The element is practiced in traditional wedding ceremonies, inherited from ancestors, commonly in Fataluku Ethnic and other neighborhood, located in eastern part of the country. Seleleo-Seo/Kosok-Koso is a kind of dowry agreement expression between the family of groom and bride within community. This practice is used to make the dowry negotiation between families in an attractive and interactive atmosphere.\n\nPeople in this community believes that Seleleo-Seo/Kosok-Koso is an important practice in wedding ceremony therefore to make family to be moreblessed and to strength the family ties.

Ayghyr kosu is a rite succeeding the milking. Young men lead stallions (ayghyr’s) out and keep them in check until women take milk away with them. Then the bridles are taken off and the stallions join their herds.\nKazakh spring horse-breeding rites mark the end of the old and the beginning of the new yearly horse-breeding cycle. Rooted in the traditional knowledge of nature and in the millennia-aged close relations between man and horse, these rites involve skills inherited from the nomadic ancestors and adapted to the present day reality. The festive rites compiles of the triade: (1) .‘Biye baylau’; (2) ‘Ayghyr kosu’; and (3) ‘Kymyz muryndyk’.\n‘Kymyz muryndyk’ (metaphorically, ‘initiation of koumiss’) is the 'first koumiss sharing' rite, opening a season of its making and drinking.

This is an original dance reconstructed based on traditional dances of Bali. To the Balinese, dance is a form of religious ritual performed according to the Balinese calendar. The traditional dances of Bali are inspired by nature and represent traditions, customs and religious value. The Balinese believe that the movements of traditional dances express the views of nature, while the mudra (hand movements) are related to their daily lives, laws, faith and customs. Traditional Balinese dances can be performed by both male and female dancers, who wear elaborate traditional costumes of bright colors, imprinted with flora and fauna patterns in gold foil, and decorated with accessories adorned by golden leaves and jewelry. The dance moves are very complex and precisely detailed. Dancers are required to possess not just skill, but also inner beauty (taksu), charisma, modesty and restraint, along with special spiritual power to bring the dances to life.\n\nDances performed in the many communities of Bali are typically transmitted through unofficial channels from elders to children in the traditional sekaa groups. The traditional dances of Bali are cultural heritage containing the customs and culture of the Balinese, and an important part of the identity of a community. The three genres of traditional Balinese dances were inscribed to the UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2015.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙An original dance reconstructed from the three genres of traditional dance in Bali inscribed to the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2015.\n\nPerformed by Dance Company of Jakarta State University\nDirected by Ida Bagus Ketut Sudiasa

This is an original dance reconstructed based on traditional dances of Bali. To the Balinese, dance is a form of religious ritual performed according to the Balinese calendar. The traditional dances of Bali are inspired by nature and represent traditions, customs and religious value. The Balinese believe that the movements of traditional dances express the views of nature, while the mudra (hand movements) are related to their daily lives, laws, faith and customs. Traditional Balinese dances can be performed by both male and female dancers, who wear elaborate traditional costumes of bright colors, imprinted with flora and fauna patterns in gold foil, and decorated with accessories adorned by golden leaves and jewelry. The dance moves are very complex and precisely detailed. Dancers are required to possess not just skill, but also inner beauty (taksu), charisma, modesty and restraint, along with special spiritual power to bring the dances to life.\n\nDances performed in the many communities of Bali are typically transmitted through unofficial channels from elders to children in the traditional sekaa groups. The traditional dances of Bali are cultural heritage containing the customs and culture of the Balinese, and an important part of the identity of a community. The three genres of traditional Balinese dances were inscribed to the UNESCO’s Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2015.\n\nCharacteristics:\n∙An original dance reconstructed from the three genres of traditional dance in Bali inscribed to the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2015.\n\nPerformed by Dance Company of Jakarta State University\nDirected by Ida Bagus Ketut Sudiasa

