The body of the harp is made of good quality Padauk wood. It is not as same as the Myanmar Harp because it is curved in the shape of the hull of a boat. The arm of the harp is made of PJn:ma (kind of large timber tree/ larger stroemiaspecion). The floral scroll-work is curved at the top of the arm and the square shape of the peg is used to tune the strings of harp. The reed of the harp is made of cutch wood. The body of young cow’s skin is covered the body of sound body. There are nine harp strings that are put on it. The creeper strings and the cane strings were yarned together as the harp strings which were used in the past time. Nowadays, steel strings are put on as the harp strings. When making the Karean harp ,first, go to the deep forest and make offering consisting of hands of bananas, coconut etc. The harp is made to be finished in the forest. Before putting the strings on it, it has to be made to gain magical power using star-flower, jasmine, the rock dammar flower, the frangipani flower, the vachellia flower (kind of fragrant flower) and the tiger-lady (species of orchid ). After making the harp, women don’t touch and hold it to make it more magical power according to Karean’s Tradition or custom.\nThe playing method of the Karean Harp is easy and simple. It can be easily learned to play by hearing musical scale up and down when the skillful player is playing it. After tuning the harp strings, it is held tenderly to the bosom. Left hand is placed with five or six strings for opening and closing tunes. The rest of one to four strings have to be played with the right thumb and forefinger.

Indigenous Medicine of Sri Lanka (Hela Wedakama) is an ancient wisdom tradition of healthcare and healing practices inherited by cultural heritage unique to native people. Indigenous medical knowledge and practices dispersed throughout the country are culture-bound repository of ancestral wisdom prevailed through generations. HELA WEDA MAHIMA is a sector-specific ICH production that presents most of ICH elements pertaining to livelihoods and craftsmanship associated with indigenous medical sector. Therefore selection of captions and stories should be very authentic and genuine to represent the heritage of culture and traditional identities of indigenous medicine in Sri Lanka. \n\nEye glasses.\nIn the 14th century, spectacle lenses referred to as Diyatharippu made by hereditary workers in Uda Dumbara. This industry was started, it is said, during the time of Bhuwaneka Bahu IV (1344-1353).The most fascinating craftsman, Mr.Gunasoma in Kahambe, is an eighth generation craftsman (and probably the last) of the Diyatharippu paramparaawa—the first in the world to have made spectacles as it is claimed.

#bhutan #bhutantravel #bhutanculture #유네스코아태무형유산센터 #unesco \n\nThe Bhutanese tradition of xylography and printing was begun in the 15th century by Terton (Hidden treasure discoverer) Pema Lingpa (1450-1521) and his sons, creating the root of virtues for the wellbeing of both living and dead in the country. Thereafter, the biography of the Terton and his collected works were printed on woodblocks and distributed to his residential monasteries and his patrons both in Bhutan and Tibet.\n\nFollowing the arrival of Zhabdrung Ngawang Namgyal (1594-1651) in Bhutan, the hitherto divided country was united under the main influence of the dual system of governance. Thereafter, the successive abbots of the monastic system and heads of the temporal system and then the successive far-sighted kings of the Wangchuck Dynasty, together with the heads of various other schools of Buddhism have continued to uphold the tradition. Skills training in woodblock making, engraving and printing were facilitated to provide sufficient copies of works on science and crafts, and the biographies and excellent teachings to be distributed to the communities of ordained monks and practitioners, dzongs and temples throughout the country. Therefore, Trashigang in the east, Trongsa in the centre, and Punakha and Paro in the west of the country became popular centres for such activities, until the reign of 3rd King Jigme Dorji Wangchuck (1928-1972).\n\nStarting 1970s, however, distribution has entered into a commercial phase, with increasing numbers of scriptural works being offset printed in India and then returned to Bhutan for distribution. At the same time, the interest in and practice of the traditional method of printing on woodblocks have been gradually losing their value among the users. Nowadays, printing machines have been set up in ever increasing numbers countrywide and these can produce, in larger quantities and within a very short time, scriptural volumes and other books that have a clear typeface, and are colourful and pleasing in appearance. On the one hand, this is a clear indication of progress in economic development, but on the other, this has become one of the main reasons for losing the precious heritage of woodblock print, among others.\n\nTransmission method\nIn Bhutan, the transmission of the knowledge and skills related to Xylography printing is usually undertaken by teaching or engaging the interested candidates in the printing process. The process normally requires two persons for better results, but one person alone can also do the job in cases of urgency when there is no one else available to help. The woodblock is first placed flat on a printing bench. The following steps are followed for printing.\n\nFor more information please visit \nhttps://www.ichlinks.com/archive/elements/elementsV.do?nation=BT&page=1&urlAnchor=txt&elementsUid=13874510342886677176&mode=grid&searchText=printing&orderCd=A&countrys=BT

