing the five universal elements of earth, water, fire, air, and sky, of which all matter and living things are composed. The tyamko represents earth, the damaha represents water, the jhurma represents fire, the dholaki represents air, and the narasingaa, sahane, and karnal represent the sky. Panchai baajaa music is believed to keep the elements in balance and harmony and to result in therapeutic musical healing. The Gandharba or Gaine caste musicians traditionally travel from village to village and door to door singing bhajan (hymns), songs from the great Hindu epics, and karkha (historical songs of heroes and bravery), but also bring news. They accompany themselves by playing saarangi.

Grinding songs are called besuva pada in Kannada. Rural women sing various three-line songs called tripadi while they grind. The tripadi is a meter that is common in Kannada literature, and has been popular since 700AD. When singing, performers repeat the second line, making it a four-line sangathy, another popular meter in Kannada. These songs cover various themes, including god, earth, motherly love, and children.

This song belongs to the first stage in a hát Xoan performance. The lyrics are a song prayer inviting the king and gods to descend to and the earth grant blessings. The music of Thơ nhang is slow and solemn.

Roads are being constructed all around Ladakh. Villagers come to work in these construction sites and sing while digging the earth with their spades.

CD2_HISTORICAL RECORDINGS FROM THE 1930S OF ARNOLD BAKE VOL. II: EVERYDAY SONGS\n\nThe recordings by Dutch ethnomusicologist Arnold Adrian Bake in India in the 1930s and later are one of the earliest examples of what may be called “ethnographic” recordings. Arnold Bake and his wife Corrie spent a long time in Bengal but travelled all over India, recording the music, sounds, and other forms of intangible culture of the people. These recordings cover an immense range of music and recitations that are part of people’s everyday lives, such as work songs, devotional pieces, and ritualistic performances, and include a high number of women’s songs and cultural expressions. Bake’s first field trip was in 1925 and his last was in 1955. During that time, he travelled not only to India but also to Nepal and Sri Lanka. Collections of Bake’s recordings are held in archives in the United Kingdom, Germany, and the United States. Recordings from 1925 to 1929 were on cylinders, and those from 1938 to 1939 were recorded on a machine called Tefifon. The collection that has been digitized for this project consists of the recordings made in 1938 and 1939. \n\nThe Tefi recordings were transferred to spools and deposited in ARCE in 1982. During those two years, Bake travelled from Sindh, the Gujarat coast, to Kerala, and thus the recordings are from Maharashtra, Karnataka, and Kerala. There are also recordings made in the Maldives and Sri Lanka. Thus, the selections presented on these albums are largely from the Southwest Coast of India. These recordings were chosen because they carry great historical value yet were not easily accessible until now. NB: The titles given by Arnold Bake have been retained. However, in the notes, places and names have been changed to reflect current designations – e.g. Canarese was changed to Kannada. Place names have also been modified to follow current spelling conventions.\n\nEveryday Songs - The everyday lives of people are what make up the core of intangible cultural heritage (ICH). This selection includes rituals, work songs, devotional and religious songs, as well as common songs that express joys and sorrows. In addition to songs, some tracks include cries and noises, reflecting the wide variety of sounds that Bake recorded.

Hát Xoan (Xoan singing) or cửa đình singing (singing at the village communal house) starts in spring during singing and dancing performances to worship the god in the village communal house. According to legend Hát Xoan appeared in the time of Kings Hùng, in the ancestral land of Hùng Vương—Phú Thọ, a province in the midland area of Vietnam. Gathering of Xoan singers who worship in spring called Xoan guild or families of Xoan. In a Xoan guild, there are between six and eighteen members. Men, called kép (instrumentalist), have to know how to beat a drum and sing the lead. Women are called đào (female singer). Female singers must not only be beautiful but also be able sing and dance well. The leader, called ông trùm, is an expert in art and master in all Xoan singing customs . He is also responsible for organizing and training instrumentalists and singers. Nowadays, in Phú Thọ province, there are four original Xoan guilds, in Kim Đới, Phù Đức, Thét, and An Thái villages. The Xoan guilds start their two-month spring itinerary 6 Jan (lunar calendar).\n\nXoan singing for worship is structured into three singing stages: Stage one is a ritual opening that includes songs such as Giáo trống, Giáo pháo, Thơ nhang, and Đóng đám. The Xoan guild of An Thái village opens with the song Chào vua while Xoan guild of Kim Đới village opens with Mời vua. Stage two is the performance of fourteen songs (known as quả cách) such as Kiều Giang cách, Nhàn ngâm cách, Tràng mai cách, Ngư tiều canh mục cách, Đối dẫy cách, Hồi liên cách, Tứ mùa cách, Quả cách is an ancient term. Quả means a long song while cách is a method of singing a specific song. Cách is the way ancient Confusion scholars expressed their feelings and conceptions of society and nature. The content of these fourteen songs is about wishing the four classes of people— scholars, farmers, craftsmen, and merchants—prosperity and fame. Stage three is a love-exchange song, including songs such as Bợm gái, Bỏ bộ, Xin hoa đố chữ, Gài hoa, Hát đúm, and Giã cá. The content reflects the desire of a couple’s love. Therefore, the items in this stage are usually performed by Xoan singers with local male villagers. The cultural exchange between Xoan guild and local male villagers make the singing session more attractive. However, Xoan singing was under the threat of being lost over time. On 24 November 2011, Xoan singing of Phú Thọ province was recognized as an Intangible Cultural Heritage In Need of Urgent Safeguarding of Humanity. In this CD, we selected and arranged some Xoan singing songs recorded and kept at Vietnamese Institute for Musicology in 1959.