I am Alina Tamrakar. I am an architect currently working in documentation and restoration of heritage structures affected by the massive earthquake of 2015. I belong to Newa community who are the indigenous people of Kathmandu valley. Kathmandu is the capital of Nepal. Born and raised in a typical Newa family who has always put rituals and tradition in the first place, I was always very connected to the cultural heritage of Kathmandu. As I grew up being part of the festivals and rituals, there were always numbers of questions running inside: why do we celebrate these festivals, what is the story behind it, who initiated the traditions and so on. After the devastating earthquake took down so many monuments, some of which carried centuries-old history, it gave me time to reflect on the rich knowledge and skills that our ancestors held and handed it down to our generation. It also explained how tangible and intangible heritage are interlinked with each other. Also, a realization that there is still so much to learn from our heritage and to pass on to the next generation.\nAmong the Newa community, Tamrakars are one of such communities, who follow Buddhism. Gunla is one of many festivals celebrated in Kathmandu valley. It is the tenth month in Nepal Sambat lunar calendar, in which devotees from all around Kathmandu valley visit Swayambhu Stupa that is also one of UNESCO’s World Heritage Sites. The festival of Gunla last for one whole month. In addition to this, devotees also take a visit to different Buddhist courtyards called Baha-bahi and other stupas and chaityas. The devotees in the process recite Holy Scriptures and play devotional gunla music. Music groups from different communities take part in the procession. Like other numerous communities, Tamrakar community also has the musical group named “Tamrakar Gunla Baajan Khala” who have been taking part in playing gunla music and reciting Holy Scriptures from time immemorial. The procession starts from a traditional courtyard called “Piganani” in Maru, near Kathmandu Durbar Square. Piganani is the centre point of the location where Tamrakars initially settled in Kathmandu. Every day for the month of gunla, the community of around 20- 25 (on Saturdays and holidays the number increased to around 50 attendees) start the procession from Piganani at 5:30 am and visit the Swayambhu stupa and come back to Piganani and end the tour at around 8:00 am. On holidays, the team takes a longer route covering other major Buddhist monasteries, chaityas and stupas on the way. During the procession, the devotees and practitioners cover a distance of 6 kilometres.\nUntil three years back, I used to take part in the procession just as an audience listening to people reciting the scriptures and watching the team of young members playing the drums and cymbals to play devotional gunla music. Three years back, I enrolled as one of the practitioners and started taking part in the procession. I came to know that earlier, women were not allowed to play musical instruments in the gunla procession, but only take part as devotees. However, as time passed on, the society opened the doors for women as well. In today’s time, there are a huge number of women practitioners who have taken the initiative to be a part of the team.\nThe tradition of playing gunla music, according to local experts is thousands of years old practice. As much as this musical tour is interesting, it is equally full of knowledge regarding our culture and tradition. Such practices of cultural heritage are not only a matter of pride that an individual or the whole nation takes in but also a major affirmation that such huge collection of knowledge, skill and accomplishment that our ancestors have developed are being transferred to the next generation. Apart from carrying on the tradition, it is also very necessary that we understand the depth of each of these practices in order to keep the tradition alive in the long run. It is equally necessary that we know where our roots lie while we soar up to reach the sky. This is only possible when youths take the initiative to participate in these practices and talk about the “why”, “what” and “how” while they do so.\nDuring Gunla procession different traditional musical instruments are played. “Dhā” and “Nayo khin:” are drums played on one side by bare palm and with a wooden stick on the other are the main musical instruments played during the procession. The small cymbals called “tā” give the beat to the drums and big cymbals and trumpets are played along. For the first time, starting this year, flutes have also been added to the band. The music performance begins with “Dyo lhayegu”, which is a small introductory piece played in order to invoke the “Nāsa dya”, a deity of performing arts. There are separate pieces especially played depending upon the time and place in the procession. For example, the piece played while revolving a chaitya or stupa is different from a one played while beginning the procession.\nThe practice session for each year, begin one or two months prior to gunla month. Anyone who is capable of learning to play the instruments is eligible to participate. The members of Tamrakar community enrol their younger ones once they are ready to take part, while people from other communities are also welcomed to participate in learning and later take part in the procession. The practice sessions take place each evening in the courtyard of Piganani where a guru, a teacher takes a lead in taking music classes. In addition to a regular teacher, the elders in the Tamrakar Gunla Baajan community also offer their presence as well as their knowledge so that the learners get all the support they need. The sessions are one of such encouraging steps that the elder generation in the Tamrakar Gunla Baajan Khala take that make sure that the centuries-old tradition of playing gunla music is safely being transferred to the next generation.