Tholpavakoothu is a form of shadow puppetry unique to central Kerala, in southern India . It is performed in permanent temple theatres as a form of ritual primarily honouring the Goddess of Bhadrakali. It enacts the hindu epic Ramayana in a version based on the Tamil Ramayana of Kambar. A highly flexible narrative allows a typical cycle of Tholpavakoothu to extend between seven and twenty one nights, depending on the performance commissioned and sponsored locally. After remaining largely unknown to the West, until the twentieth century, recent scholarship has established its ancient beginnings, while also highlighting the absence of a detailed account of the Art in performance over centuries of its existence. Long ago the creator Bhrahma blessed a demons and as a result of his blessing she gave birth to a son named Darika. When this Demon boy grew up, he became so strong that he turned out to be a threat and a constant source of harassment to the gods. sages and hermits .They approached Lord Shiva for help .In order to kill Darika shiva created the goddess Bhadrakali from the kaalakooda poison lodged in his throat . A fierce fight ensued between Darika and Bhadrakali ,lasting several days. Finally Bhadrakali killed Darika. While Bhadrakali was engaged in fighting Darika,Rama was fighting Ravana.So Bhadrakali was not able to see Rama and Ravana fight. That is why the Ramayana story is enacted in her presence through Tholpavakoothu. Theme and LyricsnThe theme of tholpavakoothu is Ramayana story extending from birth of Rama to his coronation, presented in 21 parts over 21 days. The story of Ramayana is written in 21 parts especially for pavakoothu . This composition which is a mixture of prose and verse is called adalpattu. Adal is acting and pattu is relating to . Since the composition is related to the enactment of Ramayana story it is called adalpattu.\nn The verse of this composition is collectively called koothukavikal; kavikal means verse or poems. Many of this verses are from Kamba Ramayana ,the Ramayana in Tamil by the poet Kambar .But tholpavakoothu performers have changed many of Kambar’s verses and in some places had added their own to meet the purpose of ritual. Scholars differ about the date. Kambar wrote Ramayana in Tamil because Valmilki Ramayana was not accepted among common people .He lived in 9th century A.D. Some say it is 13th century AD. But common opinion is that he lived at Tanjavur during the period of Chola dynasty in the 12th c AD.\n Kambar’s Ramayana is based on Valmiki’s epic, but his presentation and style of narration are most dramatic. This long epic poem containing 20,000 verses is divided into six sections: Balakanda, Ayodhyakanda, Aryakanda, krishkindhakanda, and Yuddhakanda. In addition to verse borrowed from the Kamba Ramayana the performers have added their own verses. A few verses are in Sanskrit and some area mixture of Tamil and Sankrit. Tholpavakoothu, performed every year in the temples of Bhadhrakali ,is regarded as the part of ritualistic worship of goddess. The Arayankavu Temple near Shornur is famous for its Tholpavakoothu because of the attendant ceremonies. The administration of this temple was completely under the control of Kavalapara Muppil Nair . The family attached much importance to pavakoothu and regarded the annual performance at the temple as solemn religious duty. There was a reason for this. At a point of time there were no children in Kavalappara family, and there was a danger that the danger that the family would die out for want to heirs. The family they conducted Tholpavakoothu in the temple as an offering to the goddess and children were born. Since then the family has conducted pavakoothu in the temple every on a grand scale showing the whole of Ramayana from Rama’s birth to his coronation. Ganapathi Iravi Maharajan, who was then the head of the Kavalappara family ,firmly established this tradition of presenting every year at Aryankavu Temple. nTholpavakoothu puppets are made of deer skin. The figures are drawn on the skin by cut out and embellished with dots, lines and holes. The skin is first stretched taut on a smooth board, nailed at the corners to keep it stretched and in position. It is then smeared and rubbed with ash, a process which leaves a thin layer of ash on the skin, and exposed to the sun till dry. When the skin is completely dehumidified all the hair on it is removed by scraping with a sharp edged piece of bamboo. nThen the puppet figure is drawn clearly on it and cut with a fine chisel. The eyes, nose and lips are also drawn on the puppet and cut out. Ornaments and dress are drawn by drilling different kinds of holes in the skin for which special pointed chisel are used. When the puppet is ready it has the same thickness as the original piece of leather.\n The puppets are painted in different colours. The original method of making red dye was by boiling the bark of chappanga tree, black by mixing gum from neem and soot from a coconut oil lamp and blue from boiling neeli leaves in water. The shadows of the puppet on the screen are black, but these become very attractive when shades of other colours merge in them. To prevent the puppet from bending, a thin strip of smoothened bamboo is fastened vertically along the middle on either side. The arms of the puppet are provided with movable joints. There are usually three joints on an arm.\n Puppets are usually made showing them in sitting, walking and fighting postures. In puppets in sitting and moving postures only one arm is movable; both arms are movable in puppets in fighting posture. There are puppets of birds, animals, trees and even for the sea, The puppets of deer and snake are provided with joints that enable them to bend and move their bodies. nThe expression on faces of the puppets indicates their characters. When the shadows of puppets are seen on the screen in the light of oil lamps, they resemble the sculptures in the temples.\nThe puppets have to make gestures and movement in conformity with the narration or dialogue. The puppeteers manipulate their puppets in this way: with one hand they hold the puppet by the lower end of the bamboo strip fastened to the puppet and with a stick in the other hand they make the puppet perform the required movements. The stick they use is usually a thin strip of bamboo some 50 cm long. At the end of the stick, tied to it with a string, is a very thin strip of wood not more than 3cm long. nThis thin end piece is inserted in a hole in the puppets hand when a hand movement is required. The movable arms and fingers are uniform in shape in almost all puppets. The most common hand gesture is the chidmudra- which represents peace, by joining the tips of thumb and first finger, keeping other fingers stretched.\nAfter the ritualistic ceremonies the nandi-shlokha, a hymn in praise of Ganapati is sung. At this the puppet of Ganapati is shown on the screen. The Brahmin characters called pattar pavas are shown on the next. These Brahmin are known by such names as-Moothapattar holding an umbrella, Malleesapattar holding a veeshari, Gangayaadipattar holding a theerthakudam, and Somayajipattar holding a kaavadi. They come from the four regions- north, south, east and westnAs they appear on the screen, the Brahmin’s sung the glories of mahavishnu and explains the greatness and importance of their yagas for the welfare of the mankind. They also praise the other gods and afterwards are supposed to praise the gurus of Tholpavakoothu; but as these guru’s are shudras, the Brahmins cannot praise them. So they leave the stage saying that the function of praising the gurus must be performed by the puppeteers themselves. This is done by the puppeteers. After this the pattar pavas appear again on the screen and sing hymns in praise of Ganapati, Saraswathi, Mahavishnu and Parameshwara.\nThis is followed by a ceremony called sadyavazhthkal- which is the praise of families which have played host to members of puppet troupe that day and offered them hospitality. While praising these families, the puppeteers give a detailed description of the feast offered by them. When the sadyavazhthal is over, a performer summarizes the part of the story to be shown that day. This is followed by paramparamala, where the puppeteers sing hymns in praise of Subrahmanya, Ganapati, Shiva and Krishna, touching the lamps behind the screen as a sign of devotion. Then they begin the koothu. These ritualistic observances such as kalarichintu and paramparamala are performed every day before the koothu commences. It is performed in 7,14,21,41, or 71 days depending upon the custom practiced in the templenIn the course of performance, the performers give explanations and interpretations of the verses, depending on the context. Often they have to bring out the depth and range of the meaning of the words. Where a verse contains allusions or some inner significance, the explanation may continue for as much as an hour.