Katta Ashula (a song performed with a plate) is specific to the Ferghana Valley of Uzbekistan. Usually, it is performed a cappella by two to five singers of the same vocal range who use a plate or tray to project their voices in different ways. In most cases, Katta Ashula is performed by singers with a high-pitched, wide-ranging voice, and these are some of the distinguishing features of the complex performance style. Katta Ashula developed from basic traditional events in history, from labour songs, and from different styles of ghazal verses. Usually, Katta Ashula is performed in big gatherings, festivities, and party celebrations.\n\nKatta Ashula songs were performed professionally and further developed by famous Khofizes such as Erkaqori Karimov, Turdiali Ergashev, Matbuva Sattorov, Jo'rakhon Sultonov, Mamurjon Uzoqov, Boltaboy Rajabov, Orif Alimakhsumov, Fattohkhon Mamadaliev, Jo' rakhon Yusupov, and Khamroqulqory To'raqulov. Today, Katta Ashula is masterfully performed by experienced singers with the highest skill, such as Khalima Nosirova, Munojot Yo'lchieva, Ismoil and Isroil Vakhobovs, and Mahmud Tojiboev.

Lapar performing arts, as an ancient folklore genre of people’s creation, has a rich history. Lapar songs are performed by famous artists during holidays, public festivities, and wedding parties as well as in a bride’s house in the evening during ‘Girls’ Evening’, ‘Girls’ Party’, and ‘Lapar Night’. Girls and boys perform Lapar songs composed of four-lined ghazals in two groups. Through Lapar songs, girls and boys express their love for each other, make decisions, and take oaths. They sing their heart’s grief with a certain melody but without any music. If both the girl and the boy who are singing Lapar fall in love with each other, they present gifts to one another. If the boys present flowers to girls, the girls present a kerchief, belt-kerchief, handkerchief, perfume, or some other gift.\n\nLapar songs are mainly composed of four-lined verses and are performed in the form of a dialogue between two parties. If they resemble o'lan songs from these features, they are distinguished by the ideas, literary references, descriptive objects, and the lifestyle that are sung in the lyrics- the level of thought is more highly developed by images. \n\nLapar songs were performed and became increasingly better known through the work of famous Lapar singers, such as Lutfikhonim Sarimsoqova, Tamarakhonim, Lizakhonim Petrosova, Gavkhar Rakhimova, Oykhon Yoqubova, Guishan Otaboyeva, To'khtakhon Nazarova, Qunduzkhon Egamberdiyeva, and others. To pay more attention to Lapar and o'lan songs, to collect them, to support the performers, and to publicise their creative work to the broader community, the Traditional Republican Festival of Lapar and O'lan performers is regularly conducted by the Republican Scientific and Methodological Center of Folk Art under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan.\n\n\n\n

Audio and Video Materials Collected from the Onsite Survey in the Ferghana Valley_2012 Uzbekistan-ICHCAP Joint Cooperation Project of Producing Digital Contents on ICH\n\nThe glorious intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of Ferghana Valley encompassing the state of Ferghana, Andijion, and Namangan in Uzbekistan includes oral traditional, performing arts, traditional rites and festive events, and traditional crafts. However, this heritage is largely unknown to the public in the nation and abroad, and it is fading out even more rapidly due to the young generation’s lack of interest.\n\nSince 2011, the four Central Asian countries, including Uzbekistan, have been implementing a three-year project, Facilitating ICH Inventory-Making by Using Online Tools for ICH Safeguarding in the Central Asian Region as a Central Asia–ICHCAP cooperative project. In the framework of the project, the countries have collected ICH information and tried to build an online system for managing the collected information.\n\nIn Uzbekistan, the Republican Scientific and Methodological Centre of Folk Art, under the Ministry of Culture and Sports of the Republic of Uzbekistan, in collaboration with the National Commission of the Republic of Uzbekistan for UNESCO, implemented the three-year project. They collected information on ICH elements in the Ferghana Valley (Andijan, Namangan, and Ferghana regions), Zarafshan Oasis and Southern Uzbekistan (Jizzakh, Samarkand, Kashkadarya, and Surkhandarya regions), and the Republic of Karakalpakstan (Navoi, Bukhara, and Khoresm regions) through onsite surveys from 2012 to 2014.\n\nIn 2012 when the first onsite survey was concluded, Uzbekistan and ICHCAP selected representative materials among collected videos, audios, and photos on ICH elements and ICH bearers, and compiled the materials as a ten-CD/DVD collection. Also, booklets in English, Uzbek, and Korean were made to spread related information to a wider audience.\n\nFerghana Valley is also home to Tajikistan, Uighers, and Turkistan. In the other words, different traditions co-exist in the same place. ‘Katta Ashula’, which integrates arts, songs, music, and epics, is one Uzbek cultural heritage representing the identities of the diverse people live in the valley\n\nThe collection could preserve the disappeared and disconnected ICH and encourage increased mutual understanding and communication by spreading the information widely from the experts to the people.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 2 is 'ICH AND LABOR'.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 6 is 'ICH AND MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS'.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 8 is 'ICH AND TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE AS AN OCCUPATIONAL LIVING.'

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 25 is 'Pictures and Storytelling.'