Performed with grace, dignity, and deep cultural symbolism, Tebe-Lilin is a traditional dance that brings together members of a community in shared celebration, remembrance, and expression. It is practiced in several regions of Timor-Leste and is especially known for its emphasis on unity and peaceful co-existence.\n\nThe word “tebe” refers to a communal line or circle dance, while “lilin” translates as candle or light. Together, the name evokes the image of people dancing around a source of light—both literal and symbolic—illuminating shared values such as harmony, hope, and continuity. Historically, dancers would carry actual candles or use candlenuts wrapped in cotton, creating a flickering trail of light as they moved through the night.\n\nTebe-Lilin* is performed by groups of men and women—young and old—who link arms or shoulders and form lines or circles. They move rhythmically in unison, stepping to the beat of babadok drums and chanting in call-and-response style. The songs are often poetic and metaphorical, expressing themes of love, sorrow, longing, and reconciliation. Each verse is rich with meaning, serving not just as entertainment but as oral literature passed from generation to generation.\n\nThe dance is deeply woven into ceremonial life. It features prominently during sau-batar (corn harvest celebrations), barlake (marriage exchanges), community healing rituals, and memorial events. In each setting, Tebe-Lilin helps strengthen the spiritual and emotional ties among participants. Its circular form is believed to create balance and connection, while the singing creates a space for open emotional expression—an opportunity to share joys and wounds alike.\n\nIn some versions of the dance, the use of light is entirely symbolic. The “candle” represents the enduring spirit of the ancestors, the resilience of the community, or the moral light that guides people through challenges. The act of dancing around it becomes a ritual of reaffirmation—a moment when the community collectively reflects on its path forward while honoring its roots.\n\nThough Tebe-Lilin remains alive in certain communities, it faces challenges. Younger generations are increasingly detached from these communal traditions, and the ritual contexts in which the dance once thrived are becoming less frequent. Elders and cultural leaders continue to play a vital role in teaching the songs, movements, and meanings behind the dance, often through village gatherings, church events, and cultural festivals.\n\nIn its form and spirit, Tebe-Lilin exemplifies intangible cultural heritage at its finest: it is an art form, a social practice, and a vehicle for transmitting identity. Every time the dance is performed, it brings light—not just to the night, but to the hearts and memories of those who dance and watch.

Simple in design but rich in cultural significance, the Lakadou is a traditional musical instrument made entirely from bamboo, found in various rural communities of Timor-Leste. Often carved from a single stalk, it stands as a testament to the ingenuity of ancestral craftsmanship—an instrument that produces sound not with strings or metal, but with tensioned strips of its own body.\n\nThe process of making a Lakadou begins with selecting the right kind of bamboo—neither too young nor too old—so that it is flexible yet strong. Using only a knife or a small carving tool, the outer layer of the bamboo is partially sliced into thin, horizontal strips along the stalk, which remain attached at both ends. These strips act as the instrument’s “strings.” Small wooden pegs or bridges are then inserted beneath them to lift the strips slightly, allowing them to vibrate when plucked.\n\nWhen played, the Lakadou emits a warm, buzzing resonance that can be heard clearly in quiet, open-air settings. The tones are soft yet sharp, melodic yet earthy—reflecting both the material and the environment from which it is made. Each Lakadou has its own pitch and personality, depending on the size of the bamboo and the placement of the tuning pegs.\n\nTraditionally, the Lakadou was played during rituals, agricultural festivals, and informal gatherings. It could accompany dance, storytelling, or simply be enjoyed as a solo instrument under the shade of a tree. It was sometimes played to express emotions—joy, longing, or sorrow—or to pass the time during communal labor in the fields.\n\nWhat makes the Lakadou especially significant is its status as a self-contained instrument. It does not require any additional materials beyond the bamboo itself—no strings, no nails, no external fasteners—just natural design and human skill. This reflects a traditional ethos of sustainability and resourcefulness, values still highly regarded in rural Timorese life.\n\nWhile the instrument is still known in some communities today, its presence is fading. Younger generations are more familiar with modern instruments, and the skill of crafting Lakadou is no longer widely practiced or passed down. In some places, only a handful of elders remember how to make and play it, and the sound of the Lakadou has become rare in daily village life.\n\nEfforts to preserve the Lakadou are growing, however. Cultural festivals, school workshops, and local storytelling events have begun reintroducing the instrument as a piece of Timor-Leste’s musical heritage. Some artisans are even experimenting with new forms, adapting traditional techniques to contemporary performances.\n\nAs a musical tool, the Lakadou is humble. But as an expression of cultural identity, it speaks volumes. In its structure, sound, and spirit, it tells the story of a people who shaped their art from the land around them—and who, with care, may yet continue to do so for generations to come.