In the rugged landscapes of Timor-Leste, where dry seasons can stretch long and food insecurity remains a reality for many, the people have long relied on their deep knowledge of wild, resilient crops. Among them is Koto-Tisi—a hard, dark wild bean that offers vital sustenance but must be carefully prepared to remove its natural toxins. What might appear at first glance to be just another seed is, in fact, a symbol of survival, ecological wisdom, and ancestral resilience.\n\nThe bean is typically found growing on hardy, thorny shrubs or climbing vines in semi-wild areas. It is gathered primarily by women, who know when the pods are ready to be picked and how to handle them safely. The challenge lies not in harvesting but in transforming Koto-Tisi into something edible—an intricate cooking process that has been passed down through generations.\n\nPreparation begins with repeated boiling and rinsing, sometimes up to five or six times. Each round helps to leach out the toxic compounds present in the bean. The water must be discarded each time, and the beans carefully watched to ensure that they soften without disintegrating. After boiling, the beans are often sun-dried and stored for later use, to be boiled again before eating or ground into a starchy paste.\n\nThe process is labor-intensive and demands both patience and precision. Elders in the community emphasize that the knowledge of how to process Koto-Tisi is not written in books—it lives in memory, movement, and the rhythms of daily life. To rush the process or ignore the sequence could lead to poisoning. For this reason, children are taught to observe closely, assisting their mothers or grandmothers and gradually learning the delicate balance between danger and nourishment.\n\nIn times of drought, scarcity, or natural disaster, Koto-Tisi becomes a lifeline. Its ability to grow in harsh conditions, with little water or care, makes it a dependable fallback when cultivated crops fail. But it is more than a survival food—it is also a testament to how culture and ecology intertwine. The knowledge required to use it safely reflects a deep respect for the land, a skillset honed through centuries of careful experimentation and oral transmission.\n\nToday, as dietary patterns change and imported food becomes more available, the practice of preparing Koto-Tisi is fading in some areas. But in others, it remains a respected tradition—especially among elders who see it not only as food but as a story, a ritual, and a reminder of community strength in the face of adversity.

The Kreung wedding, the bride and the groom first meet through the occasional drinking pot rice wine ceremony with relatives in the village. It was an opportunity for the two of them to get to know each other before they decided to be a couple. In their tradition, when they agree to be together, the men always go to sleep at the daughter's house at night, but they do not dare to do anything foolish to break their tradition. If the father of the daughter finds a matchmaker to find out who the son is and why he came to sleep at his daughter's house, the father has to ask the matchmaker to make a deal with the men and follow traditional penalties, such as: forcing them to marry at once or get fine with gifts, namely: 1 buffalo, 1 pig, 1 chicken and a pot of rice wine. If the son and daughter acknowledge that they are in love, then the matchmaker begins to inform the son's parents. And if the son's parents are satisfied with the daughter as well, they will continue to let their son visit the girl’s house regularly. During that time, the men had to work at the daughter's house for a year, while the daughter also helped with the work too.

A good quality of bamboo was chopped during the month when bamboos were chopped and then they have to be smoked or dried or fumed or desiccated. Two bamboo pipes are inserted into the dried gourd which glue bees wax. There is a hole at the top of the dried gourd. According to the song, it has to be blown the air at the top of the dried gourd to produce song. When the instrument of Theang Pa is blown, five kinds of Theang Pa instruments which have five tunes are blown together at the same time. The instruments of Theang Pa are divided into first tune, second tune, third tune, fourth tune and fifth tune.

Sakha, conch bangle, has religious significance in the everyday life of the Hindus. According to Hindu mythology, sacred conch symbolizes the purity and chastity of women, and loyalty to their husbands. Godess Parvati, wife of Lord Shiva, had worn the very first pair of conch bangles, crafted by Viswakarma. Thereafter, Sakha have become the emblem of married Bangali Hindu woman. A pair of conch bangles is an essential adornment for all married woman as it brings fame and prosperity to one’s husband in everyday life.\nThis age-old intangible cultural heritage of Bangladesh is on the verge of extinction today because of multifarious reasons relating to the life and livelihoods of the Sakha craftsmen. This visual narrative explores their struggle of everyday life and challenges they are facing under rapidly transforming social realities of Bangladesh.\nThe Sakha is a handcrafted work of art having a rich history and heritage since unknown time. This beautiful and delicate artwork is done by the Sakhaartisans, the Sakharis. The Sakharis came to Dhaka during the 17th century, while the Mughals, impressed by their craftsmanship, allotted an entire area to these artisans now known as Sakhari Bazar, a neighbourhood in Old Dhaka city.

This instrument was firstly created by U Dee Yaw Hel and played in the 19th National Races Traditional performing Arts Competition. First, halve a piece of cassia wood with a length of two and half feet in order to carve it into the guitar body. The reason of having two frets is to produce traditional tunes of two Chain-ngo and Gwar-chichi-bu guitars. Each fret has four strings and there are six sound holes on the guitar body. The upper fret makes Gwar-chi-chi-bu sound and the lower one produces Chain-ngo sound. This two fretted guitar is created to play these two traditional tunes in the same time, instead of playing two guitars.\n-2 feet 7 inches in Length\n-1 feet 2 inches in Length of guitar body\n-10 inches in Width of guitar body\n-2.5 inches in Thickness of fret\n-1 feet 5 inches in Length of fret\n-3 inches in Distance between two frets

Yohor, singing round dance of the Buryat ethnic group in Mongolia, the Buryat Republic of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China, is a complex phenomenon of poetry, melody, and movement. Eldest woman starts the Yohor dance. Yohor consists of three parts, in the first part, people start appealing other people to do Yohor. They say words “Yohoroo khatariya! khatarysh”. It means let’s do the Yohor dance. These signal words remind to people it’s time to dance Yohor. In the second part, people stand in circle formation holding hands and singing in a low pitch, start moving foot steps forward; or sideward steps; or backward jumps in circle path with arms gestures as moves up, down and sideward. In combination with changes of melody rhythm, the dance movements are changed into stamping, hopping, leaping, and steps are replaced by jumps. In the end of the dance, people say the word “hatariya hatarysh”.