▶ Play Video 2. Into the Heart of the Mandaya A Journey through the Wilds of Davao Oriental\nThis episode was first aired on Filipino television on November 16, 1995. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nAnimals were offered in the context of the Mandaya cultural ritual.\n\nThe Mandaya are a complex group that can be referred to by different terms: Mangwanga, Mangrangan, Mangosan, Magosan, Pagsupan, Divavaonon, Dibabaon, and Mansaka. Members reside in Davao Oriental. They are concentrated in the municipalities of Caraga, Manay, Cateel, Lupon, and Tarragona. The known subgroupings are: (1) Mansaka, (2) Pagsupan, (3) Mangwanga (Mangrangan, Compostela), (4) Managosan, (5) Divavaon (Dibabaon, mixed Manobo Mandaya), and (6) Karaga.\n\nThe Mandaya occupy upstream areas, practicing slash-and-burn cultivation in highly dispersed settlements. In addition to a wide range of cropping for domestic consumption, abaca is cultivated as a cash crop. Rice, various tubers, and bananas form the bulk of their diet. Communities are dispersed usually near swiddens. Two or three family units usually occupy houses, and these are usually within sight even if dispersed. Proximity of these houses constitutes a neighborhood, which is loosely organized into a larger discrete domain with all of the households related through various kin relationships. Families are either nuclear or polygynous.\n\nTraditionally, each domain has a headman, bagani, whose word is considered law and who wears distinctive red clothing. He is the recognized protector of the community. His rule is tempered by an advisory council, angtutukay, usually composed of community elders. With the disappearance of the bagani social structure at present, the civil structures of the barangay prevail. There still exists, however, a conflict between the established civil authority and the informal authorities.\n\nThe Mandaya/Mansaka women are famous for their distinctive dresses and ornaments. Their tie-dye weaving and embroidery are intertwined through a sophisticated symbolic art system that evolved design motifs that each have names. The binulanbulan motif, for instance, consists of nested circles representing the moon, and suksuk ng kasili represents fish scales. These motifs are embroidered on blouses against a contrasting red or black background. The beadwork and silver craft on body ornaments mark this group as one of the most noteworthy in terms of art. Unique among Filipino ethno-linguistic groups are the women’s large ornate silver breast ornaments (platina), their multiple fossil shell arm bracelets, and their embroidered blouses. The men wear a distinctive narrow hat constructed from the shaft of a palm frond.

The traditional musical instruments of Myanmar were prominent throughout the nation’s history. The instruments were developed as early as the Pyu Era, Bagan Era and many were dominant features of music during the Innwa Era and Konbaung Era.\n\nWhile some of these instruments have been preserved and are used today, others have been lost to history.\nIn an attempt to preserve the traditional musical instruments of Myanmar, the Ministry of Culture displayed traditional instruments and distributed the books about the instruments during an exhibition in 1955. This research shows thirty-three kinds of instruments. Moreover, in a 2003 celebration of traditional instruments, the Ministry of Culture exhibited over two hundred traditional instruments at the national museum.\nWhile the instruments on display were representative of many regions and states, many instruments were not included.\nBecause of this lack of full representativeness, additional research through field studies is required. This project proposal addresses this need.\n\nTo create a preliminary basis towards developing a national ICH inventory of craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments in Myanmar. To safeguard ICH related to the craftsmanship and performing arts of traditional musical instruments and to promote cultural diversity among multi- ethnic groups in Myanmar. To raise awareness of the Myanmar public on the importance of ICH. To expand networking and information sharing between Myanmar and Korea.

Intangible cultural heritage (ICH) is transnational in nature. It is necessary to spread the perception that ICH transcends geographical spaces and national borders, creating dynamic relations, connectedness, and continuity, which is why it is a timeless bearer of cultural diversity, the foundation of the heritage of humanity. However, as the modern structure of nation-state determines the boundaries of culture with national borders, forming the concept of “culture within the country”, subsequently led to the perception that the ownership of culture belongs to the state.\n\nThe concept of exclusive ownership of culture is often controversial in the UNESCO listing process, particularly in instances where cultural heritage and cultural domains have been shared for a long time by two or more nation-states. Such conflicts lead to excessive competition for nomination, overshadowing UNESCO’s fundamental purpose of contributing to peace and security in the world by promoting collaboration among nations, as well as the very spirit of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage that promotes international cooperation and assistance in the safeguarding of ICH as a matter of general interest to humanity.\n\nConsequently, UNESCO encourages multinational inscriptions of shared intangible cultural heritage to promote regional cooperation and international safeguarding activities, preventing conflicts among countries and coping with already existing ones. By emphasizing joint nominations of shared ICH, UNESCO revised its implementation guidelines three times to deal with conflicts between countries due to the cultural property rights. In addition, States Parties are encouraged to develop networks among relevant communities, experts, professional centres, and research institutes, particularly with regard to their ICH, to cooperate at the sub-regional and regional levels.\n\nAt the 13th Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage held in the Republic of Mauritius in November 2018, Traditional Korean Wrestling was inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity as the first joint designation by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea. This milestone in the life of the Convention demonstrates that ICH contributes to the peace-building, reconciliation, mutual understanding, and solidarity among peoples. Indeed, only when acknowledging that shared cultural values are empowering characteristics of ICH, the true perspective of the unifying agent of the cultural diversity can be achieved, and that it is the cornerstone of reaching peace among nations.\n\nCountries in the Asia Pacific region are deeply connected by a long history of interactions, exchanges, flows of people, goods, and ideas that have shaped shared values, practices, and traditions. Having a balanced view, advocating for cultural diversity, and recognizing the commonalities among individuals, communities, and countries as a strength are virtuous tenets in the present time.\n\nIn this regard, APHEN-ICH Secretariat, ICHCAP, and UNESCO Bangkok Office are inviting the APHEN-ICH member institutes and public to this seminar under the theme of Diversity and Distinctiveness: Looking into the Shared ICH in the Asia-Pacific, to re-assess that while fragile, intangible cultural heritage is an important factor in maintaining cultural diversity, connecting bounds, and enhancing international dialogue and peace.