▶ Play Video 4. A Sound for the Spirits The Buklog of the Subanons\nThis is a shortened version of the Travel Time episode “A Subanon Celebration,” which was first aired on Filipino television on March 21, 1996. This episode has been modified from its original format.\n\nAnimals were offered in the context of the Subanon cultural ritual.\n\nThe Subanon or Subanun people of the upstream may be found on the western Peninsula. The population core areas are in Katipunan. The known subgroups parallel the linguistic variations and micro-adaptations to social and physical environment and comprise: (1) Misamis, (2) Lapuyan, (3) Sindangan, (4) Tuboy, and (5) Salug.\n\nThe cultural and technological adaptation is upland riverine. They practice swidden cultivation on mountain slopes. The traditional settlement pattern is highly dispersed with a few residential structures on top of ridges near potable water sources. The houses are placed adjacent to cultivated fields. They favor locations near springs where water gushes out of rocks over contiguous to streams.\n\nRice is the preferred food crop, but fields are also rotated and intercropped, planted with corn, sweet potato, and cassava. Land problems and soil degradation have forced some of the people to recourse to wet rice agriculture where the topography allows. Metal craft and backstrap weaving are practiced. They have maintained trade with coastal peoples for centuries, as indicated by the presence of Asian stone and ceramic trade wares. Present-day Subanon are usually nonaggressive. There are indications that in the past, the people were required to provide a “soul companion” for an important deceased relative.\n\nUnique to the Subanon is their set of rituals, the buklog, the main feature of which is a huge dancing platform (buklogan). This structure is raised some 10 to 18 feet high and consists of a highly resilient platform supported at the corners by upright posts. A long pole is passed through the middle of the platform and extends upwards like a maypole. Below it is a short thick hollowed log that lies above a trench filled with empty jars functioning as resonating chambers. The pole rises and falls when dancers rhythmically bounce on the platform. The booming sound invites people to come and join in the ritual and festival. There is feasting, wining, and dancing lasting for days, with as many as two hundred people dancing on the buklogan continuously, day and night.\n\nThe ritual consists of a complex set of rites performed before the culminating event, usually near waterways, and which serve to propitiate spirits. The buklog is a prestige ritual that has a multitude of functions, such as celebrating well- being and a good harvest, and giving thanks to appease spirits after an illness. It may also honor personalities, welcome back homecomers, or praise a new timuay (leader). Finally, it is held to pay respects to the spirits of the dead, for the final sending of the spirit of the ancestor and the death anniversary of a grandparent.\n\nThe Subanen form a subgroup and are related to the Subanon but are concentrated in Siocon, Zamboanga del Norte.

A huge gap in the ecosystem is that despite the important roles the Chinese clan associations play in Singapore’s nation-building and promotion of cultural understanding, many younger generation Singaporean are not aware of their existence, much less their relevance. According to the Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations in 2017, “more than half of the clan associations are in danger of fading away, if they do not actively attract younger members”. This project addresses this important gap by creating ground-up initiatives which could spur interest amongst the public and actively engage the youth to continue the lifeline of Chinese clan associations. Moreover, the aged clan members are living treasure troves to our past. However, there hasn’t been sufficient projects that tap into their knowledge about our less-known food history, traditions, and customs. This project serves as a stepping stone to spark conversations and ignite interest in uncovering more about our rich Singaporean food heritage before they are lost in the time.\n\nHaving spent more than half her life with clan associations, Lynn Wong is passionate about uncovering and sharing the lesser-known Singaporean Chinese clan heritage with the youth. She is the project director of Ho Yeah Festival (the first-ever Cantonese and Hakka festival in Singapore), as well as the recipient of the inaugural Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations (SFCCA) Outstanding Youth Award in 2017.\n\nTexts\n\nQingming Festival is a time for ancestor veneration and tomb sweeping. There is a popular saying, “Of all virtues, filial piety comes first.” Ancestor veneration is an important Chinese tradition. During Qingming Festival, descendants will make ancestral offerings to express their love and gratitude. Our Singapore Hakka forefathers from the Wui Chiu Prefecture have a must-have Qingming traditional snack – the Mugwort Kueh. Families coming together to wrap Mugwort Kueh is a more than 1000-year-old tradition of the Wui Chiu people. The mugwort leaf is said to be a miracle herb that can cure all kinds of diseases.