On 12 and 13 November 2020, ICHCAP and the ICH NGO Forum virtually held the 2020 ICH NGO Conference entitled “ICH and Resilience in Crisis.” The fifteen participants, including eleven selected presenters from ten countries around the world, discussed various cases and activities of each country applied under the Corona-era, and proposed solidarity for the resilience of ICH for a ‘New Normal.’\n\nSession 1: In the Vortex: COVID-19 Era, Roles of NGOs to Safeguard ICH\n\nSpecial Lecture 1: 'Resilience System Analysis' by Roberto Martinez Yllescas, Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in Mexico\n1. 'Uncovering the veil of immaterial cultural heritage towards and autonomous management of well-being as well as cultural and territorial preservation' by Carolina Bermúdez, Fundación Etnollano\n2. 'Holistic Development Model of Community-Based Intangible Cultural Heritage of Yuen Long District in Hong Kong of China' by Kai-kwong Choi, Life Encouraging Fund \n3. 'Indigenous Knowledge System as a vector in combating COVID-19' by Allington Ndlovu, Amagugu International Heritage Centre\n4. 'Enlivening Dyeing Tradition and ICH: The initiative of ARHI in North East of India' by Dibya Jyoti Borah, President, ARHI\n\nSession 2: Homo Ludens vs. Home Ludens: Changed Features COVID-19 Brought\n\n1. 'The Popular Reaction to COVID-19 from the Intangible Cultural Heritage among Member Cities of the ICCN' by Julio Nacher, ICCN Secretariat, Algemesi, Spain\n2. 'Innovation for Arts and Cultural Education Amid a Pandemic' by Jeff M. Poulin, Creative Generation\n3. 'Promoting Heritage Education through Intangible Cultural Heritage in the Kalasha Valleys of Pakistan' by Ghiasuddin Pir & Meeza Ubaid, THAAP\n4. 'Shifting to Online Activities: Digital Divide among the NGOs and ICH Communities in Korea' by Hanhee Hahm CICS\n\nSession 3: Consilience: Prototype vs. Archetype for Educational Source\n\nSpecial Lecture 2: 'Geographical imbalance: the challenge of getting a more balanced representation of accredited non-governmental organizations under the 2003 Convention' by Matti Hakamäki, Finnish Folk Music Institute\n1. 'Crafting a Post Covid-19 World: Building Greater Resilience in the Crafts Sector through Strengthening Ties with its Community’s Cultural System' by Joseph Lo, World Crafts Council International\n2. 'Arts and Influence: Untangling Corporate Engagement in the Cultural Sector' by Nicholas Pozek, Asian Legal Programs, Columbia University\n3. 'ICH in the South-Western Alps: Empowering Communities through Youth Education on Nature and Cultural Practices' by Alessio Re & Giulia Avanza, Santagata Foundation for the Economy of Culture\n\n

According to statistics data of 2009, Phù lá ethnic minority had over ten thousand people, mostly living in Lào Cai. Phù lá ethnic minority lives in different small hamlets, each of which usually has between ten and fifteen roofs. The Phù lá lives in a region with many other ethnic minorities, such as Hmông, Dao, and Tày. The village elders or chiefs and family heads have a significant role in managing most affairs in the hamlets. The Phù Lá still preserves their traditional culture with the important annual rituals, such as the Lunar New Year (Tết Nguyên Đán), Holly Forest Worship Ceremony (Cúng thần rừng), the July Festival (Tết tháng bảy), the new rice festival at the beginning of October (tết cơm mới đầu tháng 10), Naming ceremony for baby (đặt tên con), funerals (tang ma), etc. Forms of folk music in the lives of Phù Lá people has not been much collected so far. The musical piece “A happy tune” is a solo for a string instrument meant to entertain Phù lá people. This is one of the few Phù lá recordings. It was recorded by the Vietnamese Institute for Musicology in 1959.

Dafa Bhajan originated with the Jyapu community of the Newar caste in the Kathmandu Valley. It is usually performed when people gather in their local temple either in the morning before breakfast or in the evening after dinner. Nowadays, Dafa Bhajan is rarely played, and only by Jyapu elders.\nInstruments: pachhimaa, khin, babhu, khwalimali, baansuri

This chant is from Ifaluk Island and is sung when pulling heavy objects like logs. The chant portrays how men from the island went fishing and caught lots of fish for the whole island. It also talks about the knowledge passed on from the elders. The chant is sung by kids when they play on the beach in the evening. Some of these chants were composed for newborn babies to put them to sleep. They are called Arhiuwerhu Wen Fan Luneoyiun.

This selection is about the history of navigation between Satawal and Woleai atolls. It shows how difficult it is to navigate between islands and how some people went missing during expeditions. It also features the history of traditional chants composed for log pulling. These were sung when native Yapese pulled big logs to build a canoe or traditional Yapese houses.

The genre Lý is a common performance genre across all three regions of the country, although it could be the most popular in the Southern region. Pétrus Ky, a renowned Vietnamese scholar, once mentioned the saying “Southern region has lý, Huế region has hò, Northern region has thơ.” (Nam lý Huế hò Bắc thơ) as it points out how lý is a specialty of the Southern locals. In reality, lý not only has its mainstream popularity but also achieved a high level of craft and essence in traditional culture and professional life of the Southern region.\n\nNam Bộ (Southern Vietnam) is the area resides on the south side of Vietnam, including six provinces in the East and 13 provinces in the West. On a geographically level, the land of Nam Bộ is a stable region, in contrast to its cultural environment that is constantly changing and evolving.\n\nNam Bộ is home to various ethnic communities, such as the Việt people, the Kh'mer people, the Chăm people, the Hoa people, the Châu Ro people, the S'tiêng people, the Mạ people...And so, this has created a legacy to Nam Bộ folk performances and culture on this land. However, project "Phong hoa ca vịnh" only limits to the performance traditions of the Viet people, specifically the genres of ru, hò, and lý.\n\nFrom what was described about the early 20th centuries, it is evident how Nam Bộ art performance scene has rapidly transformed. No longer the time where lovers freely conversing their hearts by the rivers, all has sank into oblivion. Even the ru melodies have stopped lingering on the mother's lips, lost within the memories of her children. Culture and its nature of constantly evolving have opened up a contemporary cultural space that can response with today's society. The cyberspace, despite being "unreal", but it's meaningful enough to create an environment that filled with the poetry of ru, the melodies of lý, the bustling groove of hò - Where they have gathered a range of humanly emotions.\n\nThe songs (Lý) is like a river that flows with affection, where it carries the messages of the elders of Nam Bộ. Lý has the capacity to exist independently, express through it's performance nature. We can get to observe lý when it comes to themes about the many faces and complexities of life. It's like a reflective mirror on all things, events, ideas, and affections that come from humans, from the birds, the trees, the flowers, the river, the ferry, the bridge, the moon,...Every visual images and invisible sentiments are inhibited within those songs and lyrics.\n\nResearch by Mr. Le Hai Dang\nTranslated by Ms. Ha Hoang Minh Trang

CD1_BHAJANS OF NEPALI FOLK CULTURE\n\nA bhajan is a spiritual chant in traditional Nepalese culture that is performed mainly in temples. The lyrics typically recount the good deeds of various gods and goddesses. It is believed that the performance of a bhajan brings about peace and prosperity and an improved quality of life for all living beings. Bhajans of Nepali Folk Culture This CD includes examples from four distinct categories of bhajan, namely Devi Bhajan, Dafa Bhajan, Khainjadi Bhajan, and Usha Charitra Bhajan.

The northern mountainous regions are the residential land of the Kinh people and twenty-eight out of fifty-four ethnic minorities in Vietnam. This land has diverse forms of folk culture in general and folk music in particular. The CD, Folk Music of Some Ethnic Minorities in the Northern Mountainous Regions of Vietnam introduces some repertoires of folk music that were recorded in 1959 (tracks 1, 2, 5, and 7), in 1964 (tracks 10 and 15) and in 1970 (tracks 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, and 16) and performed by folk artists from minority ethnic groups, such as Thái, Tày, Nùng, Cao lan, Phù lá, Hmông, of the northern mountainous regions. Although the sound quality of the recordings isn’t that good, the materials will be valuable to history and art researchers and those who love folk music. The recordings allow listeners to compare folk art of a time that was almost isolated with the outside world with folk art of our time—the time of Internet.

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 7 is 'ICH AND PUPPETRY.'

ICH Courier is the quarterly magazine on ICH in the Asia-Pacific region issued by ICHCAP since 2009. Every issue has its own theme under the title of the Windows to ICH, and the theme of the Vol 24 is 'Wedding Ceremonies.'

Oral tradition consists of diverse narratives. It is passed on by word of mouth as everyday wisdom and transmitted through the generations. After that, it becomes infused in a region’s history, philosophy, and way of life, thus forming the foundation for a community’s knowledge systems. This volume introduces traditional tales in Sri Lanka, Palau, Kyrgyzstan, and Vietnam.

Communities in the Asia-Pacific region greet the New Year at different times depending on region and religion. Communities celebrate a new beginning with traditional songs and dances. This volume introduces traditional performing arts to celebrate the beginning of the New Year in Japan, Nepal, Micronesia, and Myanmar.